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in  2010  with  funding  from 

Lyrasis  IVIembers  and  Sloan  Foundation 


http://www.archive.org/details/swedishsettlem01john 


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PREFACE. 


"  The  springs  of  American  civilization,"  says  Francis  Park- 
man,  "  unlike  those  of  the  elder  world,  lie  revealed  in  the  clear 
light  of  history." 

It  is  the  purpose  of  the  present  investigation  to  reveal  one  of 
these  many  small  springs  of  American  civilization.  It  will  not 
be  a  complete  history  of  the  Swedish  settlements  on  the  South 
River,  for  a  complete  account  of  New  Sweden,  or  of  any  other 
colony,  will  never  be  written;  but  it  will  present,  in  as  clear  a 
light  and  as  extensive  a  manner  as  the  documents  at  hand 
allow,  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Delaware  settlements,  not 
only  as  to  their  political,  but  also  as  to  their  social,  economic  and 
religious  aspects.  The  settlements  were  small  and  it  might  seem 
that  two  volumes  devoted  to  so  short  a  period  of  a  single  colony 
will  tend  to  emphasize  its  significance  unduly  and  that  the  labor 
expended  in  the  preparation  of  so  exhaustive  a  study  is  not  at 
all  commensurate  with  the  relative  importance  of  the  theme; 
but  the  beginnings,  however  small,  and  the  springs,  however  in- 
significant, whence  some  of  the  civilization  and  culture,  some 
of  the  strength  and  power,  of  a  great  nation  have  sprung,  are 
worthy  of  the  closest  consideration  and  the  most  painstaking 
research. 

The  investigation  was  begun  five  years  ago.  The  author's 
intention  was  then  to  write  an  account  of  the  religious  and  edu- 
cational activity  of  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  from  1638  until 
1 83 1,  and  a  mass  of  material  was  collected  for  that  period;  but 
it  was  soon  found  that,  since  a  great  deal  of  new  matter  on  the 
political  history  of  the  colony  was  discovered  in  the  archives  of 
Sweden,  it  would  be  necessary  to  limit  the  treatise,  if  anything 
like  an  exhaustive  study  was  to  be  produced  in  a  reasonable  time. 
The  author  has  made  three  trips  to  Sweden,  two  to  Holland  and 


viii  Preface. 

England,  and  one  to  Finland,  in  search  of  documents  and  mate- 
rials. The  first  of  these  was  largely  devoted  to  the  visiting  of 
Swedish  church  archives  and  to  the  collecting  of  material  which, 
to  a  great  extent,  could  not  be  used  for  the  present  work,  as  the 
matter  mostly  covers  a  period  later  than  1664.  The  other  two 
journeys  were  confined  to  the  searching  for  material  relating  to 
the  years  1638  to  1664,  and  the  author  visited  The  Hague, 
Amsterdam,  London,  Oxford,  Stockholm,  Lund,  Upsala,  and 
other  principal  places  in  Sweden  and  Finland,  where  documents 
of  any  kind  were  presen'^ed.  The  great  bulk  of  the  new 
material  has,  of  course,  come  from  Stockholm  and  Upsala, 
while  London,  The  Hague  and  other  places  have  furnished 
some  important  data.  The  facts  relating  to  the  companies  and 
their  activities  and  to  the  colony  are  based  entirely  on  sources 
and  almost  two-thirds  of  the  introduction  is  likewise  the  result 
of  original  investigation.  All  the  books  on  the  subject,  whether 
important  or  not,  have  been  examined,  which  are  given  in  the 
bibliography  (none  being  knowingly  omitted),  while  works  on 
other  subjects  than  New  Sweden  that  have  been  referred  to 
once  or  relatively  few  times  are  not  listed  in  the  bibliography 
but  are  included  in  the  index. 

The  author  has  examined  and  read  every  document  on  the 
subject  known  to  exist.  Copies  or  photographic  reproductions 
were  made  of  the  more  important  of  those  of  which  no  copies 
existed  in  this  country,  and  since  the  author  has,  except  in  the 
case  of  the  photographic  reproductions,  been  compelled  to  rely 
on  copies  for  the  proof  reading,  it  is  possible  that  minor  varia- 
tions have  crept  in,  that  would  have  been  removed  had  the 
author  been  able  to  compare  the  proofs  with  the  originals,  but 
not,  it  is  hoped,  in  such  number  as  to  detract  from  the  value  of 
the  work. 

A  glance  at  the  table  of  contents  will  reveal  the  method  of 
treatment.  The  work  is  divided  into  books,  further  sub-divided 
into  two  parts  each,  the  first  part  of  books  IL-V.  treating  of 
the  activities  in  Europe  for  the  period  covered  by  each  book, 
the  second  part  giving  the  story  of  the  settlements  for  the  same 


Preface.  ix 

period.  There  are  obvious  advantages  and  disadvantages  in  a 
treatment  like  this,  but  the  author  hopes  that  the  keeping  of  the 
activities  In  Europe  (the  sending  out  of  the  expeditions  and  the 
other  events  In  Sweden  that  had  direct  bearing  on  the  colony) 
separate  from  the  events  in  the  settlements  will  make  the  pre- 
sentation clearer  and  more  logical  than  if  the  facts  had  all  been 
related  In  an  Intermingled  mass. 

The  introduction  giving  the  European  background  is,  as  far 
as  the  author  is  aware,  the  most  complete  account  of  the 
economic  conditions  in  Sweden  at  this  time,  and  of  the  trading 
companies,  that  has  so  far  appeared  In  English,  and  might  seem 
too  long  and  detailed;  but  as  this  period  (i 612-1664)  of 
Swedish  history  is  of  general  interest,  as  the  conditions  in 
Sweden  and  Finland  will  help  to  explain  conditions  and  the 
trend  of  events  In  New  Sweden  and  as  the  New  Sweden  Com- 
pany was  only  one  of  the  many  trading  societies  in  Sweden 
during  this  period,  similar  in  type  though  not  entirely  similar  In 
their  objects,  the  author  hopes  that  the  somewhat  extended 
account  of  these  things  will  not  be  out  of  place. 

The  path  of  the  investigator  Is  a  thorny  one,  and  much  of 
his  time  Is  consumed  In  hunting  for  documents  that  once  existed, 
but  which  have  disappeared  decades  ago,  when  the  zeal  for  pre- 
serving everything  and  anything  was  not  so  general  as  now. 
This  path,  however,  is  sometimes  made  easier  by  men  who  have 
gone  before  and  who  have  cleared  the  way,  and  by  those  who 
through  their  aid.  Interest  and  encouragement,  lighten  the  labor. 
It  now  remains  my  pleasant  duty  to  express  my  obligation  to 
those  who  have  aided  me  in  Europe  and  in  America.  I  wish  in 
the  first  place,  to  express  my  appreciation  of  the  valuable  serv- 
ices rendered  me  by  the  officials  of  the  Royal  Archives  at  Stock- 
holm, Dr.  Edelstam,  Dr.  Brulin,  Dr.  Malmsten,  Dr.  Baat, 
Count  Lewenhaupt,  Dr.  Bergh,  Dr.  Hildebrand,  and  the  late 
Dr.  Hammarskold,  but,  more  especially,  the  archivists  Dr.  Per 
Sonden  and  Dr.  Theodor  Westrin,  whose  Invaluable  aid  and 
assistance,  so  freely  given  at  all  times,  made  the  author's 
researches  in  the  archives  not  only  possible  but  in  so  high  a 


X  Preface. 

degree  fruitful.  My  acknowledgments  for  assistance  are  like- 
wise due  to  the  officers  of  the  Kammararklv,  including  Dr. 
Afzelius  and  others,  and  to  the  officers  of  the  Royal  Library  at 
Stockholm,  particularly  to  Dr.  Lundstedt,  Dr.  Settervall,  and 
the  lamented  Dr.  Karlsson,  whose  great  memory  and  encyclo- 
pedic information  were  always  a  source  of  aid  to  the  author. 
To  the  officers  of  the  University  Library  at  Upsala  and  espe- 
cially to  Dr.  Aksel  Andersson  the  author  is  under  great  obliga- 
tion for  aid  and  encouragement.  I  wish  also  to  tender  my 
thanks  to  Dr.  Bratt,  then  at  the  Landsarkiv  at  Upsala,  and  to 
the  officers  of  the  Archives  of  the  Archbishop  at  Upsala,  to  Dr. 
Zettersten  of  the  Archives  of  the  Navy,  to  the  Archivist  of  the 
Archives  of  War,  to  Dr.  af  Petersens,  Librarian  of  the  Univer- 
sity Library  of  Lund,  to  Captain  Malmberg  of  Stockholm,  and 
to  all  other  friends  in  Sweden  and  Finland  too  numerous  to  men- 
tion who  have  aided  me  by  answering  questions  and  otherwise. 
In  this  connection  I  also  desire  to  express  my  gratitude  to  Dr. 
Bruggman,  the  Royal  Archivist,  Dr.  van  Riemsdijk  and  other 
officers  of  the  Royal  Archives  at  The  Hague,  as  well  as  to  the 
officers  of  the  archives  in  Amsterdam  and  to  Professor  Kern- 
l^mp  and  the  Archivist  Dr.  Muller  at  Utrecht.  To  Dr.  Wood 
of  the  British  Museum  and  to  the  officers  of  the  Public  Record 
Office  in  London  thanks  are  likewise  due  for  the  courtesies  ex- 
tended to  me  during  my  investigations  in  these  institutions,  as 
also  to  the  officers  of  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford. 

Among  men  in  this  country  who  have  been  of  service  to  me, 
are  to  be  mentioned  Dr.  J.  W.  Jordan,  Mr.  Spofford,  and  others 
connected  with  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  especially 
Dr.  Gregory  B.  Keen  who  has  read  the  proof  sheets  and  offered 
many  suggestions,  Dr.  L  M.  Hays,  Librarian  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  the  Librarian  of  the  Ridgway  Branch 
of  the  Library  Company  of  Philadelphia,  Dr.  R.  H.  Kelby, 
Librarian  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  Dr.  A.  J.  van  Laer, 
Archivist  at  Albany  of  the  State  of  New  York,  the  Archivist  of 
the  Library  of  Congress,  the  officers  of  the  Mercantile  Library 
of  Philadelphia,  the  officers  of  the  Library  of  the  University 


Preface.  xi 

of  Pennsylvania  and  Captain  A.  J.  Erikson,  of  Philadelphia, 
for  making  some  of  the  drawings  for  the  work.  My  grateful 
acknowledgment  for  helpful  suggestions  and  encouragements  are 
also  due  to  Albert  Cook  Myers,  to  Professor  Albert  Bushnell 
Hart,  of  Harvard,  Professor  Herman  V.  Ames,  Professor  E.  P. 
Cheyney,  and  Professor  D.  B.  Shumway,  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  the  Swedish  Minister  to  the  United  States,  His 
Excellency  Dr.  Johan  Ehrensvard,  to  the  Swedish  Vice  Consul, 
at  Philadelphia,  M.  A.  Viti,  to  my  friend  and  former  teacher 
Professor  J.  A.  Edquist,  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  College,  St. 
Peter,  Minnesota,  who  has  read  the  galley  proofs  and  pointed 
out  many  misprints,  and  lastly,  to  Professor  M.  D.  Learned 
who  suggested  the  investigation  and  who  has  followed  its  prepa- 
ration with  great  interest  and  always  been  a  source  of  encour- 
agement. 

It  remains  to  record  my  gratitude  to  the  Committee  on  Fel- 
lowships of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  to  Dr.  Charles 
Custis  Harrison,  former  provost  of  the  University,  for  making 
it  possible  for  the  author  to  undertake  the  last  two  journeys  to 
European  archives,  to  Dr.  J.  G.  Rosengarten,  for  his  interest 
and  aid  in  the  work,  to  Professor  C.  G.  Child,  President  of  the 
Publication  Committee  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
the  Publication  Aid  Fund  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  especially  to  the  Swedish  Colonial  Society  for  making 
the  publication  of  the  work  possible  in  its  present  form. 

Unfortunate  delays,  some  beyond  the  control  of  every  one, 
have  kept  the  work  in  press  for  nearly  a  year  and  it  is  with  a 
breath  of  relief  the  author  is  able  to  state  that  the  book  is 
at  last  ready. 

The  Author. 

Philadelphia,  March,  1911. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


BOOK    I. 

Introduction  :  Sweden  Immediately  Preceding  and 
During  the  Occupation  of  the  Delaware. 

PART   I. 

Political,  Social  and  Religious  Conditions  in  Sweden, 
1611-1660. 

CHAPTER.  PAGE. 

I.  Political  History,  1611-1660 3 

II.  Relation  of  Sweden  to  other  Countries,  1 625-1 660.  . .  9 

III.  The  Government 15 

IV.  Religion,  Language,  Science,  Classes  of  Society,  Popu- 

lation         22 

PART    II. 

Industries,  Commerce  and  Trading  Companies,  i  607-1 660. 

V.  The  Industries 33 

VI.  Commerce  and  Trade 38 

VII.  The  African  Company  and  the  Minor  Trading  Soci- 
eties, 1607-1663   44 

VIII.  The  South  Company,  1 624-1 630 52 

IX.  The  United  South-Ship  Company,  1629-1642 69 

X.  The  New  South  Company,  1 632-1 634 81 

BOOK    II. 

The  Founding  of  the  New  Sweden  Company  and  the 
Colony,  163  5- 1643. 

PART   I. 

Activities  in  Europe,  i 635-1 642. 

XI.  Samuel  Blommaert  and  the  Copper  Trade  to  the  West 

Indies 87 

xiii 


xiv  Table  of  Contents. 

CHAPTER.  PAGE. 

XII.  Peter  Minuit  and  the  Plans  for  the  Founding  of  a  New 

Sweden  Company 93 

XIII.  The  Preliminary  Preparations  of  the  First  Expedition 

and  the  Establishment  of  the  New  Sweden  Company.   104 

XIV.  The   Final    Preparations    and    the   First    Expedition, 

1637-1639 109 

XV.  The  Second  Expedition,  1 639-1 640 120 

XVI.  The  Company  Becomes  Entirely  Swedish 131 

XVII.  The  Utrecht  Colony  and  the  Third  Expedition,  1639- 

1641   135 

XVIII.  The  Fourth  Expedition,  1641-1642 145 

XIX.  The  Trade  of  the  Company  in  Europe,  1640-1643. . .    157 

PART    II. 

The  Colony,  1638-1643. 

XX.  The  Early  History  of  the  Delaware  until  1638 164 

XXI.  The  Coming  of  the  Swedes  and  their  Occupation  of 

the  Country,   1 638-1 640   182 

XXII.  The  Colony  under  Ridder,  1640-1643 197 

XXIII.  Relations  with  the  Neighbors,  1640-1643 207 

BOOxK    III. 

The  Reorganized  New  Sweden  Company  and  its  Activ- 
ity; AND  the  Social,  Economic  and  Political 
Life  in  the  Colony,  i 642-1 653. 

PART   I. 
Activities  in  Europe,  1642-1653. 

XXIV.  The  Reorganization  of  the  New  Sweden   Company, 

1642 221 

XXV.  The  Fifth  Expedition,  1642-1643 237 

XXVI.  The  Sixth  Expedition  to  New  Sweden  and  the  Trading 

Voyage  to  the  Caribbean  Islands,  1 643-1 647 242 

XXVII.  The  Seventh  Expedition,  1645-1647 250 

XXVIII.  The  Eighth  Expedition,  1647-1648 258 

XXIX.  The  Ninth  Expedition,  1 649-1 673 266 


Table  of  Contents.  xv 

CHAPTER.  PAGE. 

XXX.  Preparations  to  send  other  Expeditions  to  New  Swe- 
den, 1650-1653 281 

XXXI.  The  Trade  of  the  Company,  1643-1653 288 

PART    II. 
The  Colony  under  Printz,  1643-1653. 

XXXII.  The  Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony 301 

XXXIII.  Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists,  1643-1653. .   345 

XXXIV.  Religious  worship  and  the  Ministers  of  the  Gospel, 

1643-1653 366 

XXXV.  Relations  with  the  Indians,  1643-1653 375 

XXXVI.  Political  Relations  with  the  English,  1643-1653 380 

XXXVII.  Relations  with  the  Dutch,  1643-1653 405 

XXXVIII.  The  Government  of  New  Sweden,  1643-1653 450 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REPRO- 
DUCTIONS OF  DOCUMENTS. 


Facing  page 

1.  Fort    Christina Frontispiece. 

2.  Carl  X 8 

3.  Stockholm  during  the  time  of  Christina 18 

4.  Queen  Christina  as  a  child 19 

5.  Johan    Stiernhook 20 

6.  Johannes   Loccenius 20 

7.  Johan  Bureus 24 

8.  Johan   Skytte 26 

9.  Olaus   Rudbeck 27 

10.  Georg  Stiernhjelm 27 

11.  First  newspaper  published  in  Sweden 28 

12.  Riksdaler,  daler  and  ore 40-43 

13.  Willem    Usselinx 52 

14.  Charles  1 52 

15.  Seal  and  signature  of  Gustavus  Adolphus 54 

16.  Gustavus  Adolphus 68 

17.  Title  page  of  the  Argonautica  Gustaviana 82 

18.  The  research-room  in  the  Royal  Archives  (Stockholm) 88 

19.  Reading-room  in  the  Royal  Library  (Stockholm) 88 

20.  Axel   Oxenstierna 90 

21.  Last  page  of  Blommaert's  letter  of  June  3,  1635 92 

22.  First  page  of  Minuit's  letter  of  June  15,  1635 96 

23.  Last  page  of  Minuit's  letter  of  June  15,  1635 97 

24.  Castle  and   fort  of  Elfsborg 108 

25.  First  page  of  the  Journal  of  the  New  Sweden  Company no 

26.  Second  page  of  the  Journal  of  the  New  Sweden  Company ....  1 11 

27.  Gothenburg  and  its  harbor  in  the  seventeenth  century 112 

28.  Harbor  of  Amsterdam 118 

29.  Disembarking   from   a   Swedish   ship 118 

30.  Letter  of   Hans  Weis 124 

31.  Tido  palace  to-day 126 

32.  Reception  hall  in  Tido  palace 126 

xvii 


xviii  List  of  Illustrations 

Facing  page 

33.  First  page  and  superscription  of  Van  Dyck's  letter  to  Fleming.  128 

34.  Second  and  last  page  of  Van  Dyck's  letter 129 

35.  Letter  from  Johan  Beier 132 

36.  First  and  last  pages  of  Van  den  Bogaert's  letter  to  Beier 142 

37.  Type  of  a  Finnish  woman 148 

38.  Type  of  a  Finn 148 

39.  Orebro    152 

40.  Spiring's  letter  to  Fleming I54 

41.  Henry    Hudson 166 

42.  Landing  place  of  the  Swedes 182 

43.  First  page  of  the  relation  made  before  Ruttens 184 

44.  Second  and  third  pages  of  the  relation  made  before  Ruttens. .  185 

45.  Fourth  and  last  pages  of  the  relation  made  before  Ruttens. ...  184 

46.  Indian  Family  according  to  Lindestrom 188 

47.  Strings  of  seivant    {wampum) 192 

48.  Bill  showing  that  at  least  450  bricks  were  shipped  over  on 

first  expedition I94 

49.  First  page  of  Ridder's  letter  of  June  8,  1640 198 

50.  Second  page  of  Ridder's  letter 199 

51.  Bill  signed  by  Van  Langdonk 200 

52.  Castle  at  Viborg 202 

53.  Wind-mill 204 

54.  Copy  of  a  letter  from  Berkeley 216 

55.  Queen  Christina 220 

56.  Stockholm    in   the   seventeenth   century   showing   the    Royal 

Palace    222 

57.  Tido  palace 230 

58.  Account  of  the  barber-surgeon  Hans  Janeke 232 

59.  Van  Schotting's  bill  of  June,  1643 233 

60.  Commission  of  Gov.  Printz 238 

61.  Klas   Fleming 250 

62.  Admiral  Fleming's  flag-ship 251 

63.  Naval  battle  between  the  Danes  and  Swedes 252 

64.  First  page  of  Peter  Trotzig's  letter  of  March  12,  1652 282 

65.  Last  page  of  Trotzig's  letter 283 

66.  Governor  Johan  Printz 300 

67.  Types  of  Swedes  in  national  costumes 302 

68.  Bill  of  lading  signed  by  Printz  and  Huygen 318 


List  of  Illustrations  xix 

Facing  page 

69.  Water-mill    328 

70.  Wind-mill    328 

71.  Kota   {kdta) 34^ 

72.  Cross-section  of  the  kota  (kdta) 34^ 

73.  Wooden  hook  used  in  the  kota  (kdta) 346 

74.  Porte  from   Sweden 34^ 

75.  Porte   in    Finland 348 

76.  Interior  of  a  parte 348 

77.  Types  of  wooden  chimneys 349 

78.  "  Fire-rake "    349 

79.  "  Slide-board  "    349 

80.  Burning  splint  with  holder 350 

81.  Movable  splint-stick  holder  of  wood 350 

82.  Interior  of  a  dwelling,  showing  **  clothes-hangers  "  and  wooden 

utensils 352 

83.  Interior  of  a  dwelling,  showing  bedsteads,  the  clock,  etc 352 

84.  Wooden  spoons 354 

85.  "  Beer-pot  "  of  wood 354 

86.  Wooden   shoe 356 

87.  "  Slipper  with  wooden  bottom  (sole)" 356 

88.  Shoes  of   birch-bark 356 

89.  Basket  of  birch  bark 356 

90.  Interior  of  a  bath-house 358 

91.  Interior  of  a  small  bath-house 359 

92.  A  small   store-house 359 

93.  Store-house   from   Finland 360 

94.  Interior  of  the  store-house  from  Finland 360 

95.  Small  store-house  on   posts 362 

96.  Store-house  from  Sweden  of  two  stories 362 

97.  Store-houses  in  Finland 364 

98.  Sled  used  in  Finland  for  hauling  hay  and  grain 364 

99.  Types  of  wooden  hay-forks 364 

100.  Threshing  in   the  North 365 

loi.  Threshing   flails 3^5 

102.  Belfry  or  bell  tower 366 

103.  Per   Brahe 376 

104.  Indian  woman  in  costume 377 

105.  Copy  of  Governor  Winthrop's  letter  to  Governor  Printz 396 


XX  List  of  Illustrations 

io6.  New  Amsterdam  about  1650 404 

107.  Stuyvesant's  letter  to  Governor  Printz,  July  24,  1650 432 

108.  Copy  of  the  Indian  declaration,  July  3,  1651 438 

109.  Copy  of  the  Indian  relation  of  July  13,  1651 440 

1 10.  Copy  of  the  Indian  certificate  of  July  16,  1651 441 

111.  First  page  of  Printz's  letter  of  August  i,  1651 444 

112.  Second  page  of  Printz's  letter 445 

1 13.  Third  page  of  Printz's  letter 446 

1 14.  Fourth  page  of  Printz's  letter 447 

115.  Governor  Printz's  seal 450 

116.  First  page  of  Monatgelderbuch,  showing  the  budget  of  the 

colony,  1642 452 

117.  First  page  of  Papegoja's  letter  of  May,  1648 454 

118.  Last  page  of  Papegoja's  letter  of  May,  1648 455 


MAPS. 

Sweden,  161 1-1655 2 

Routes  to  and  from  New  Sweden 86 

New  Sweden  and  neighboring  districts 164 

Lindestrom's  map   of   Virginia,   New   Sweden,   New   Netherland 

and  New  England 2o6 


BOOK  I. 


||iliH|iii;|ii|  lliliii  Districts  occupied  by  Sweden  at  this  time 

Kiii   Districts  i^ he  nee   the  majority  of  the 
Delaware   Co/on/ s fa   came. 

I     The  provinces  3ohu5,  Hat/and,  SHane  and 
£>ieHin^  were  ceded  by DenmarK to  Sweden  ^(J 

in    i658.(5ee  1^6^/)  ^PJ)^       . 


PART    I. 

POLITICAL,    SOCIAL  AND    RELIGIOUS    CONDITIONS   IN 
SWEDEN,  1611-1660. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Political  History,  1611-1660. 

The  decades  preceding  and  following  the  year  1600  mark 
a  turning  point  in  history.  The  Germanic  peoples  begin  to  as- 
sert themselves  in  European  politics  and  one  of  the  character- 
istics of  the  following  centuries  is  the  growing  influence  of  these 
races  in  the  history  of  the  world.  England  destroyed  the 
Armada  and  laid  the  foundation  for  her  greatness;  the  Nether- 
lands defeated  Spain,  became  the  leading  mercantile  nation  of 
the  age  and  introduced  a  new  era  in  painting;  the  Germanic 
nations  laid  the  foundation  for  a  commonwealth  destined  to 
become  the  greatest  republic  and  to  develop  from  various 
heterogeneous  elements  into  the  most  extensive  homogeneous 
settlement  on  record;  the  Reformation  inaugurated  by  Ger- 
many was  saved  by  Sweden,  and  the  invention  of  printing,  due 
to  Germanic  genius,  now  attains  to  its  full  significance  in  the 
new  era  of  freedom  of  thought  and  of  conscience.  The 
proudest  chapter  of  Swedish  history  belongs  to  the  same  period, 
more  accurately  to  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
era  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  and  of  Oxenstiema,  of  Christina 
and  of  Charles  X. 

It  was  preeminently  an  epoch  of  war  and  of  great  archieve- 
ments.  When  Gustavus  Adolphus  ascended  the  Swedish 
throne  in  1611,^  his  country  was  at  war  with  three  nations. 
Having  been  refused  peace  by  Denmark,  he  was  compelled  to 

^He  was  crowned  at  Upsala  in  October,  1617.      Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  98. 

3 


4  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

bring  the  struggle  with  that  nation  to  a  bitter  end.  Although 
the  Swedish  people  gave  their  undivided  support  to  their  king, 
the  enemy  gained  considerable  advantages  and  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus  had  to  submit  to  rather  hard  terms  in  1613,  when  both 
parties  were  finally  tired  of  the  useless  and  bitter  warfare." 

Troops  could  now  be  spared  for  the  Russian  campaign, 
which  had  been  conducted  with  marked  ability  and  singular 
success  by  Jacob  de  la  Gardie  and  Evert  Horn,  and  the  king 
went  in  person  to  lead  the  operations  in  the  summers  of  16 14 
and  16 1 5.  After  lengthy  peace  conferences,  which  lasted 
nearly  a  year  and  a  half,  English  and  Dutch  commissioners 
acting  as  mediators  (although  the  Dutch  are  not  mentioned  in 
the  treaty  to  satisfy  the  vanity  of  King  James),  the  treaty  of 
peace  was  signed  at  Stolbova  on  February  27,  1617.^  Through 
this  peace  the  territory  of  Sweden  was  increased  by  higerman- 
land  and  Keksholmsliin,  and  Gustavus  Adolphus  had  won  two 
of  his  great  objects — Russia  was  pushed  back  from  the  Baltic 
and  a  natural  northern  boundary  was  secured  for  Finland.^ 

The  truce  with  Poland,  v/hich  had  been  renewed  several 
times,  came  to  an  end  in  1617.^  Rumors  of  great  preparations 
in  Poland  and  Spain  for  an  attack  on  Sweden  were  freely  circu- 
lated and  Gustavus  Adolphus  kept  his  army  and  navy  in  readi- 
ness. A  Swedish  fleet  manned  by  Dutch  soldiers  captured 
Diinamiinde  and  Pernau  the  same  year,  but  a  new  truce  was 
made  in  the  autumn  of  161 8.  Now  followed  a  period  of  com- 
parative quiet;  however,  in  1621  the  struggle  began  anew. 

Poland,  having  lately  renewed  and  firmly  established  the 
Catholic  religion,  was  ruled  by  a  king  of  the  Vasa  house,  who 
had  a  legal  right  to  the  Swedish  crown.  She  was  the  leading 
European  power  in  the  east  and  the  standard  bearer  of  Catho- 
licism against  Turks  and  heretics,  and  hence  a  natural  enemy 
of  Sweden,  and  finally  she  possessed  territory  along  the  Baltic 
that  must  be  brought  under  Swedish  control,  if  the  dream  of 

^Cronholm,  I.  27  ff.;  Geijer,  HL  68  flF.;  Odhner,  191  ff. 
'  Cronholrn,  L  194  ff. ;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  37  ff. 
*  See  map  in  Sv.  hist.,  etc.,  V.  117.     Also  Odhner,  p.  243. 
°  Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  109  ff. 


Political  History.  5 

making  the  Baltic  a  Swedish  inland  sea  should  be  realized. 
There  were  therefore  various  circumstances  that  might  pro- 
voke hostilities.  The  immediate  cause  of  the  war,  however, 
was  Sigismund's  pretentions  to  the  Swedish  throne  and  his  re- 
fusal to  recognize  Gustavus  Adolphus  as  the  rightful  king  of 
Sweden. 

In  the  summer  of  the  above-mentioned  year  (1621)  a 
Swedish  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  war  ships  and  ten 
yachts  set  sail  for  Riga,  with  about  14,000  selected  soldiers  on 
board,  some  being  mercenaries  from  Scotland  and  Holland.^ 
Brilliant  campaigns  followed  under  the  leadership  of  the  king, 
De  la  Gardie,  Gustaf  Horn,  Johan  Baner  and  others,  arresting 
the  attention  of  Protestant  Europe,  and  many  voices  from  the 
camp  of  the  new  faith  called  upon  the  Swedish  king  to  become 
the  leader  of  their  forces.  He  expressed  his  willingness  to  do 
so'  on  certain  conditions  and  presented  a  comprehensive  plan 
of  operations,  while  diplo'matic  conferences  were  held  with 
representatives  of  England  and  Holland,  having  this  end  in 
view.  But  King  Christian,  always  jealous  of  his  northern 
neighbor,  also  offered  his  services  in  the  pending  struggle,  and, 
as  his  conditions  were  more  moderate  and  his  demands  on  the 
allies  less  exacting  than  those  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  he  was 
chosen  to  be  the  Gideon  of  the  Evangelical  Union  in  the  fierce 
combat  with  the  Catholic  League.^  The  Swedish  army  had 
been  reorganized  and  the  navy  had  been  largely  increased,  but 
it  was  not  yet  to  be  used  against  the  imperial  forces.  Gustavus, 
hoping  for  more  favorable  times,  went  to  finish  his  war  with 
Poland.  After  several  victorious  expeditions,  through  which 
Sweden  gained  great  advantages  and  extended  her  territory, 
a  six  years'  truce  was  concluded  at  Altmark  in  1629.^ 

King  Christian  in  the  meantime,  having  lost  his  battles  with 

•Cf.  Cronholm,  I.  372  ff. 

'  A  truce  having  been  effected  with  Poland. 

*  Rydfors,  De  dipl.  f'orb.  mel.  Sv.  och  Eng.,  p.  i  ff. ;  Gardiner,  Eng.  under  the 
Duke  of  Buck'uigham  and  Charles  I.,  I.  139  ff. 

"For  these  campaigns  see  Cronholm,  II.  i  ff. ;  Kildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V. 
125  ff. 


6  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  veteran  Tilly,  was  forced  to  withdraw  from  the  field.  The 
time  was  now  ripe  for  action.  England  and  Holland  were 
willing  to  submit  to  the  plans  of  Gustavus  Adolphus.  The 
Protestant  princes  requested  him  to  become  the  defender  of 
their  faith,  and  Richelieu  advised  him  to  take  an  active  part  In 
the  war.  He  negotiated  with  England  through  Spens  and  Roe, 
with  Holland  through  Camerarlus,  and  Lars  Nilsson  was  sent 
on  an  embassy  to  France;  but  England  gave  no  support,  no 
treaty  being  made,^*^  and  Nilsson's  mission  to  France  had 
little  result.ii 

The  Swedish  king  was  now  fully  determined,  however,  to 
enter  the  lists — It  was  a  case  of  averting  a  future  danger  from 
his  own  kingdom.  The  Polish  war  not  only  prepared  him  for 
this  struggle;  It  also  furnished  means  for  Its  prosecution,  and 
when  he  returned  to  Sweden  it  appears  that  his  decision  had 
been  made.^^  Shortly  after  his  arrival  In  his  country  In  the 
autumn  of  1629  he  called  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  State 
to  determine  what  action  was  to  be  taken.  The  meeting  be- 
came a  turning  point  In  modern  history,  for  it  was  decided  that 
Sweden  should  take  an  active  part  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 
The  motives  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  for  beginning  the  war  are 
clearly  stated  in  the  minutes — they  were  religions,  political  and 
commerdal.^^ 

After  large  preparations  the  King  set  sail  for  Germany  with 
an  army  of  about  13,000  men  and  landed  on  the  Island  of  Use- 
dom  In  June,  1630.  His  achievements  in  Germany  and  his 
death  in  the  midst  of  victories,  are  well-known  facts.  The 
Swedish  forces  were  successful  for  some  time  after  the  Battle 
of  Liitzen,  but  at  Nordlingen,  Gustaf  Horn  and  Duke  Bern- 
hard  were  defeated  by  Ferdinand  and  Gallas.  The  years  1634, 
1635  and  1636  were  dark  and  full  of  trials  for  the  Swedish 
leaders.     Johan  Baner  indeed  won  a  brilliant  victory  over  the 

^"A  private  treaty  was  made  with  Hamilton,  however. 
"Rydfors,  De  dipl.  f'orb.  mel.  Sv.  och  Eng.,  p.  21  ff.,  148  ff. 
"  Sweden  collected  the  duties  at  Pillau,  Memel,  Danzig,  Libau  and  Windau. 
Over  half  a  million  R.D.  were  collected  in  1629.     Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  150. 
^  Fries,  Sv.  Kulturb.,  p.  19  ff. 


Political  History.  7 

Emperor's  forces  at  Wittstock,  but  he  was  soon  after  com- 
pelled to  retreat,  before  a  superior  army.  Gradually,  however, 
things  became  brighter  for  the  Swedes.  Swedish  statesmen  like 
Oxenstierna  and  Swedish  generals  like  Baner  and  Torstensson 
wrought  success  out  of  what  appeared  to  be  disaster. 

Denmark  had  played  false  to  Sweden  in  her  years  of  trial. 
To  revenge  these  and  former  wrongs  the  Swedish  government 
determined  to  use  its  armies  against  its  southern  neighbor  and 
to  compel  this  power  to  recognize  the  Swedish  rights.  Lennart 
Torstensson  was  ordered  to  bring  his  army  by  forced  marches 
into  Denmark  and  to  deliver  a  decisive  blow  before  the  enemy 
had  time  to  make  necessary  preparations.  The  plan  was 
eminently  successful ^  and  soon  the  Swedish  armies  could  again 
be  sent  against  the  Imperial  forces.  The  Thirty  Years'  War 
finally  came  to  an  end  in  1648,  through  the  treaty  at  West- 
phaha,  and  Sweden  enjoyed  a  short  period  of  almost  undis- 
turbed peace. ^^ 

Christina,  having  ruled  for  ten  years,  abdicated  in  1654,  and 
was  followed  on  the  throne  by  Carl  X.  The  Polish  King,  John 
Casimir,  would  not  recognize  Carl  as  the  lawful  king  of  Swe- 
den, even  using  the  titles  and  coat  of  arms  of  the  latter  in 
royal  proclamations.  Carl  X.  therefore  determined  to  com- 
pel him  to  resign  these  titles  and  pretensions  as  well  as  to 
recognize  the  Sv/edish  right  to  Livonia. 

The  Swedish  treasury  was  empty  and  the  two  great  parties, 
the  nobility  and  the  commoners,  were  pitted  against  each  other 
in  a  social  struggle;  but  the  diet  of  1655  gave  permission  to 
the  King  to  begin  hostilities  and  voted  funds  for  his  use.  There 
was  great  enthusiasm  for  the  war  in  Sweden  and  wealthy  noble- 
men contributed  large  sums  from  their  own  means.  Foreign 
soldiers  flocked  to  Sweden  to  enlist  under  her  victor^^-crowned 
banners,  and  soon  Carl  X.  was  able  to  move  against  his  foe. 

A  period  of  war  was  now  inaugurated  and  the  four  years 

"  Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXVI. 

"Cf.  Geijer,  III.  303  ff.;  Gardiner,  The  Thirty  Years'  War,  p.  121  ff. ;  Hiide- 
brand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  p.  289  ff.,  466  ff.;  Hist.  Tid.,  XXII.  169  ff. ;  Otte,  Scand. 
Hist.,  p.  272  ff.,  289  ff. ;  Bain,  Scandinavia,  177  ff. ;  Ward,  A.  W.,  Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist..  IV.  178  ff.,  364  ff.,  430  ff.,  560  ff. 


8  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

from  the  autumn  of  1655  to  the  beginning  of  1660  were  almost 
a  continuous  chain  of  battles  and  sieges.  Few  men  in  history 
have  given  greater  surprises  to  their  age  than  Carl  X.;  few, 
perhaps  none,  have  accomplished  equal  results  with  the  same 
means  and  in  so  short  a  time.  In  a  few  months  Poland  lay 
bleeding  at  his  feet,  destined  never  to  regain  her  former  power. 
Russia,  Austria  and  Denmark  made  war  on  him,  almost  simul- 
taneously, but  by  a  march  over  a  frozen  sea,  one  of  the  greatest 
feats  on  record,  he  led  his  army  into  the  heart  of  Denmark, 
compelling  this  power  to  sue  for  a  peace,  which  secured  to 
Sweden  the  most  valuable  territorial  acquisition  in  her  hlstory.^^ 
The  great  warrior  king,  however,  soon  broke  the  peace,  the 
total  annihilation  of  Denmark  being  his  aim,  but  fortune  failed 
him  for  the  first  time.  Cromwell,  on  whose  Influence  he  had 
relied,  died,  changing  the  attitude  of  the  commander  of  the 
English  fleet;  France  fell  off,  the  Netherlands  took  sides  with 
the  enemy  and  the  Danish  people  were  aroused  to  fight  for  their 
existence.  In  the  midst  of  tremendous  activities,  the  King  be- 
came ill  during  a  diet  in  the  beginning  of  1660,  and  on  the 
morning  of  February  13  he  died,  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight 
years.^'^ 

"Another  important  historic  event  at  this  time  was  Carl  X.'s  treaty  with 
Brandenburg  in  1656.  This  treaty  laid  the  foundation  for  the  Kingdom  of 
Prussia,  which  was  destined  to  play  such  an  important  part  in  European  history. 

"For  this  period  of  Swedish  history  see  Carlson,  Sv.  hist.,  etc.,  I.  156  ff. ; 
Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  504  ff.  Fridericia,  Dan.  Hist.;  Bain,  Scandinavia, 
p.  228  ff.;  Ward,  etc.,  Cambridge  Mod.  Hist.,  IV.  576  ff.;  V.  558  ff.,  562  ff.; 
Hist.  Tid.,  1904,  p.  35,  etc. 


Carl  X.     From  a  painting  at  Gripsholni.     (H. 


CHAPTER   11. 

Relation  of  Sweden  to  Other  Countries,  i 625-1 660. 

Through  these  wars  and  through  her  efforts  to  extend  her 
power,  her  commerce  and  her  trade,  Sweden  came  in  contact 
with  the  outside  world  to  a  degree  unknown  in  her  previous 
history.  Swedish  statesmen  wove  a  network  of  diplomatic  con- 
nections, which  brought  their  country  in  touch  with  almost  every 
important  nation  in  the  world,  and  the  government  at  Stock- 
holm^ stretched  the  webs  of  its  diplomacy  to  Holland,  Eng- 
land, France,  Russia,  Spain,  Portugal,  the  German  States  and 
even  to  Venice,  Italy,  Persia  and  Turkey.^ 

The  king  of  Spain,  being  a  member  of  the  league,  was  an 
enemy  of  Sweden  on  general  principles.  Rumors  were  often 
afloat  that  a  Spanish  Armada  was  under  way  to  attack  Gothen-^ 
burg.^  Oxenstierna  tried  to  avoid  an  open  break  for  commer- 
cial reasons  and  in  1639  there  was  talk  of  trying  to  make  a 
treaty  with  Spain  in  order  that  commerce  might  have  its  free 
course,  so  that  iron  wares  could  be  sent  there.  The  salt  trade 
was  the  most  important,  however,  and  much  of  the  salt  con- 

^  A  great  many  foreigners  were  employed  by  Sweden  in  her  diplomatic  ser- 
vice of  this  period,  Hollanders,  Englishmen,  Germans,  Frenchmen  and  even 
Italians,  such  as  Camerarius,  Spiring,  Spens,  Van  Dyck,  Rutgersius,  Le  Blon, 
Blommaert,  Grotius  and  others.  "  The  first  native  Swedish  diplomat "  was 
Anders  Swensson  Odell.  Nordisk  Familjebok,  Vol.  XVIII.  (old  ed.),  558,  says 
of  him  that  he  became  "  haradshofding "  in  1612,  and  that  he  died  in  16^4. 
Hildebrand  says  that  he  died  in  1630  {Hist.  Tid.,  IV.  161).  There  seems  to  be 
a  confusion  of  two  persons  with  the  same  name  in  N.  Famil.  Another  Swedish 
diplomat  at  this  early  time  was  Lars  Nilsson.  (See  Hist.  Tid.,  IV.  157,  i6i. 
Cf.  above.) 

-Biihring,  Gustav  Adolf  und  Rohan  (1885);  Hist.  Tid.,  I.  p.  cix;  Bullo, 
//  Viaggio,  etc.;  Odhner,  Sv.  forb.  med.  den  venit.  repub.,  Nordisk  Tidsk., 
1867;  Sv.  in.  hist.  Cf.  Hist.  Tid.,  I.  63  ff.  It  has  even  been  said  that  Gustavus 
Adolphus  studied  at  Padua  under  Galileo,  Hist.  Tid.,  VI.  95. 

'  Concerning  the  coalition  between  Spain,  Poland,  Denmark  and  Brandenburg^ 
see  Fridericia,  Dan.  ydre  poL,  II.;  Sillen,  IV.  50  if. 


lo        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sumed  in  Sweden  was  Imported  from  Spanish  ports,  although 
Swedish  ships  were  arrested  from  time  to  tlme^  and  the 
Spaniards  caused  much  damage  to  the  South  and  the  New  Swe- 
den Companies.^ 

After  the  Thirty  Years'  War  the  relations  between  Sweden 
and  Spain  became  more  cordial.  In  the  beginning  of  1651 
Palbltsky  was  sent  to  the  latter  country  to  establish  friendly 
Intercourse  and  to  request  the  right  and  liberty  for  Swedish 
subjects  to  sail"  to  Spanish  countries  and  harbors  in  Europe, 
Africa,  America  and  Asla.^  In  1654  he  was  again  sent  to 
Madrid.  His  instructions  required  him  to  secure  commercial 
privileges  for  the  Swedish  Colony  on  the  Delaware  and  per- 
mission for  the  Swedish  African  Company  to  trade  in  slaves 
in  America.'^  Spain  also  sent  representatives  to  Sweden^  and 
Pimentelli  had  great  influence  with  Queen  Christina,  who,  to 
further  Spanish  interests,  declared  in  1654  that  she  no  longer 
recognized  John  of  Braganza  as  King  of  Portugal.'^ 

During  this  period  more  intimate  commercial  and  political 
relations  were  established  with  Portugal.     In  1634  the  council 

*Rddspr.,  II.  8,  74,  91  ff-;  vn.  69,  117,  191,  412,  501  ff-;  vhl  61  ff.;  LX. 

240  ff. ;  X.  121  flf. ;  XL  250,  etc.  Wine  also  seems  to  have  been  imported  from 
Spain.  Cf.  Samlaren,  1883,  p.  125.  Privileges  for  trade  with  Spain  were 
issued  in  December,  1638.     R.R.,  December  30,  1638. 

■^  Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXIX. 

^Memorial  for  Palbltsky,  etc.,  Jan.  31,  1651  R.R.;  letter  to  the  King  of 
Spain,  Jan.  31,  1651  R.R.  (Latin).  Several  other  documents  concerning  his 
mission  found  in  R.R.  Jan.  31,  1651.  Till  Cam.  for  Palbltsky,  Aug.  13,  1653 
R.A.,  etc.  A  "  Patent  about  the  Spanish  Trade "  was  published  on  Dec.  5, 
1651  R.R.  (R.A.). 

In  the  Diarum  and  Titular  Reg.  to  R.R.  is  given  a  memorial  for  Palbitslcy, 
dated  Jan.  30,  1653,  but  it  is  not  found  in  R.R.  for  this  date. 

''Memorial,  etc.,  Jan.  30,  1654.  Instruction,  etc.,  Jan.  30,  1654.  Oppet  bref 
for  Palbitsky,  etc.,  Jan.  30,  1654  R.R.  and  documents  in  "  Hisp.  Strodda  handl., 
1606-18 IS"   {R.A.). 

*  As  early  as  1578  Philip  XL  sent  Eraso  to  Sweden  to  make  a  treaty  with 
that  nation  and  to  contract  for  ship  materials  {Hist.  Tid.,  VI.  1-50).  Con- 
cerning later  relations  with  Spain,  see  Deklaration  ang.  Sveriges  satisf.  af 
Spanska  kronan,  25  April,  1668.    England  No.  7,  D.  Trakt.  {R.A.). 

"  Hildebrand,  S-v.  hist.,  IV.  466;  cf.  Starback,  Berdi.  ur  Sv.  hist.,  V.  486  ff., 
490-2. 


Relation  of  Sweden  to  Other  Countries.        i  i 

discussed  the  practicability  of  finding  a  market  for  copper  in 
that  country.  In  the  summer  of  1641  a  Portuguese  embassy 
arrived  in  Sweden,  and  the  ambassador,  De  Sousa  Coutinho, 
was  well  received  by  the  Swedish  government.  When  he  re- 
turned to  his  country  in  the  autumn,  an  alliance  and  a  com- 
mercial treaty  had  been  made  and  Lars  Skytte  was  appointed 
Swedish  Resident  in  Lisbon.  In  1643  Rodrigo  Botello  was 
sent  to  the  Swedish  capital  and  later  De  Guimares  was  located 
there  to  look  after  Portuguese  interests.  Several  commercial 
expeditions  were  made  to  Portugal,  cannon,  firearms,  masts 
and  lumber  being  shipped  there,  but  the  salt  trade  was  the  most 
important,^*^  and  ships  returning  from  New  Sweden  stopped  on 
their  way  and  took  on  board  Portuguese  salt.^^ 

With  France  Sweden  stood  in  close  relation,  even  in  the  pre- 
ceding century,  and  the  former  country  often  proved  a  helpful 
friend.^  ^ 

England's  policy  was  generally  one  of  friendship.^  ^  To  the 
English  of  this  period,  "  Svecia  was  a  kingdom  rich  in  gold, 
silver,  copper,  lead,  iron,  fruit,  cattle,  and  exceeding  increase  of 
fish  of  the  rivers,  lakes  and  sea."^^  In  1620  one  G.  Vischer  (  ?) 
proposed  to  bring  "  out  of  Swedland  .  .  .  men  skilful  in  making 
pitch,  tar,  potash  and  soapashes  "  for  the  Virginia  settlement, 
and  Swedish  cannon  and  Iron  works  soon  acquired  fame  in 
England. ^^  Several  English  representatives  were  sent  to  Stock- 
holm, Spens  acting  as  a  minister  for  both  nations,  and  Swedish 
ambassadors  went  to  London.  But  Swedish  ships  were  often 
captured  by  the  English  and  put  under  arrest,  leading  to  com- 

"  Concerning  Portuguese  salt  trade  to  England  see  Shillington,  Com.  Rel.  of 
Eng.  and  Portugal,  p.  64,  73,  etc. 

"^Rddspr.,  VIII.  515  ff.;  IX.  139  ff.;  X.  45  ff.;  XI.  28  ff.;  etc.;  R.R.,  Feb.  6, 
April  3,  8,  June  26,  Aug.  13,  1653.  The  Collection  Portugalica  in  R..'\.  contains 
a  great  deal  of  unused  material. 

"Cf.  Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  IV.;  Starback,  Berat.,  etc.,  V.  487.  See  Bibl. 
below. 

''A  treaty  was  made  between  Sweden  and  England  during  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII.  and  Gustaf  I.     Cf.  Troil,  Ur  Hand.  0.  Sjof.  Hdfder,  p.  i6. 

"Arber,  First  Three  English  Books  on  America,  p.  305. 

^''Records  of  the  Virginia  Co.,  I.  420  ff . ;  Whitelocke,  Embassy. 


12        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

plaints  and  complications.^^  In  1653  Whitelocke  was  sent  on 
his  well-known  embassy  to  Queen  Christina.  An  alliance  and 
a  commercial  treaty  was  effected  in  the  spring  of  1654,  later 
ratified  by  the  Protector  and  the  Queen.  In  the  beginning  of 
1655  Coyet  set  out  for  London  with  instruction  to  work  for 
an  increase  "of  the  good  confidence,  which  existed  between 
both  nations,"  and  for  an  agreement  upon  the  limits  between 
New  Sweden  and  the  English  colonies. 

In  the  summer  of  the  same  year  George  Fleetwood^ '^  was 
sent  to  England  on  a  secret  mission,  and  on  July  28  Christer 
Bonde  made  his  brilliant  entrance  into  London  with  his  two 
hundred  followers.  In  this  manner  the  friendship  with  Eng- 
land was  established^^  and  continued  and  no  danger  threatened 
the  Swedish  possession  across  the  ocean  from  that  direction.^  ^ 

Of  foreign  nations,  except  the  immediate  neighbors,  Holland 
stood  in  closest  connection  with  Sweden.  From  Holland,  Swe- 
den received  many  of  its  best  and  most  useful  citizens,  capital- 

^'Bonnell  was  sent  to  London  in  1651  and  1652  and  in  1653  Bonnell  and 
Lagerfelt  were  in  London  to  guard  Swedish  rights.  Lagerfelt  delivered  a 
Latin  oration  in  Parliament  on  April  8  and  another  oration  before  the  Coun- 
cil of  State  on  April  15,  1653.  His  mission  was  to  further  the  commercial 
relations  between  England  and  Sweden,  Letters  Jan.  20,  Aug.  13,  1653  R.R. 
(R.A.)  ;  Foreign  Entry  Books  {Sweden),  151,  Pub.  Rec.  Office.  Cf.  Biography 
of  Bonnell,  below. 

"  The  son-in-law  of  Cromwell. 

'*A  commercial  treaty  was  made  in  July,  1656.  A  new  treaty  was  made  in 
1661  and  another  in  1665.  Treaty  Papers,  Sioeden,  No.  69.  Pub.  Rec.  Office. 
Cf.  also  below.  Chap.  XLVHL 

"  For  the  relation  of  Sweden  and  England  during  this  period  see  State  Papers 
For.,  Siveden,  Nos.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  1613-71.  (In  these  collections  are  letters, 
and  copies  of  letters  from  Gustavus  Adolphus,  A.  Oxenstierna,  Feb.  27,  1630- 
Aug.  23,  1637  (mostly  originals),  Christina,  Appelbom,  June  8,  18,  Oct.  11, 
1652,  De  Geer,  Fleetwood,  Coventry,  Wood,  Leijonberg  and  others;  also  copies 
of  instructions,  etc.)  Letters  from  J.  Thurloe,  Feb.  4,  1653,  Whitelocke,  Upsala, 
Mar.  10,  1653,  Mar.  17,  1654,  in  Brit.  Mus.  See  also  Treaty  Papers,  Siveden, 
1618-71,  No.  69.  Pub.  Rec.  Office.  Letters  from  Bonnell,  Christina,  Lagerfelt, 
A.  Oxenstierna,  Bodleian  Library.  Anglica  and  other  papers  in  R.A.  Rddspr. 
Vol.  I.  and  following  vol.  Riks.  R.  (a  great  number  of  entries)  (R.A.).  Cf. 
Index  below.  See  also  Gardiner,  The  Per.  Gov.  of  Charles  I.,  I.  130,  207  ff. ; 
H.  50,  63  ff.,  87;  Gardiner,  Hist,  of  the  Com.  and  Prot.,  1649-60,  I.  207;  212, 
221  ff. ;  II.  377,  37  ff. ;  Gardiner,  Eng.  under  the  D.  of  Buckingham  and 
Charles  1.,  I.  4,  83  ff.;  138  ff. 


Relation  of  Sweden  to  Other  Countries.        i  3 

Ists,  merchants  and  warriors.  Dutch  soldiers  served  in  Swed- 
ish armies  and  Dutch  captains  and  skippers  commanded  Swed- 
ish ships;  Swedish  students  went  to  Holland  to  study  com- 
merce-*^ and  Swedish  scholars  gained  inspiration  from  Dutch 
teachers;  Dutch  money  helped  Sweden  to  support  Its  armies 
and  found  Its  commercial  companies  and  Dutch  brains  devel- 
oped the  industries  of  the  country,  and  from  Holland  came  the 
first  impulses  for  transatlantic  trade. 

The  political  relation  between  Sweden  and  Holland  was 
friendly  as  a  rule  before  1655  and  the  States  generally  followed 
Oldenbarnevelt's  policy.  Several  Dutch  embassies  were  sent 
to  Stockholm  and  Sweden  had  constant  representatives,  corre- 
spondents, consuls  and  residents  in  Holland  from  an  early 
date.  Several  treaties  were  made  between  the  two  nations 
(1614,  1618,  1633,  1644,  etc.),  and  in  1638  and  1639,  the 
years  that  mark  the  beginning  of  the  colony  on  the  Delaware, 
the  States  drew  closer  to  Sweden.  In  1644  and  1645  Holland 
proved  a  fast  friend,  but  the  friendly  relations  were  soon  to 
be  severed. 

Holland  and  Sweden  reached  their  highest  political  Im- 
portance about  the  same  time,  and  here  lies  the  explanation 
of  their  estrangement.  The  Dutch  controlled  the  shipping 
on  the  Baltic,  half  of  their  enormous  merchant  fleet  sailing  on 
its  waters.  Over  two  thirds  of  the  Swedish  Imports  and  exports 
for  the  period  1 637-1 643  were  carried  on  foreign  ships,  the 
majority  of  which  were  Dutch.  Swedish  statesmen,  however, 
endeavored  to  wrest  this  supremacy  from  the  Hollanders,  and 
through  their  efforts  Swedish  commerce  and  shipping  increased 
greatly.  Sweden  soon  became  the  leading  power  In  the  north. 
The  States,  fearing  this  supremacy,  sided  with  her  enemies  and 
ruined  many  of  her  great  plans.  When  Sweden  stood  almost 
ready  to  weld  the  three  Scandinavian  nations  into  one  and 
make  the  Baltic  a  Swedish  inland  sea,  Holland  interfered, 
crushing  her  last  hope  of  success.    The  Swedish  colony  on  the 

^  Rising  advised  his  countrymen  by  all  means  to  go  to  Amsterdam,  "  which 
was  the  best  organized  commercial  city  in  the  world." 


14        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Delaware  passed  over  to  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedish  posses- 
sions In  Africa  (1648-63)  were  captured  by  the  same  people. 
Swedish  merchant  vessels  were  now  often  taken  by  the  Dutch^^ 
and  they  did  much  damage  to  Swedish  shipping  and  com- 
merce.^^ 

^  In  Aug.,  1665,  they  arrested  four  Swedish  ships  belonging  to  the  Salt 
Company.    See  State  Papers,  For.,  Siueden,  No.  5,  1630-65.    Pub.  Rec.  Office. 

°^  For  the  relation  between  Sweden  and  Holland,  see  Aitzema,  III.  5,  p.  162 
ff. ;  Fridericia,  Dan.  ydre  poL,  etc.;  Sveriges  irakt.  med  frdm.  makt,;  Handl.  r'or. 
Skan.  Hist.,  XVII.-XXXVL,  and  the  bibliography  below;  Strodda  handl.;  Hol- 
landica  (R.A.). 


CHAPTER   III. 

The  Government. 
I. 

As  may  be  gathered  from  the  brief  statements  of  the  pre- 
ceding pages,  Sweden  developed  a  highly  organized  military 
system  in  this  period,  the  best  in  Europe,  retaining  its  main 
features  for  several  centuries;  and  through  its  statesmen  the 
machinery  of  state  was  brought  to  a  degree  of  perfection  not 
attained  by  other  European  powers  at  this  early  date.  The 
government  of  the  King  lost  most  of  its  patriarchal  features, 
and  "  division  of  labor  "  becomes  the  watchword  of  this  epoch. 
The  military  affairs  of  the  nation  were  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  College  of  War,  and  the  management  of  the  navy  was 
assigned  to  the  College  of  Admiralty  (fully  organized  in 
1634)  ;  the  College  of  Mines  (1637)  superintended  the  min- 
ing industries  and  the  reorganized  financial  system  was  placed 
under  the  direction  of  the  College  of  the  Exchequer  (Kammar- 
kollegium,  organized  in  1618)  ;  the  custom  house  service  was 
headed  by  "  a  general  collector  of  customs,"  aided  by  one 
hundred  and  ten  assistants,  and  an  inspector  was  appointed  to 
superintend  the  surveying  of  the  country  (the  last  two  depart- 
ments being  branches  of  the  Kammarkollegium)  .^ 

In  the  same  year,  which  marks  the  founding  of  the  New 
Sweden  Company,  it  was  decided  to  establish  a  commercial 
college,  to  regulate,  control  and  encourage  trade.  As  this 
organization  has  special  bearing  on  our  subject,  a  short  history 
of  its  origin  and  work  will  be  given  down  to  the  time  when  the 
directorship  of  the  company  was  intrusted  to  its  officers.^    The 

*  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  135  ff. ;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  staisf.,  p.  294  fiF. ;  Carlson, 
I.  Intro.;  Zettersten,  Sv.  flot.  hist.,  I.  16  ff.  German  surveyors  were  employed  by 
Gustavus  Adolphus.      See  Ekstrand,  S'v.  landtmdtare,  XVII.  ff. 

^The  following  is  the  most  complete  account  of  the  college  that  has  so  far 
appeared. 

15 


1 6        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Idea  of  a  commercial  college,  suggested  perhaps  by  Oxenstierna 
or  Spiring,  was  brought  before  the  Council  of  State  in  the 
autumn  of  1637,^  although  there  is  no  mention  of  the  fact  in 
the  minutes.^  On  November  28,  the  same  year,  "a  commis- 
sion .  .  .  for  the  recently  established  Commercial  College"^ 
was  issued  by  the  government.  The  special  function  of  the 
college  was  to  supervise,  increase  and  extend  foreign  and 
domestic  trade.  Klas  Fleming  was  appointed  president,  while 
Lars  Grubbe  and  Marten  Augustinsson  were  selected  assessors 
at  a  later  meeting  of  the  council,  and  on  December  22,  1637, 
Johan  Beier,  the  only  officer  drawing  a  salary,  was  appointed 
secretary.  It  is  likely  that  the  college  held  meetings  in  1638 
and  discussed  commercial  matters,  especially  with  reference  to 
the  New  Sweden  Company  (the  management  of  which  was 
placed  under  its  charge),  but  there  is  no  trace  of  its  labors, 
except  the  statement  that  certain  questions  and  requests  of  a 
number  of  cities  were  referred  to  it  the  same  year.^  Already 
in  the  beginning  of  1641,  however,  it  was  considered  dead,  for 
the  colleges  of  the  kingdom  were  then  only  five  In  number.^ 
During  the  next  few  years  the  question  of  founding  a  com- 
mercial college  was  brought  up  in  the  council  several  times. 
On  July  28,  1643,  that  body  discussed  a  "  Commercial  Council, 
which  should  keep  up  correspondence"  and  supply  news;  again 
on  April  9,  1644,  it  was  thought  that  "  an  organization  of  this 
kind  ought  to  be  established,"  and  three  days  later  a  whole 
session  was  devoted  to  the  deliberations  concerning  a  trading 
college.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year  proposals  were 
made  to  the  Queen  for  the  establishment  of  such  a  college,  and 
in  the  fall  it  was  again  up  for  consideration  in  at  least  two  o^ 
the  council  meetings.  It  seems  that  an  organization  was  effected 
about  this  time,  for  in  December,  1645,  the  Queen  suggested^ 

"Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  H.  no. 

*The  first  mention  of  the  commercial  college  in  the  minutes  of  the  council 
is  on  December   i,   1637. 

*R.R.  November  28,  1637,  fol.  364.      Printed  in  Stiernman. 

'  Rddspr.,  Vn.  121;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  167. 

'' Radspr.,  IX.  351;  cf.  also  Holm,  Sv.  all.  postv.,  II.  4. 

*"H.  M:  tt.  sade  man  skulle  fragha  Handels  Collegium  derom,  hvadh  dee 
mena,"  Radspr.,  XI.  255. 


The  Government.  17 

that  the  commercial  college  should  be  requested  to  express  its 
opinion  about  a  certain  subject  and  in  December,  1646,  a  sum 
of  money  was  assigned  by  the  government  for  an  assistant 
to  Secretary  Beier  "  until  a  certain  budget  and  ordinance  for  a 
certain  commercial  college  .  .  .  could  be  made  and  established."* 

But  the  reestablished  college  was  as  short-lived  as  the  first 
and  soon  new  plans  were  presented  for  its  revival.  In  1649 
Eric  Oxenstierna  wrote  that  a  commercial  college  would  prove 
very  profitable  for  the  kingdom.  Some  progress  was  made  at 
this  time  towards  the  realization  of  the  old  plan  and  Daniel 
Behm  prepared  an  instruction  for  its  ofllicers  and  stated  certain 
principles  and  objects  of  such  an  organization.  The  matter 
was  also  brought  into  the  council,  but  it  did  not  get  beyond  "  the 
paper  state. "^"^  It  is  not  quite  clear  why  the  college  as  estab- 
lished in  1637  and  reestablished  in  1645  was  not  a  success,  nor 
why  a  firm  organization  was  not  effected  in  1649.  Financial 
difficulties  could  not  alone  be  responsible,  for  surely  the  state 
treasury  was  not  in  a  more  prosperous  condition  in  1 651-1653 
than  in  1649  ^^  ^^^"  '^^  1645  ^^'^  1^37-  The  main  trouble  was 
probably  that  suitable  men  could  not  be  found  to  manage  the 
college  nor  spared  from  other  fields  of  work. 

In  1 65 1  there  was  again  activity  in  the  matter.  It  was  also 
referred  to  the  diet,  where  the  idea  was  well  received  and  the 
college  was  finally  and  firmly  established.  A  new  instruction 
was  issued,  prescribing  in  more  definite  and  detailed  terms  the 
object  of  the  college  and  its  jurisdiction.^^  The  main  office 
should  be  located  at  Stockholm  (two  other  oflices  should  also 
be  maintained),  and  all  "navigation  and  trade"  to  foreign 
countries  were  to  be  placed  under  Its  jurisdiction.     The  college 

'  Rddspr.,  X.  232,  498,  505-6;  XI.  28,  147-8,  150,  255,  R.R.  Dec.  31,  1646 
(R.A.). 

^Tries,  E.  Oxenstierna,  120  ff.,  339;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  167  ff. 

"A  commercial  college  was  founded  in  Denmark  in  1668.  Barfod,  Hist., 
p.  1318;  Fridericia,  Dan.  Rig.  Hist.,  1588-1699,  p.  490.  Mention  is  made  of  a 
Handelskollegium  long  before,  however.  Barfod,  p.  462.  A  commercial  college 
was  founded  in  Amsterdam  in  1663.  See  H.  Brugraan,  De  Notulen  en  Min.  van 
het  Col.  van  Com.  te  Amsterdam,  1663-65,  in  Bijdr.  en  Mededeel.,  XV^III. 
i8i  ff. 


1 8        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

should  correspond  with  Swedish  ambassadors  and  residents 
abroad,  as  well  as  with  servants  of  the  commercial  companies 
and  in  cities  of  sufficient  importance,  where  there  were  no  rep- 
resentatives, such  should  be  appointed.  The  instruction  for  the 
college  is  dated  August  23,  165 1.  Four  days  later  Berndes  was 
appointed  general  director,  and  on  September  30,  Marten 
Leijonskold  was  made  vice-director  and  Anders  Olofsson,  secre- 
tary. A  general  commission  for  the  three  chief  officers  was 
issued  on  October  i,^^  defining  their  collective  duties,  which 
were  to  consist  in  seeking  for  the  welfare  of  Sweden  and  the 
advantage  and  prosperity  of  the  commerce  and  manufactories 
in  the  kingdom  and  its  colonies  and  dependencies.^^ 

The  budget  of  the  college  was  at  first  provided  for  by  the 
tobacco-excise,  but  later  part  of  the  money  for  the  necessary 
expenses  was  taken  from  the  "  large  sea-toll."  We  learn  from 
the  budget  of  1654,  that  the  college  had  one  director,  three 
assessors,  one  secretary,  two  scriveners,  one  bookkeeper,  "  one 
scrivener  under  the  bookkeeper,"  one  janitor,  one  servant  and 
ten  correspondents  in  foreign  countries.  The  general  director 
had  no  salary,  since  he  was  a  member  of  the  Royal  Council. 
Each  of  the  assessors  was  paid  a  salary  of  1000  D.  a  year;  the 
bookkeeper  500  D. ;  the  scriveners  300  D.  each;  the  janitor 
150  D. ;  the  servant  50  D. ;  and  the  salary  of  the  correspondents 
was  750  D. ;  expenses  for  light  and  extras  were  100  D.  and  rent 
amounted  to  300  D.  a  year,  making  a  total  of  13,100  D.^"* 

'"  Johan  Lelliencrantz  is  designated  as  "  assessor." 

^*The  college  was  also  to  inspect  hospitals,  insane  asylums,  and  orphan  homes 
and  to  demand  annual  accounts  from  these. 
"  "  Handels  Colle[gi]um  Anno  1654. 

Behofwes 
For  eftersckrefne  Nembl.  Anordnas. 

1.  General  Director,  hafr  sin  anordning  AflF  1654  ahrs  stoora  Siotull, 

ibland  Rickzradh.  N.  uttaf  Toobackz-tullen 

3     Assessorer  a  1000  D 3,000 

1  Secreterare   600 

2  Skrifware  a  300  D 600 

1.    Bookhollare   500 

I     Skrifware   under   honom 300 


Queen  Christina  as  a  child.     ( H. ) 


The  Government.  19 

The  work  of  the  college  began  in  1651  and  in  1652  we  find 
it  giving  instructions,  writing  letters,  and  the  like.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  1652,  the  general  director  died  and  Lejonskold  was 
appointed  in  his  place.  The  work  of  the  college  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  managed  with  the  energy  and  power  necessary  to 
make  it  a  force  of  any  importance.  But  in  the  autumn  of  this 
year,  Eric  Oxenstierna  was  placed  at  the  head  of  it  and  when 
he  returned  to  Sweden  in  the  summer  of  1653,  new  life  and 
vigor  were  infused  into  its  work,^^  and  now  begins  its  manage- 
ment of  the  New  Sweden  Company.^^ 

II. 

The  government  was  constitutional.  Gustavus  Adolphus 
having  given  his  "  Royal  Assurance,"  virtually  a  constitution, 
"  ruled  with  the  aid  of  his  people  "  and  he  decided  on  no  im- 
portant measures  without  reference  to  the  diet  or  the  council. 

A  constitution,  written  by  Oxenstierna  and  sanctioned  by  the 
King  before  his  death,  was  adopted  in  1634  and  Sweden  now 
took  the  first  place  among  the  governments  of  Europe.  After 
the  death  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  the  kingdom  was  ruled  by 
"  the  five  high  officers  "^^  until  the  Queen  was  of  age.  Headed 
by  the  great  chancellor,  this  government  was  one  of  the  wisest 
that  ever  ruled  a  nation  and  many  of  the  plans  originated  by 
the  King  were  perfected  and  executed  by  it.     It  made  the  first 

I     Wachtmestare   150 

I     Drangh    50 

Till  huushyra   300 

Till     Lius     och     andra     Extraordin. 

Expenser    100 

10  Correspondenter  a  750  D 7,500 

Sumraa   13,100.  13,100. 

Datum,  Ubsala  den  31  Martij  Anno  1654.  Pa  dragande  kails  och  Erabetets 
wegner,  Herman  Fleming,"  etc.  (This  document  was  discovered  by  the  author 
among  some  unclassified  papers  In  Kam.  Ar.  in  1907.)  Ellen  Fries,  taking  her 
facts  from  R.R.  states  that  the  total  sum  was  13,100  R.D.  My  copy  has  13,100 
D.,  however. 

"R.R.  Aug.  27,  September  30,  1651,  fol.  455  ff. ;  Stiernman,  II.  669  ff.;  Fries. 
E.  Oxenstierna,  p.  122  ff. ;  R.R.  Oct.  i,  1651. 

"  Cf.  below. 

"This  government  was  called  "  formyndare  regeringen." 


20        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Swedish  settlement  on  the  Delaware  and,  had  It  continued  In 
power,  the  colony  would  probably  have  suffered  less  neglect.^^ 

In  1644  the  government  was  handed  over  to  Christina,  who 
like  her  father  gave  a  Royal  Assurance.  In  the  beginning  she 
took  interest  in  the  state  business,  but  she  soon  tired  of  the 
arduous  duties.  Her  mind  reverted  to  literature  and  arts.  She 
collected  books  and  art  treasures,  she  called  the  greatest  men  of 
Europe  to  her  court,  and  she  sought  to  establish  learned 
societies.  The  splendors  of  her  court  were  far  in  excess  of  the 
resources ;  pageants,  court  balls  and  festivities  of  every  descrip- 
tion drained  the  treasury  and  occupied  the  time  of  the  Queen. 
Gifts  in  estates  and  privileges  were  showered  on  favorites  with- 
out number  and  without  reference  to  results.  Soon  the  five 
million  R.D.  paid  to  Sweden  through  the  Westphallan  treaty 
were  gone  and  five  millions  more  had  followed,  leaving  the 
nation  in  great  debt.  At  last  conditions  became  Impossible. 
She  resigned  her  scepter  to  a  stronger  hand  and  joined  the 
Church  against  which  her  great  father  had  fought.^ ^ 

Self-government  in  Sweden  dates  from  antiquity.  The  king 
circumscribed  to  some  extent  this  prerogative  of  the  people,  as 
the  political  organization  of  the  country  was  perfected,  but 
municipal  self-government  was  never  fully  relinquished  by  the 
commons  and  the  people  who  came  to  the  Delaware  between 
1638  and  1664  were  accustomed  to  partake  In  the  administra- 
tion of  their  local  affairs,  secular  and  religious.  The  diet  was 
made  up  of  the  four  estates  (the  Nobility,  the  Clergy,  the 
Burgesses  and  the  Peasantry) ,  giving  the  people  an  opportunity 
to  participate  In  the  government  of  the  whole  country.  It  was 
summoned  by  royal  authority  as  circumstances  required  and  as 
questions  of  great  Import  arose,  and  the  members  were  elected 
or  appointed  to  represent  the  various  districts  of  the  kingdom."*^ 

The  Council  of  State  became  an  Important  body  during  this 
period.     According  to  the  constitution  of  1634  It  was  to  con- 

''See  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  i  ff.;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  p.  341  ff.;  Sv. 
hist.,  V.  290  ff. ;  Bain,  Scandinavia,  p.  208  ff. 

"Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  397  ff. ;  Bain,  Scandinavia,  p.  218  ff. 
'"Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  372  ff. 


The  Government.  21 

sist  of  twenty-five  members.  Practically  every  phase  of  public 
life  was  discussed  at  its  meetings.  It  decided  questions  of  peace 
and  war;  it  deliberated  about  foreign  and  domestic  commerce; 
it  discussed  the  ways  and  means  of  trading  companies;  it  settled 
disputes  between  city  officials  and  between  companies  and  indi- 
viduals; *'  it  revised  judgments  of  courts,"  as  well  as  court- 
martials;  in  short,  the  entire  religious,  social  and  economic  life 
of  the  nation  received  its  attention. ^^ 

The  judicial  system  was  reorganized  and  perfected  during 
this  period.  Laws  were  printed,  commentaries  were  written, 
foreign  books  on  the  subject  were  translated,  the  old  Swedish 
law  began  to  be  studied  at  the  University  of  Upsala,^^  disser- 
tations and  treatises  on  the  old  Swedish  as  well  as  the  Roman 
law  were  published  and  men  like  Jonas  Magni,  Olaus  Crusius 
(the  first  professor  of  law  in  Sweden  1625-31),^^  Sidenius, 
Rosengren,  Jonas  Bureus  and  above  all  Loccenius  (Rising's 
teacher)  and  Stiemhook  attained  renown  in  this  field.  The  old 
Swedish  law  was  the  foundation  for  all  proceedings,  but  the 
Roman  law  made  its  Influence  felt,  and  in  many  cases  "  the  law 
of  Moses"  was  followed,  when  a  paragraph  in  the  secular  law 
could  not  be  found  to  apply  to  the  case  in  question.  Thus  thirty- 
six  paragraphs  from  the  laws  of  Moses  were  printed  as  an  ap- 
pendix to  the  edition  of  the  Swedish  law  published  by  Carl  IX. 2* 
It  is  quite  probable  that  Printz  and  Rising  used  one  or  more  of 
these  ordinances  and  commentaries  published  before  1653  ^^^ 
we  have  at  least  one  instance,  in  which  the  "laws  of  Moses" 
were  followed  on  the  Delaware. 

^Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  p.  268  ff. ;  Rddspr.,  I.  ff. ;  R.R.  1637  if.;  Rddspr.  mss., 
1649  ff.,  1650,  March  20,  etc. 

^The  Roman  law  alone  was  studied  at  the  universities  of  other  countries,  at 
this  early  date   (Schvick). 

^Messenius  was  really  appointed  "juris  professor"  in  1609,  but  he  does  not 
seem  to  have  done  anything  in  the  field  (Schiick,  488). 

^^Schiick,  I.  482  ff. ;  Hildebrand,  S-v.  statsf.,  286  ff. ;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist., 
p.  138  ff.;  Z),?  /a  Gard.  Arch.,  II.  p.  220  ff. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Religion,  Language,  Science,  Classes  of  Society, 
Population. 

The  Reformation  had  fully  permeated  Swedish  religious 
thought  even  before  this  era.  It  had  accomplished  permanent 
results  and  the  Church,  under  the  direct  control  of  the  govern- 
ment, had  become  firmly  established.  "  The  Bible  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus,"  a  revision  of  the  old  translation  of  1541,  was  pub- 
lished in  161 8,  and  several  new  editions  were  issued.  "A 
church-handbook"  was  published  in  16 14  (based  on  earlier 
editions),  which  continued  to  be  used  until  1693;  revised  and 
enlarged  editions  of  the  Psalm-book  (several  private  collections 
were  also  printed)  appeared  in  16 10,  16 16,  and  in  a  more  final 
form  in  1645.^  New  editions  of  Luther's  catechism  (trans- 
lated in  1548?)  were  printed  from  time  to  time,  as  well  as 
other  translations  of  foreign  catechisms. 

The  large  masses  were  moved  by  the  new  life — the  Lutheran 
Reformation  was  a  movement  of  the  people — and  it  improved 
their  morals  and  standard  of  life.  The  Lutheran  clergy  in 
Sweden  were  generally  well  educated,  many  of  them  having 
studied  abroad,  and  there  were  no  more  learned  preachers  in 
America  in  the  seventeenth  century  than  those  sent  here  by  the 
Swedish  government. 

The  vigorous  religious  and  spiritual  life  of  the  Reformation 
period  soon  gave  way,  however,  to  a  cold,  narrow  theology,  but 
foreign  religions  were  tolerated  in  the  larger  cities  and  there 
were  churches  of  the  Reformed  sects  in  Stockholm  and  Gothen- 
burg.^ 

^  Concerning  the  earliest  Psalm-books  in  Sweden  see  Samlaren,  1891,  p.  5  ff. 

^  Anjou,  Hist,  of  the  Reform,  in  Siveden  (transl.  by  Mason)  ;  Norlin,  Svenska 
kyrk.  hist.,  I.;  Cornelius,  Sv.  kyrk.  hist.  eft.  reform.;  Sillen,  IV.  42.  Schiick, 
Sv.  lit.,  215;  Schiick  och  Warburg,  //.  S<v.  lit.  hist.,  I.  173  ff.,  410  ff. ;  Odhner, 
Sv.    in.    hist.,    309    ff. ;    Lovgren,    Kyrkohist.,    p.    261    ff. ;    Lundstrom,    Ndr    utk. 


Religion,  Language,  Science,  Population.        23 

The  language  was  passing  through  a  period  of  transition. 
The  Reformation  emphasized  the  use  of  Swedish  and  the  Re- 
formers of  religion  also  became  Reformers  of  the  language, 
endeavoring  to  free  it  from  foreign  influence  and  make  it  a 
cultured  speech.  The  period  immediately  following  the  Refor- 
mation was  unpropitious  for  "  the  cultivation  and  growth  of 
the  language,"  however;  but  with  Gustavus  Adolphus  begins  a 
new  era.  An  A-B-C  Book  was  published  in  1611  ;^  a  new  edi- 
tion of  the  Bible,  as  we  have  seen,  in  1618;  in  1629  instruction 
was  given  to  the  "  antiquarian  and  historian  of  the  kingdom  " 
to  collect  words  for  a  complete  Swedish  Dictionary,'^  and  a 
few  years  earlier  the  King  recommended  to  the  professors 
at  the  University  of  Upsala  that  they  should  strive  to  present 
in  Swedish^  the  learning  of  the  world.^  These  efforts  were  not 
In  vain.  "The  language  of  the  chancery,"  which  had  attained 
some  regularity  already  In  the  preceding  reign,  became  the 
standard  for  good  Swedish  and  three  quarters  of  a  century 
later  the  chanceiy  language  of  the  period  of  Gustavus  Adolphus 
and  of  Christina  and  of  the  Bible  of  1 6 1 8  was  selected  by  a  com- 
mission as  the  norm  for  "the  regulation  of  the  written  lan- 
guage."^ There  were  principally  four  lines  of  foreign  Influence 
— Danish,  German,  Dutch  and  Latin.^  Danish  influenced  the 
phonology  and  inflexion  and  the  Latin,  German  and  Dutch 
furnished  many  new  words.  Traces  of  these  Influences  and  of 
the  humanistic  learning  (which  in  general  tended  to  add  foreign 
expressions  and  words  to  the  vocabulary)  are  found  every- 
where.*' 

Luthers  I.  kat.,  etc.,  Samlaren,  1897,  p.  172  ff.  and  references  given  there. 
Bang,  Dokum.  og  Stud.,  etc.,  I.  (Christ.,  1893)  ;  Samlaren,  1893,  p.  9  ff. ;  De  la 
Gard.  Arch.,  X.  p.  162  ff. 

'  Nevv  editions  in  1612  and  1624.  Samlaren,  1884,  p.  15;  Hernlund,  Sv.  skr. 
spr.  regl.,  p.  7  and  notes  i  and  2. 

*  Other  works  of  this  character  were  also  published  by  Stiernhjelm  and  others. 
^  Mainly  by  translating  foreign  works. 

®  Cf.  Hernlund,  Sv.  skr.  spr,  regl.,  p.  6. 
'  Ibid.,  30  ff. 

*  Hernlund  gives  only  three. 

*Cf.  Hernlund,  p.  3  ff. ;  Hist.  B'tbl,  VI.  259  ff.  and  references  given  in  these 
works.     De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  VI.,  VIII.,  X.,  XII. 


24        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  Swedish  language  was  divided  into  several  dialects,  well 
defined  within  certain  geographical  areas.  The  Swedish 
colonists  on  the  Delaware  came  largely  from  Upland  and  the 
Northern  Provinces,  and  hence  they  spoke  the  dialects  of  these 
districts.  The  language  of  the  peasants  was  purely  Germanic; 
but  the  soldiers  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War  and  foreign  merchants 
and  warriors  brought  in  many  new  words,  which  gradually 
found  their  way  even  into  the  vocabulary  of  everyday  speech. 

The  national  language  was  not  taught  in  the  schools  and 
there  was  no  standard  of  authority.  Hence  literary  monuments 
present  great  variations  in  spelling  and  other  respects.  The 
dentals,  d,  t,  and  th  are  often  indiscriminately  used  to  spell  the 
same  word,  often  by  the  same  man.^°  Ch  is  often  used  instead 
of  ck,  especially  before  /,  probably  with  no  difference  of  sound,^^ 
and  before  /  (sometimes  h)  we  find  g  in  some  cases,  where  it 
has  been  entirely  replaced  by  its  corresponding  tenues  in  the 
modern  speech. ^^  In  many  instances  the  old  Swedish  5  (pro- 
nounced much  like  th  in  father)  is  retained,  indicated  by  dh}^ 
H  combined  with  g  formed  a  spirant,^^  but  sometimes  h  seems 
to  have  served  no  purpose  in  a  word  (unless  to  lengthen  the 
vowel). ^^  /  and  ;  were  often  interchanged^^  and  an  i  is  found 
where  it  has  dropped  out  in  modern  Swedish.^ ''^  P  and  b  were 
often  silent ;^^  z  and  s  were  used  to  represent  the  same  sound,^^ 
and  sometimes  p  was  replaced  by  its  corresponding  medial.^*' 
Consonants  were  often  doubled  to  express  length,  but  there  was 
no  uniformity.^^ 

'"Det,  tet,  thet;  thetta,  detta,  dy,  ty,  etc. 

"  Mackt,  macht,  plicht;  ock,  och,  ach,  ack,  etc. 

"  Magtig,  ogh,  etc. 

''  Wedh,  medh,  gudh,  dherhos,  kommandhe,  etc. 

"  Borgh,  sigh,  etc. 

"Wahl,  ahre,  fahna,  etc. 

"Sporja,  sporia,  biuda,  etc. 

"Laggia,  sokia.   (Mod.  Swedish  lagga,  soka). 

'*  Lamb,  sampteliga. 

^*Landzhofding,  skepzk.,  landshof.,  skepsk.,  etc. 

^Ubsala,  etc. 

^Effter,  efter,  skepp,  skep,  skeep,  etc. 


Johaii  Bureus. 


Religion,  Language,  Science,  Population.        25 

The  vowels  had  different  values  in  different  dialects  and  a 
variety  of  uses  can  be  observed  in  the  same  document.  The 
vowels  a  and  e  are  used  to  indicate  the  same  sound.  The  word 
silver  is  written  "  solfver,"  and  "  silfwer"  due  to  phonetic  spel- 
ling, and  a  is  often  replaced  by  o.  Long  vowels  were  some- 
times indicated  by  doubling,  but  here  again  no  uniformity  is 
observed. ^^  The  letters,  documents  and  books  of  the  period 
contain  a  large  number  of  foreign  words,  such  as  river,  voagie, 
compagnie,  ungefar,  gloriviirdig,  etc.^^  Long  and  unwieldy 
sentences,  often  loosely  and  illogically  constructed,  are  almost 
the  rule  and  the  inverted  and  transposed  sentence-order,  due  to 
German  influence,  often  predominates.  Punctuation  and  cap- 
italization follow  no  rules;  they  are  sometimes  entirely  want- 

Before  the  seventeenth  century  Sweden  had  had  no  poet  of 
importance  and  no  works  of  great  literary  value  were  produced. 
But  in  this  epoch  of  enthusiasm  for  Swedish  language  and 
antiquities  a  list  of  names  meets  us,  which  have  received  a  per- 
manent place  in  Swedish  history  and  literature.  Bureus-^ 
studied  the  old  language,  collected  runes  and  wrote  a  grammar 
and  other  treatises.  His  disciple,  Georg  Stiernhjelm,  composed 
a  dictionary,  tried  to  prove  that  Swedish  was  the  mother  of  the 
Germanic  languages,  foreshadowed  Grimm's  law  and  through  his 
poems  gained  the  name  of  "the  father  of  Swedish  poetry."-^ 

^Weet,  skeep,  reesa,  etc.  Cf.  Beckman,  Bidr.  till  hdnned.  om  1700-talets 
svensha,  Arkiv,  for  Nord.  Fil.,  XI.  154  ff.,  and  the  references  to  Kock,  Noreen, 
Lundell,  Kullin  and  others  found  there.  The  examples  are  taken  from  docunnents 
relating  to  New  Sweden,  the  letters  of  Lindestrom,  Rising,  etc. 

^  The  following  is  an  extreme  case  of  "Germanized"  Swedish:  "  Ihn  getreu 
undt  fleisigst  informiren,  samt  i  synnerhet  bibringa  honom  anyo  det  som  nu  en 
tid  var  forsuramadt;  han  skulle  och  alltid  halla  so  ivohl  Ihn  alls  den  knabeen  so 
nehen  Ihme,"  etc.  (From  a  letter  written  by  J.  De  la  Gardie,  Sept.  29,  1649. 
De  la  Card.  Arch.,  VI.  90.) 

'*  For  samples  of  the  "  letter  stjle  "  of  this  period  see  De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  VI. 
30  ff.  Cf.  ihid.,  VIII.  139  ff.  V^ords  like  voagie,  river,  etc.,  were  common  in 
the  other  Germanic  languages  as  well.  In  M.  H.  German  they  often  occur. 
Cf.  Parzival,  118,  4-22,  etc. 

^''Samlaren,  1883,  p.  12  ff.,  71  ff.,  18S4,  p.  5  ff.,  1890,  p.  55  ff.  Schuck  och 
Warburg,  Lit.  hist.,  I.  254  ff. 

^  Swartling,  Birger,  Ndgra  bidr.  fill  Stiernhjelms  biogr.  1636-50;  Stud,  tilldg. 
H.  Schiick;  Schuck  och  Warburg,  Lit.  hist.,  I.  258   ff.,  321   ff. 


26        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Wivallius  (the  first  great  poet  in  Sweden)  wrote  verses  with 
pure  lyric  touch^'^  and  a  host  of  other  authors  wrote  ballads  and 
stories.-^ 

The  "devotional"  and  moral  literature^^  was  very  rich,  con- 
sisting of  sermons,  psalms,  hymns,  long  sacred  poems,  such  as 
The  Sufering  and  Resurrection  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
didactic  and  moral  pieces,  such  as  Concerning  Drunkards  and 
their  Destruction,  and  the  like.  Folk-ballads  also  abounded, 
and  prose  romances  were  published  and  circulated.  Germanic 
productions  such  as  Reyneke  Fosz  and  Thil  Ulspegel  and  Italian 
novels^"  such  as  "  All's  Well  that  Ends  Well  "  and  others  were 
translated  and  printed.  These  books  were  not  read  by  the 
people  in  general,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  stories  soon  be- 
came common  property  and  we  may  assume  that  at  least  a  few 
of  the  colonists  on  the  Delaware  had  some  knowledge  of  them.^^ 

Education,  measured  by  our  present-day  standards,  was  on 
a  low  level.  The  Reformation  broke  down  old  customs  and 
practices,  and  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  it  improved  the  culture 
and  the  higher  education  in  the  country.  It  took  a  generation 
to  reestablish  what  had  been  changed,  in  some  cases  with  too 
violent  a  hand.  But  the  early  reformers  laid  much  stress  on  the 
education  of  the  masses  and  their  efforts  were  not  without  re- 
sult. The  knowledge  imparted  was  largely  religious  and  the 
first  instruction  was  given  at  home,  which  was  afterwards  sup- 
plemented by  the  Church. 

^  For  various  "  principles  employed  in  writing  Swedish  verse  "  see  Samlaren, 
1894,  p.  I  ff. ;  Schijck,  Sv.  lit.  'hist.,  p.  541,  note.  "Ad  Poesin  Svecanam"  (a 
book  in  imitation  of  Optiz,  Buck  von  der  deutshen  Poeterei.  Cf.  Georg 
Witkowski,  Martin  Opitz,  etc.)  was  published  in  1651.  See  Samlaren,  1894, 
p.  79  ff. 

"*  Schiick,  p.  351  if.;  Schiick  och  Warburg,  L  30o(?)  ff. ;  Samlaren,  1S87,  p.  58 
ff.,  176  ff.,  1890,  p.  27  ff. ;  1892,  p.  5  ff. ;  1898,  p.  44  ff.;  1899,  p.  i  ff.  Many 
of  these  poems  and  literary  works  have  been  edited  in  our  day.  Schiick  edited 
the  poems  of  L.  Wivallius,  etc.  Wieselgren  also  printed  some  of  these  early 
poems  in  De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  VHL  168  ff. 

^  Uppbyggelselitterattir.  Cf.  Samlaren,  1883,  p.  175  ff. ;  1884,  p.  18  ff.;  1888, 
p.  99  ff. 

^  "  The  first  Swedish  novelist,"  Olof  Broraan,  was  born  in  1676.  Samlaren, 
1897,  p.  2. 

^  For  the  books  found  in  a  cultured  man's  library  of  that  day,  see  Schiick 
och  Warburg,  L  207.  Wieselgren,  De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  VL  200  ff. ;  Samlaren,  1887, 
p.  183  ff. ;  Samlaren,  1899,  p.  113  ff. 


Johan  Skytte.     (H.) 


Religion,  Language,  Science,  Population.        27 

During  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  pubHc  schools 
were  established  in  many  places  and  commercial  colleges  were 
planned,  where  merchants  could  obtain  instruction  in  the  most 
necessary  business  branches.  Secondary  schools  and  so-called 
Gymnasier  were  founded,  giving  courses  preparatory  to  the 
university.  The  university  at  Upsala  was  reorganized  and 
new  universities  were  chartered  at  Abo  and  Dorpat.  The 
Royal  Library  in  Stockholm  and  the  University  Library  at 
Upsala  date  from  this  period;  the  Royal  Archives  and  the 
"  College  of  i\ntiquity  "  owe  their  existence  to  the  enterprising 
statesmen  of  this  age,  and  the  first  newspapers  were  published 
during  this  time.'-  Education  (especially  that  of  the  people) 
was  under  the  direct  control  of  the  Church.  It  was  her  busi- 
ness to  see  that  the  members  understood  her  teachings  and 
her  best  men,  such  as  Paulinus,  Rudbeckius,  Angermannus  and 
others,  wrote  books  on  pedagogy  and  labored  with  much  dili- 
gence "to  scatter  the  spiritual  darkness"  of  their  country.  As 
early  as  1571  a  chapter  "concerning  schools  and  the  order  of 
instruction  in  schools"  was  inserted  into  "the  Ordinance  of  the 
Swedish  Church,"  and  several  other  school  ordinances  were 
drafted  from  161 1  on.  But  laymen  like  Per  Brahe,  Axel 
Oxenstierna,  Johah  Skytte,  De  la  Gardie  and  Gyllengren,  also 
had  a  large  share  in  improving  the  instruction  and  organizing 
the  school-system  of  their  people;  and  Amos  Comenius  (or 
Komensky) ,  the  greatest  pedagogue  of  his  age,  several  cen- 
turies in  advance  of  his  contemporaries,  went  twice  to  Sweden 
(In  1642  and  again  in  1646)  through  the  influence  of  his 
patron,  Louis  de  Geer,  for  the  purpose  of  reorganizing  the 
schools  of  the  country,  according  to  his  educational  theories. 
At  the  expense  of  the  government  he  was  engaged  to  write  a 
series  of  pedagogical  works  and  several  of  his  books  were  trans- 
lated into  Swedish,  In  some  cases  going  through  a  number  of 
editions. ^^ 

^Cf.  Samlaren,  iS88,  p.  174;  1892,  p.  125  ff. ;  Key,  Forsok  till  sv.  tidnlngspr. 
hist.,  I. 

*^  For  the  labors  of  the  great  Bohemian  and  his  relation  to  Sweden,  see 
Liitzow,  Hist,  of  Boh.  Lit.  (New  York,  1900),  p.  249  ff. ;  Hollander,  Sv.  underv. 
hist.,  I.  352  ff.;  Schiick,  Sv.  lit.  hist.,  569  ff. ;  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  92. 


28        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

It  was  natural  that  such  efforts  should  bear  fruit.  Even  in 
1632  Professor  Menius,  of  Dorpat,  said  "that  Melanchthon's 
prophecy  was  about  to  be  fulfilled,  that  the  liberal  arts,  expelled 
from  the  countries  where  they  formerly  flourished  .  .  .  would 
find  refuge  in  the  North."  The  pedagogic  thought  and  discus- 
sion of  the  early  part  of  the  century  finally  crystallized  into  the 
school-ordinance  of  1649,  "with  a  system  of  instruction  equal 
to  which  no  other  country  could  show  a  parallel,  whether  we 
refer  to  the  completeness  and  thoroughness  of  the  formal  and 
pedagogic  principles  or  the  extent  and  content  of  the  material 
studied." 

The  illiteracy  of  the  common  people,  however,  was  great, 
and  superstition  and  ignorance  held  sway  over  their  minds. 
They  were  not  always  willing  to  accept  the  innovations  and  Im- 
provements offered,  and  fines  and  other  punishments  were  often 
inflicted  "to  compel  the  stubborn  to  submit  to  the  new  order  of 
things."  Gradually,  however,  there  came  a  change.  In  1638 
Bishop  Gothus  found  that  "  the  members  in  some  congregations 
could  give  good  answers  to  the  questions  he  put  to  them,"  and 
in  1663  Terserus  asserts  "that  in  Leksand^^  and  mostly  in 
East  Dalarne  it  is  counted  as  a  monstrosity  that  a  boy  or  girl  of 
ten  to  eleven  years  can  not  read  in  a  book."  A  common  gunner 
on  the  expedition  of  the  ship  The  Cat  in  1649,^^  \^t^t  an 
interesting  journal  of  the  events,  and  several  of  the  soldiers  who 
had  served  in  New  Sweden  sent  written  supplications  to  the 
government.  It  seems  that  twenty-seven  or  more  out  of  forty- 
eight  colonists  who  signed  the  oath  of  allegiance  at  New 
Gothenborg  on  June  9,  1654,  could  write.  The  other  nineteen 
signed  only  their  initials  or  made  their  marks."®  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  a  fair  number  of  the  early  settlers  on  the  Dela- 
ware could  not  only  read  but  also  write,  and  the  illiteracy  among 

^A  district  in  Dalarne,  northern   Sweden.      See  map. 
''  Cf.  below,  Chaps.  XXIX.,  XLIV. 
="Cf.  below,   Chaps.  XLL,  XLIL 


»;0OQ;QOQQOQQOQQO9, 


Ordinari  Poft^tt^m^^J^/| 

i64.s.Un9.Apr.  N.is. 


Stdn  ^am^Ct^^m  X5>*  Martij. 

"^Zk  b^^fwev  Sntitt  til  at  fttifwA  om  t^»t  fidora  Vic^orico 
fctn  Gen.^elbtm*^*  i^irirtrtrt  Corfiertfon  ^aftver  tt^iU 

lit  i  ^^^mtn*  ^uru  t|>et  4r  cgcntligeit  5er  mtb  tilg^Hfi 

gtt/ATb4ff  til  at  fee  »tur  niebf<5Ii4(t&e  (f  rffwelfc  affcrt  Btven(? 
Officerare  fub  dato  jfrtrtc|)Ott5tl3  bcrt  2^4  Febr.  ^tt>rtbf5r  Office- 
rare  p^  ben  ^^eyferftc  jlibart  5f€  bliflrjte  &35e  ^c|)  fJirtgrte/ f^r* 
mhUr  efftevfSilanbe  tifiA/'^txfiihn  a|f  ert  f^rrtemUg^  S^eyferflP 
Officerare  5r  f4n&c  ^qt  ifr<Sft  Kegeneburg*  p4  Qwrttfle  fi|5rtif 
(?0letW4r4  blcfrte  3.  Gen.  Majorer.Mortaigne,  Wittenberg  oc^ 
<5M^fiecrt/«ci>:J♦<lff^rrt<Dfwcrfhr/  mert&er  Oin  Sriirtriul^N 
wift  tntet  ful^om(tg|>  n>i^^eet«  (I  $i»fti9<t  man  oc()  4nrtu  tit^ee 
egerttUg^  bcfPc^^  ^uro  monga  5<»^«0.r  Ocfe  ©tanbarter  4re  er* 
oflrrabe*  jf  gemeent  (Trlfwce  at  ^fwec  g.elur  ^Xwfertb  i  alt  5tc 
blcfttie  b  fbe  pa  pia^ert/oc^  ^fwcr  3000*  2lcyfcr(?<  fSn^m*  Tic 
Xlcyfaten  i  perfon  flal  ivara  f4ft0en/n^tl  ttttet  Continuera,  rneif 
f^^afwcr  tf>et  IqHwtfl  iittet  v»4rtt  lortgt  ifr4n  |>ondm/ eflfter 
fom  t^eit/  fom  mofit  (ly  ipobr  ^afjf0|ect  <)cf>  Confufion  ofwec 
ro^tn^lac/  rtcmiigeit  ifranprag  f$v{^  til  J^egcneburg  o<^ 
bee  ifr4rt  til  XVien/  ^ati  eai<l4tteligcrt  blifwa  fangcn/  oc^  ^af^ 
ttjcr  altfa  benite  X^cyfarette  Jlyc^t  wartt  mycPit  florre  /  0^ 
n^tt  frtart  tre  g4rtgor  f^  I4rtgt/4rt  JS^eyfarcudCaroli  V.  ffca  Jrt^^ 
brucf  til  X)iUac^4  Gen.  ^clbtm.  C^ff ertfoit  ^afwJcr cffter  cr# 
^<Xllirt  Vi£lori  intct  furtnit  rabelig^it  tiUtengagerafig^mcb^ 
prag/  vtj^ait  avancerat  flrajc  iit  i  tYT^^rcrt /  irttagic  Stabert  jf^ 
glaw/ new^ou^  oc^flere  aitbr^imporrante  placer /lembnac 
en  bed  aff  Armeen  t^er  ()ivar  tiUt  agera  emot  tbe  Trpupper  ^nt 
Jean  DeWerth  f^tfambUr  igen/meb  RefVen  ^fiver^an  (lelt  (In 

Ma/che 

A  page  from  "  the  first  newspaper  of  Sweden,"  edited  by  Johan  Beier,  treasurer 
of  the  New  Sweden  Companj-. 


Religion,  Language,  Science,  Population.        29 

them  was  not  larger,  perhaps  less,  than  among  the  colonists  of 
other  plantations  in  America.^''^ 

The  natural  sciences  received  little  attention  before  1600, 
and  medicine  and  doctors  were  almost  unknown.  Foreign  phy- 
sicians were  gradually  invited,  however,  medical  works  w^ere 
written  and  professors  were  appointed  to  teach  the  subject  at 
the  University  of  Upsala,  but  it  required  half  a  century  before 
the  science  could  divorce  itself  from  theology  and  the  authority 
of  the  Bible,  and  not  before  Rudbeck  (1630-1702),  who  as  a 
youth  of  twenty-two,  discovered  the  lymphatic  canal,  did  Swe- 
den produce  an  investigator  of  note  in  this  field.  The  barber- 
masters  (barber-surgeons)  and  their  journeymen  were  the  doc- 
tors of  the  period^^  and  they  were  employed  on  the  navy,  in  the 
army  and  by  the  people  at  large. ^^ 

The  class  distinctions  were  more  pronounced  than  at  a  later 
period.  The  peasants  and  burghers  were  classes  by  themselves  ; 
above  these  stood  the  nobility,  and  a  middle  class  can  hardly  be 
spoken  of  at  this  time.  The  Swedish  peasant  was  a  free  man. 
His  voice  was  heard  at  the  ting,  and  he  retained  much  of  the 
old-time  liberty  that  his  fellows  in  other  countries  had  lost  long 
before.  Many  heathen  customs  still  clung  to  him,  and  he  even 
possessed  a  knowledge  of  runes,  as  late  as  the  time  of  Olaus 
Rudbeck.  Much  of  the  old  Viking  nature  lived  in  his  strong 
form  and  he  objected  to  rigid  laws  and  stringent  rules. 

*Tor  a  history  of  Swedish  education  in  1600-1664  see  Westling,  Huf-v.  af  den 
sv.  folkund.  hist.,  p.  5  ff.,  especially  p.  29  ff. ;  Wieselgren,  De  la  Gardiska  Arch., 
VIII.  I  ff.;  VI.  193  ff.;  R.R.  Sept.  22,  1651;  Hollander,  Sv.  underv.  hist.,  I. 
303  ff. ;  Schuck,  495  ff. ;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  326  ff. ;  cf.  also  Sillen,  IV.  126; 
Bang,  Dokiim,  etc.  {Chrisiiania,  1893)  ;  Paulson,  Hist,  af  folkund.  i  Sv.,  Stkh., 
1866;  Anjou,  Sv.  kyrk.  hist.;  De  la  Card.  Arch.,  VI.  89  ff.;  XIL  121. 

^  There  were  a  few  physicians,  however,  in  Sweden  at  this  time.  At 
Gothenburg  we  find  Doctor  Nalvick,  Georg  Mascovius  and  von  Hattingh;  and 
others  were  employed  at  Stockholm  and  Upsala.  See  Berg.,  Saml.,  I.  2 ; 
Schuck,  Lit.  hist.,  576  ff.  The  Barber-surgeons  were  well-known  in  England 
at  this  time. 

^"Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  223  ff. ;  Zettersten,  Sv.  fiot.  hist.,  II.  ii2  ff.; 
Schuck,  Lit.  hist.,  p.  576  ff.  Cf.  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  91  ff.;  De  la  Gard.  Arch., 
VI.  113  ff. ;  Hasser,  H.,  Grundriss  der  Gesch.  d.  Medicin  (Jena,  1884),  p.  208  ff. 
Cf.  below.  Chapter  — .  Hofberg,  Sv.  Biogr.  Lex.,  II.  381-2;  Encyclo.  Britan.,  I. 
(article  on  anatomy),  811;  The  New  Intern.  Encyclo.,  XV.  p.  215. 


30        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

He  was  skilled  in  all  kinds  of  manual  arts.^°  He  made  his 
wagons  and  his  sleds,  his  plows  and  his  harrows,  his  rakes  and 
his  hay-forks;  he  made  his  shoes  of  wood,  birchbark  or  leather; 
he  made  his  furniture,  his  wooden  spoons  and  dippers,  his  cups 
and  saucers  and  practically  everything  he  used,  and  the  Swedish 
housewife  could  weave,  knit  and  sew  skillfully.  Since  the  com- 
mon people  never  lost  their  freedom  to  the  same  extent  as  in 
other  European  countries,  poverty  was  less  prevalent  in  Sweden 
than  elsewhere  at  this  time,  and  Ogier  says  that  "  the  Swedish 
peasants  were  neither  poorly  nor  inconveniently  dressed,  and 
prosperity  was  more  evenly  divided  in  Sweden  than  in  other 
countries. "^^ 

The  national  consciousness  was  strong.  It  was  an  epoch 
when  Swedish  generals  led  victorious  armies  over  half  of 
Europe,  it  was  an  age  when  Swedish  statesmen  held  the  destinies 
of  nations  in  their  hands.  There  was  an  enthusiasm  for  Swed- 
ish language  and  Swedish  history.  Foreign  ambassadors  were 
welcomed  in  Swedish — "the  mother  of  the  other  languages" — 
and  foreign  representatives  were  addressed  in  the  same  tongue, 
if  they  were  pretentious  enough  to  use  their  native  speech.  It 
was  a  period  when  Swedish  scholars  delved  into  the  misty  past 
and  located  the  cradle  of  the  human  race  in  their  country;  when 
Swedish  kings  dreamed  of  world-power,  and  when  Swedish 
leaders  stretched  their  arms  across  the  oceans  and  made  settle- 
ments on  two  continents,  that  were  to  become  New  Swedens. 
The  enthusiasm  of  youth  permeated  the  nation  and  drove  it  on 
to  deeds  that  an  older  power  of  twice  its  size  would  not  have 
attempted.  Patriotism  ran  high  and  national  pride  verged  on 
chauvinism.  No  wonder  that  Printz  with  a  handful  of  men 
talked  the  language  of  a  general  with  an  army  at  his  back  to 

'" "  Sldjd." 

"  Sillen,  IV.  90.  For  conditions  in  Sweden  in  this  period  see  Fryxell,  Hand., 
I.  66  flF.  (extracts  of  Juel's  letters  to  the  Danish  government)  ;  Whitelocke's  Em- 
bassy; De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  X.  p.  41  ff. ;  Lundin  och  Strindberg,  Gamla  Stockholm; 
Hist.  Tid.,  I.  XX  ff. ;  Brahe,  Oeconomia  (written  in  1581)  ;  Carlberg,  J.  O.,  Hist, 
saml.  om  Sv.  bergsverk,  etc.,  91  ff. ;  Mankell,  J.,  Stockh.  i  forna  dogar.;  Holm- 
berg,  Bohusldns  historia;  Granberg,  Gotheborgs  beskrifning;  Per  Brakes  tdnke- 
bok. 


Religion,  Language,  Science,  Population.        31 

give  emphasis  to  his  words,  and  that  Rising  with  high-handed 
authority  captured  Fort  Casimir. 

Conditions  in  Finland,  whence  many  of  the  Delaware  colon- 
ists came,  resembled  those  in  Sweden,  The  country,  being 
united  with  Sweden  since  the  Middle  Ages,  had  absorbed  much 
of  the  superior  culture  of  its  conquerors  and  adopted  their 
religion.^-  In  1639  a  bishop  related  that  the  people  "can  read 
their  pieces  from  the  catechism  and  morning  and  evening 
prayers"  and  Terserus,  bishop  in  Abo  (Turko),  asserted  that 
"  it  had  come  so  far  that  almost  all  below  [the  age  of]  twenty 
or  thirty  years  are  able  to  read  their  mother  tongue  fluently." 
Quite  similar  reports  came  from  other  bishops.  The  Swedish 
language  had  made  great  headway  among  the  Finns  at  this  time, 
and  Andreas  Bureus  wrote  about  1630  that  "the  nobility  of 
Finland,  burghers  and  priests  as  well  as  the  richer  farmers  see 
to  it  that  their  children  learn  Swedish  already  in  the  cradle," 
making  it  easy  for  the  Finns  and  Swedes  to  associate. 

The  country  was  poor  and  the  Finns  seem  to  have  had  a  great 
desire  to  migrate,  large  numbers  going  to  Sweden  and  other 
places.  It  has  been  said  that  the  Finn  was  lazy  and  indolent  at 
home  and  that  he  would  rather  spend  his  time  over  the  fireplace 
of  his  primitive  dwelling  than  clear  away  the  forests  or  sow  his 
grain,  but  in  new  surroundings  he  became  industrious  and 
"worked  for  two."^^ 

The  population  of  Sweden  and  Finland  was  about  one  mil- 
lion in  1645,  making  these  extensive  areas  very  sparsely 
settled. ^^  The  entire  city  population  was  only  about  125,000.^^ 
Queen  Christina's  remark  in  1649,  when  two  hundred  Finns 
applied  for  permission  to  go  to  America,  that  she  found  it 
strange  that  they  should  ask  for  such  permission,  when  there 

^  For  a  good  account  of  Finnish  history  from  the  time  of  the  Swedish  con- 
quests to  1600  see  Yrjo  Koskinen,  Fi7tlands  historia,  I.  26-285. 

"  For  a  short  sketch  of  the  social  condition  of  Finland  in  the  17th  Century 
see  Finlands  hist.,  I.  272  ff.  Cf.  Westling,  Sv.  folkund.  hist.,  p.  86.  Cf.  also 
VsscVnix'  letters  to  Oxenstierna.      Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

**  There  were  about  120  inhabitants  to  every  Swedish  square  raile,  a 
Swedish  mile  being  more  than  six  and  one  half  English  miles. 

**  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  349;  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  16  ff. 


32        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

was  enough  land  to  settle  at  home,  was  pertinent,  and  there 
was  no  overflow  population,  which  was  compelled  through  lack 
of  room  to  seek  new  homes  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. ^^ 
And  yet,  other  things  being  normal,  the  reason  for  migra- 
tion is  not  always  over-population,  in  a  relative  sense,  for  what 
would  be  a  large  population  in  England  or  Belgium  would  be 
more  than  over-population  in  Sweden.  There  seems  to  have 
been  an  element  in  Sweden  that  could  have  been  spared  without 
(much  loss  to  the  nation,  and  Rising  said  that  all  those  who 
would  not  work  ought  to  be  sent  to  the  Delaware  colony,  where 
they  would  either  have  to  work  or  starve.  There  were  a  great 
number  of  poor  in  the  cities,  who  were  out  of  work.  Their 
migration  to  America  would  have  relieved  them  of  suffering 
and  given  them  an  opportunity  for  improving  their  condition, 
and  a  burden  to  the  community  would  have  been  removed. 

**  It  is  said  that  laborers  were  so  scarce  in  the  time  of  Christina  that  women 
were  often  compelled  to  handle  the  plow.  See  Sillen,  S'v.  hand.  o.  ndr.  hist.,  IV. 
89.    Cf.  Whitelocke,  Embassy,  I.  p.  209,  etc. 


PART    11. 

INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE  AND  TRADING  COMPANIES, 

1 607- 1 660. 


CHAPTER   V. 

The  Industries. 

In  her  military  and  political  systems  Sweden  was  in  advance 
of  her  age  in  the  seventeenth  century,  offering  models  to 
France,^  Denmark^  and  other  countries,  but  her  industrial  and 
commercial  organization  was  on  a  low  plane  compared  with 
nations  like  England  and  the  Netherlands,  The  many  wars 
and  intimate  foreign  relations,  however,  brought  Sweden  in 
close  touch  with  the  greatest  commercial  and  industrial  coun- 
tries in  the  world  and  marked  advances  were  made  during  tke 
period  of  Swedish  rule  on  the  Delaware.  The  armies  needed 
cannon,  muskets,  swords  and  other  implements  of  war.  It  was 
cheaper  to  make  them  at  home  than  to  import  them  from 
abroad,  and  besides  money  was  lacking  with  which  to  buy  those 
things.  The  country  being  new  and  undeveloped,  offered  larger 
opportunities  to  capitalists  than  the  old  industrial  centers,  and 
in  return  for  special  privileges,  titles  and  land  grants,  besides  the 
regular  remuneration  that  comes  to  the  shrewd  business-man, 
wealthy  Dutchmen,  like  De  Geer,  Spiring,  Von  der  Linde  and 
others,  were  induced  to  invest  capital  in  Swedish  industries  and 
to  establish  manufactories  of  various  kinds.     Foreign  laborers 

^  France  organized  its  government  during  the  infancy  of  Louis  XIV.  along 
the  plans  of  the  Swedish  government  during  the  infancy  of  Christina.  Cf. 
Ranke,  Fran.  Gesch.,  III.  10. 

^  Denmark  organized  its  commercial  college  in  imitation  of  the  one  in 
Sweden.  Cf.  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  39,  note.  It  was  founded  in  1668,  but  Barfod 
in  his  Danish  Hist,  mentions  a  handels-kollegium  long  before.  See  Barfod,  p. 
462,  1318;  Fridericia,  Dan.  Reg.  Hist.,  1588-1699,  p.  490. 

4  33 


34        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

were  engaged  in  large  numbers  and  Swedish  mechanics  were 
sent  abroad  to  study  the  best  methods  used  there. 

As  a  result  Swedish  iron  works  and  especially  Swedish  cannon 
and  firearms  became  famous  throughout  Europe.  Whitelocke 
was  ordered  to  buy  cannon  on  his  embassy  in  1653-4,  and  in 
1642  a  thousand  muskets,  a  thousand  cuirasses  and  large  quan- 
tities of  other  implements  of  war  "  could  be  sold  or  given  to 
Portugal."^ 

The  textile  and  clothing  industries  likewise  receive  an  impe- 
tus from  the  wars.  To  buy  clothes  and  other  wearing  apparel 
for  the  soldiers  and  sailors  from  Holland  or  England  appeared 
uneconomical,  since  Sweden  shipped  large  quantities  of  wool, 
unprepared  hides,  skins  and  other  raw  materials  to  these  coun- 
tries. In  1 6 19  Gustavus  Adolphus  held  a  conference  with  rep- 
resentatives from  cities  and  provinces  of  his  kingdom  concern- 
ing the  establishment  of  textile  and  clothing  factories,  so  that 
the  needs  of  the  army  could  be  supplied.  Successful  private 
factories  were  also  established  during  this  period  and  a  Countess, 
Oxenstierna,  founded  a  clothing  factory  at  Tyreso,  a  few  years 
later,  which  proved  a  paying  venture.  Shoe  and  glove  factories 
are  also  mentioned  at  this  time,  but  they  appear  to  have  been 
run  on  a  small  scale.  Kettles  and  all  kinds  of  utensils  for  the 
house  as  well  as  axes,  knives  and  the  like  were  made  at  a  num- 
ber of  places.  Glass  factories  are  also  reported.  Paul  Gang- 
unkel  built  a  factory  at  Bergkvarna,  where  window-panes  and 
glasses  of  all  kinds  were  made,  and  Melchior  Jung  established 
glass-works  near  Stockholm  in  1643,  securing  workmen  from 
abroad,  probably  from  Holland.^  To  aid  this  industry  import- 
ing of  glass  articles  to  Sweden  was  forbidden  in  the  same  year. 

Copper  mining  reached  its  highest  development  during  this 
period  and  proved  a  great  source  of  revenue  for  the  Crown. 

'And  this  at  a  time  when  Sweden  had  large  armies  on  the  German  battle- 
fields, which  had  to  be  supplied  with  arms.  Cf.  Sillen,  IV.  137  ff. ;  Rddspr.,  X. 
382  ff. ;  Whitelocke,  Embassy.  In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  Olaus 
Magnus  says  that  the  Helsingar  (inhabitants  of  Helsingland,  a  province  of 
northern  Sweden)  were  splendid  blacksmiths  and  could  compete  with  those  of 
foreign  countries,  yes  even  with  those  of  Italy.      Cf.  Hist.  Tid.,  IV.  319. 

*  Cf.  below. 


The  Industries.  35 

Silver  mining  was  also  conducted  with  great  energy,  but  the 
results  were  unsatisfactory. 

Brickyards  were  common  in  Sweden  during  the  first  part  of 
the  seventeenth  century  and  earlier.  A  considerable  number  of 
bricks  were  exported  from  Upsala,  Stak  and  Strangnas. 
Members  of  the  aristocracy  established  brickyards  where  bricks 
were  made  for  their  large  buildings,  and  in  a  few  cases  they 
produced  bricks  for  sale.  The  colonists  on  the  Delaware  were 
therefore  not  unaccustomed  to  this  industry. 

Paper  was  manufactured  at  Upsala  at  an  early  date.  Rags 
were  bought  from  the  peasants  for  4  ore  a  lb.  and  the  paper- 
makers  were  commanded  to  instruct  Swedish  youths  in  the 
trade.  Soapworks  for  making  soft-soaps  as  well  as  complexion- 
soaps  and  starch,  sugar  and  potash  factories  were  established 
on  a  small  scale.  Salt  works  were  also  begun,  but  they  proved 
unsuccessful.^  Powder  was  manufactured  in  large  quantities, 
which  in  its  turn  gave  rise  to  the  saltpeter  industry. 

Brewing  was  an  important  industry,  beer  being  the  favorite 
beverage  of  the  time,  and  every  city  had  its  brewery.  Certain 
rules  were  prescribed  for  the  manufacture  of  beer  and  names 
were  given  In  accordance  to  its  strength  as  spisol,  fogdeol, 
svenneol,  sotol,  etc.^ 

Ship-building  received  a  new  impetus  after  161 1.  The  Swed- 
ish navy  and  merchant  marine  had  fallen  in  importance  since 
the  time  of  the  great  Vasa ;  but  with  Gustavus  Adolphus  begins 
a  new  era,  due  to  the  wars  and  the  increased  commerce.  Ships 
were  built  in  the  native  harbors  and  others  were  bought  from 
Holland,  while  officers  for  the  vessels  and  carpenters  for  the 
shipyards  were  hired  abroad,  largely  in  Holland.  The  results 
were  soon  to  be  seen.  Stockholm,  which  in  161 1  was  without 
a  single  ship,'^  possessed  49  vessels  in  1651,  Gothenburg,  in  the 
same  year,  had  18  and  in  1654  the  staple  towns  owned  1,000 
ships  and  Gothenburg  alone  147.^ 

'Cf.  R.R.  April  3,  1640. 

"^Cf.  Chaps.  XXXIII.,  XLIII.,  below,  and  Sillen,  IV.  137  flF. 

'  If  the  statement  in  the  histories  is  correct. 

*  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  79-80;  Zettersten,  I.  51,  etc.;  II.  190  ff.,  563  ff. 


36        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Shipbuilding  tended  to  develop  other  industries.  Lumber, 
nails,  bolts  and  ship  materials  of  every  kind  were  needed  at  the 
shipyards  and  the  new  ships  wanted  sails,  cords,  anchors,  masts, 
and  the  like.  In  each  case  the  Swedish  statesmen  and  leaders  of 
industry  tried  to  provide  these  things  without  going  abroad  for 
what  could  be  made  at  home.  Rope-walks  were  established  In 
Stockholm,  at  Vastervik  and  other  places ;  sail  cloth  was  manu- 
factured at  Stockholm  and  was  also  bought  In  large  quantities 
from  the  peasants  of  northern  Sweden,  who  were  skillful  in 
weaving  and  other  home-sloids;  anchors,  nails  and  iron  articles 
necessary  for  shipbuilding  were  either  made  In  Stockholm  at  the 
factories  of  the  government,  or  bought  from  private  parties  in 
Sweden;  masts  were  cut  in  the  forests  of  northern  Sweden,  and 
planks,  boards  and  such  materials  were  secured  from  the  saw- 
mills of  the  various  provinces.^ 

Agriculture  was  the  most  important  industry  and  there  was  a 
large  export  of  grain,  except  in  years  of  famine  and  failure  of 
crops,  over  1,600,000  bushels  being  exported  in  the  years  1637- 
1642.^*^  Great  efforts  were  also  made  to  Improve  the  Industry. 
German  and  Dutch  farmers  were  invited  to  Sweden  to  teach  the 
Swedes  better  methods  of  farming  and  introduce  new  species  of 
grain  and  new  breeds  of  cattle  and  sheep,  and  German  and  Dutch 
sheep  were  Imported,  which  the  peasants  were  compelled  to  ex- 
change for  their  own.  The  dairy  industry  was  also  fostered  by 
the  government.  Dutch  farmers  skilled  in  butter  and  cheese 
making  were  induced  to  settle  near  Gothenburg  and  at  other 
places,  and  from  them  the  Swedish  peasants  learned  new  and 
better  methods.^ ^  Despite  all  these  efforts  the  agriculture  of 
Sweden  and  Finland  declined  or  did  not  make  very  great  ad- 
vancement during  this  period.  The  continual  conscriptions  re- 
moved large  numbers  of  the  farming  class,  and  hundreds  of 
farms  were  left  untllled  on  account  of  the  wars.     The  govern- 

"  Zettersten,  Sv.  flot.  hist.,  L  212  ff. ;  II.  300  if.  For  manufacture  in  Sweden 
In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  cf.  Hist.  Tid.,  V.  p.  i  ff. ;  Sillen, 
22  ff.,  1 18  ff.,  137  ff. 

"  "  Over  400,000  tunnor."      Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  56. 

"  Sillen,  IV.  84,  97,  etc. 


The  Industries.  37 

ment  tried  to  remedy  this  by  giving  freedom  from  taxes  for  a 
number  of  years  and  other  privileges  to  those  who  took  posses- 
sion of  deserted  homesteads,  but  not  always  with  great  success.^  ^ 

The  government's  policy  of  favoring  the  cities  at  the  expense 
of  the  country  was  one  of  the  obstacles  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
farming  communities.  The  spirit  of  the  age  was  commercial. 
It  was  thought  cities  alone  could  trade  to  advantage,  and  as  It 
was  an  aid  to  the  custom  service  to  have  the  trade  concentrated 
at  a  few  points,  laws  were  made  to  favor  the  cities.  The  coun- 
try people  were  allowed  to  trade  with  the  cities  only,  all  trade 
among  themselves  or  in  the  country  being  forbidden,  and  goods 
shipped  to  foreign  ports  must  first  be  sent  to  the  staple  towns, 
which  were  given  special  privileges. 

Many  new  towns  were  founded.  Farmers,  mechanics  and 
skilled  workmen  were  often  ordered  to  remove  to  cities  or 
towns.  In  case  of  refusal  they  were  pressed  into  military  service 
or  their  homes  were  demolished  and  they  were  carried  by  force 
into  the  cities.  By  these  stringent  means,  many  cities  became 
prosperous  and  increased  in  population,  aiding  industry,  and 
commerce.^  ^ 

"  For  deserted  farms  in  Finland  and  Sweden  see  Hist.  Arkisto,  V.  32-36. 
De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  VI.  141  ff.,  192.  Poor  crops  were  common.  Sillen,  IV. 
84  fF. 

"Cf.  Sillen,  IV.  120  ff.,  186  ff.;  Hist.  Tid.,  II.  29-66.  Stiernman,  Kungl.  br. 
siadg.  0.  forord.,  II.  57  ff. 


CHAPTER   VL 
Commerce  and  Trade. 

The  government  naturally  paid  much  attention  to  means  of 
communication.  Country  roads,  canals  and  other  inland  water- 
ways were  the  highways  of  domestic  commerce  and  of  immense 
importance  in  the  transportation  of  troops  and  munitions  of 
war.  The  old  country  roads  were  greatly  improved,  new  roads 
were  constructed  into  the  northern  provinces  and  even  into  the 
borders  of  Russia,  and  soon  Sweden  had  one  of  the  best  systems 
of  roads  in  Europe. 

When  Whitelocke  made  his  long  journey  from  Gothenburg 
to  Stockholm  in  1654  he  could  write: 

The  way  was  very  good,  and  it  was  very  much  to  the  cheering  of 
Whitelocke  and  his  company,  in  so  long  a  journey,  a  time  of  so  much 
hard  weather,  and  where  other  accommodations  were  wanting,  to  find 
generally  so  good  highways  .  .  .^  Hardly  any  other  country  affords 
better  ways  than  these,  though  in  some  places  very  mountainous,  and 
several  desperate  precipices  down  to  great  lakes,  and  but  a  very  narrow 
track  to  pass  there,  and  with  great  danger.  But  generally  the  ways 
are  hard  and  even,  and  if  at  any  time  broken,  the  particular  officers  for 
that  purpose  do  summon  the  inhabitants,  and  forthwith  cause  the  ways 
to  be  sufficiently  repaired.  In  low  places  they  use  to  cast  up  a  cause- 
way, large  and  high  in  the  middle,  with  a  sloping  and  fall  on  each  side, 
where  they  make  ditches  to  receive  the  water,  which  falls  from  either 
side  of  the  causeway  into  them;  and  the  way  is  filled  with  stones,  yet 
even,  and  in  places  which  require  it  conveyances  are  made  with  trunks 
of  timber,  laid  cross  the  way  underground,  to  pass  the  water  and  keep 
the  way  from  bogs.  .  .  . 

*The  statement  in  Jameson's  Usselinx,  p.  193,  Carlson's  Hist.,  I.  84,  and  one 
or  two  other  places,  that  the  roads  were  poor  and  that  "  Whitelocke's  men 
found  them  so  bad  that  they  nearly  mutinied,"  hardly  agrees  with  the  above 
quotation.  The  cause  of  the  dissatisfaction  was  poor  food  and  accommodations, 
rather  than  poor  roads. 

38 


Commerce  and  Trade.  39 

Their  officers  for  the  highways  are  not  like  ours  In  England,  where 
two  poor  men  In  every  parish  are  chosen  for  overseers  of  them,  who 
favoring  their  neighbors  and  themselves  more  than  intending  the  busi- 
ness, seldom  do  much  good  In  It;  but  these  Swedish  officers  are  constant 
for  that  service,  and  like  the  Romans*  curatores  viarum  publicarum, 
have  the  charge  and  care  of  looking  to  the  public  ways  that  they  be  kept 
in  repair,  and  upon  any  default  presently  amended ;  for  which  end  they 
have  power  to  cause  the  Inhabitants  In  their  precincts  who  are  fit  to 
work  that  they  labor  In  their  persons,  and  others  to  contribute  by  their 
purses."- 

An  extensive  system  of  canals  was  proposed  for  Finland  and 
Sweden.  As  early  as  1629  the  construction  of  the  Hielmare  Canal 
was  begun  and  it  was  ready  for  traffic  in  1640^  and  a  number 
of  other  canals  and  water  ways  were  projected  and  in  some 
cases  executed  in  this  period.^ 

Regular  communication  of  news  from  foreign  countries  at 
short  intervals  became  a  necessity  in  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  correspondents  were  appointed  at 
various  important  centers,  Englishmen,  Hollanders,  Germans, 
Frenchmen  and  even  Italians  being  induced  to  enter  Swedish 
service  before  a  sufficient  number  of  trained  Swedes  could  be 
found  for  such  posts.  Out  of  this  institution  grew  the  post- 
office,  and  as  early  as  the  summer  of  1620  a  regular  postal 
service  once  a  week  was  established  between  Hamburg  and 
Stockholm.^  The  mail  service  continued  with  a  few  breaks  until 
1636,  when  "the  post-office  within  the  country  .  .  .  was  ex- 
tended to  '  all  the  provinces  '  in  the  whole  kingdom  of  Sweden," 
In  1642-3  the  system  was  reorganized  and  Johan  Beier,  the 
treasurer  of  the  New  Sweden  Company,  was  made  postmaster 
general.  Several  changes  were  made  from  time  to  time,  but 
Beier  remained  in  the  service  until  1654.     The  postal  service 

'  Whitelocke,  Embassy,  I.  204  flF. 

'This  at  a  time  when  England  did  not  possess  a  single  canal. 

*  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  84;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  258  ff.;  Sillen,  IV.  11  ff.;  Oxen- 
stiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XI.  60;  Styffe,  Om  Sveriges  kanalbyggnader,  m.  m. 

°  For  the  history  of  the  Swedish  Post-office  in  1620-62  see  Holm,  Sz'.  allm. 
postv.,  I.-II. ;  Sv.  postv.  alder,  i  ff. ;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  255  ff. 


40        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

was  of  great  importance  for  the  Swedish  commerce,  as  the 
trading  companies,  merchants  and  others,  interested  in  the 
foreign  markets,  could  now  obtain  correct  information  about 
prices  and  the  movements  of  ships.® 

The  home  trade  attained  large  proportions  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  money  playing  a  larger  role  than  before,  and  it  passed 
more  from  foreigners  into  the  hands  of  native  merchants,'^  com- 
plaints even  being  made  that  too  many  people  left  their  farms 
and  became  traders.^ 

The  export  and  import  trade  also  increased  greatly.  A  large 
percentage  of  Swedish  shipping  was  in  the  hands  of  foreigners, 
as  we  have  seen,  but  the  government  encouraged  shipbuilding 
and  the  increase  of  shipping  through  favors  and  privileges, 
reduction  in  duty  on  goods  carried  on  Swedish  vessels,  etc.,  and 
the  tonnage  of  the  Swedish  merchant  marine  increased  over  a 
hundredfold  in  the  years  i6i  i  to  1660.  Swedish  ships  went  to 
England,  Holland,  Spain,  Portugal,  Russia  and  practically 
every  port  in  Europe,  Barbadoes,^  the  Canaries  and  to  America 
and  Africa.  The  principal  articles  of  export  were  masts,  lum- 
ber, grain,  copper,  iron  ore,  cannon  and  other  implements  of 
war.  The  incoming  cargoes  consisted  of  shoes,  cloth,  salt, 
tobacco  and  articles  of  luxury. ^*^ 

Drafts  were  used  very  extensively  at  this  time.  Insurance  was 
also  common  and  both  ships  and  cargoes  were  often  insured 
against  loss.  Agents  for  the  buying  and  selling  of  goods  and 
ships  were  much  employed  and  they  were  paid  a  salary  or  a 
certain  brokerage.^  ^ 

*  For  Swedish  correspondents  in  foreign  countries  see  Rddspr.,  IL  9,  41,  46, 
50>  57>  63,  etc.;  IIL  and  following  volumes.     Cf.  Hist.  Tid.,  1884,  p.  155  ff. 

'  A  large  number  of  foreign  names  meet  us  among  the  merchants  in  the  cities 
as  late  as  1650,  however. 

*  Some  restrictions  were  lates  imposed. 

°  In  1665  Leijonberg  applied  for  permission  from  the  English  authorities  for 
four  Swedish  ships  {St.  Peter,  St.  Hop,  Koniing  Carl,  Chistina)  to  sail  to 
Barbadoes  and  trade  there.  State  Papers,  For.,  Siveden,  No.  §,  1639-65.  Pub. 
Rcc.  Office. 

"  Sillen,  IV.  198,  221  ff. ;  Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.  stadg.  0.  forord.,  II.  144  ff., 
192  ff.,  232  ff.,  247  ff.,  466  ff.,  508,  567,  etc.  (Lists  of  articles  and  the  duties  on 
them  are  givea  there.) 

"^Journal,  N.  S.,  IIL  (K.A.)  ;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.;  Sillen,  IV.;  Rising, 
Kophand.,  etc.;  Whitelocke,  Sivedish  Embassy. 


RiksdaUf.  1641. 


-2:o#«*««*«c£ 


Riksdaler.  1647. 


Ore,  163S. 


Commerce  and  Trade.  41 

The  money  used  in  the  business  transactions  of  the  company 
(and  in  Sweden  in  general  at  the  time)  was  the  Riksdaler 
{R.D.  rixdollar),  the  Daler  [D.)  and  the  Florijn  {ft.  florin) 
or  Gulden  {gl.  guilder,  sometimes  gold-gulden).^^  The  Riks- 
daler was  divided  Into  48  skilling  (shillings)  and  a  skilling  into 
4  styfver^^  (Dutch  stulver) .  The  Z)<3/^r  was  divided  into  32  ore, 
the  ore  being  further  divided.  The  (Dutch)  Florijn  so  largely 
used  as  a  standard  of  value  in  the  colony  and  in  hiring  sailors 
for  the  expeditions  in  Sweden  or  Holland  was  divided  into  20 
stulvers  (penny).  A  stulver  was  worth  about,  or  little  more 
than,  2  cents.  Hence  a  Florijn  would  be  worth  from  40  to  45 
cents  or,  in  round  numbers,  half  a  dollar  of  our  money.  A 
Swedish  Riksdaler  was  worth  25^  Florijn,  varying  some- 
what at  times,  and  a  Daler  was  valued  at  ^  Riksdaler,  that 
Is  a  Riksdaler  was  one  and  a  half  Daler^'*  Hence  a  Riks- 
daler equalled  about  $1.20  or  $1.25  of  American  money,  and  a 
Daler  was  worth  about  80  cents.^^  This  Daler  was  called  the 
silver  Dollar  to  distinguish  it  from  the  copper  money,^^  which 
was  used  to  a  large  extent.  The  copper  money  (Swedish  k.m.) 
was  of  less  value  than  the  silver  money,  a  Daler  silver  money 
in  1643,  being  worth  2^  Daler  copper  money.^^  The  Riks- 
daler, the  Florijn  and  the  copper  money  were  always  reduced 
to  Dalers  silver  money  In  the  official  journal  of  the  company, 
and  the  salaries  of  the  officers  In  the  employ  of  the  company  in 
Sweden  were  paid  in  "  Daler  s.m."^^ 

The  Swedish  weights  and  measures  used  in  the  colony  and 

The  florijn  or  guilder  was  the  Dutch  coin  and  whenever  this  was  used  in 
Sweden  it  was  reduced  to  Rixdollars  or  Dalers.  See  Journal,  N.  S.,  III. 
(K.A.)   and  bills  in  Soderk.,  1637-5   (R-A.). 

""  These  were  of  course  not  the  same  as  the  English  and  Dutch  money  of  the 
same  name. 

^*See  Journal,  N.  S.,  III.  (K.A.)   and  bills  in  Soderk.,  1637-5   (R.A.). 

^^To  get  the  real  values  we  must  multiply  these  sums  by  about  five,  making 
the  Riksdaler  worth  about  $6,  the  Daler  about  $4  and  the  florin  about  $2.25. 

^*The  designations  were  D.  s.  m.  (Daler  silver  money)  R.D.;  D.  k.  m.  (Daler 
copper  money). 

"See   Nordisk   Famtljeb.,    article   Daler.      Soldiers   were    often   paid   part   of 
their  salaries  in  copper  money  before  going  to  America. 

See  Journal.  "  Tunna  guld  "  (=25,000  kronor  or  about  $7,000)  was  some- 
times used. 


42        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

by  the  company  in  Europe  were  the  aln,  "  about  twenty  Swedish 
decimal  inches"  or  nearly  two  English  feet,^^  the  fot  (ten 
Inches,  a  Swedish  inch  being  .9714  Eng.  in.),  nearly  equal  to 
the  English  foot,^*^  the  famn  (German  and  Dutch  Faden), 
about  one  and  nine-tenths  of  a  yard;-^  the  Swedish  mil,^^  a  little 
over  six  and  a  half  English  miles  in  length;  the  German  com- 
mon mile,  which  was  about  four  and  six-tenths  English  miles  ;^* 
the  tiinnland,  a  piece  of  ground  a  little  over  an  acre  in  size;^^  the 
timna  (barrel)  for  measuring  grain  and  the  like,  containing  54 
kannor  or  6  skdppor  (bushels)  ;  the  ankare,  a  measure  with 
the  capacity  of  about  ten  gallons;-^  the  fat,  somewhat  larger 
than  the  Swedish  tunna,  which  contained  about  33  gallons 
or  48  Swedish  kannor,  a  kanna  being  somewhat  more  than 
two  quarts  English  measure;  the  stop^  about  a  quart  and  a 
half;  the  lispund  about  i8>^  English-*^  lbs.;  the  Swedish 
pimd  or  the  skdlpund,  a  little  less  than  the  English  Ib.^^ 
and  the  Dutch  lb.  which  was  ten  per  cent,  heavier  than  the 
Swedish  lb.;  the  skeppund  (var^qng)  generally  contained  400 
Swedish  lbs.,  depending  on  the  articles  weighed,  and  finally  the 
last,  representing  the  tonnage  of  a  ship,  was  about  two  tons^^ 
or  a  little  more.^^ 

"  A  Swedish  foot  was  divided  into  ten  "  decimal  inches."  A  Swedish  aln 
was  not  therefore  as  is  commonly  stated  (even  Bjorkman,  p.  42)  the  same  as  the 
English  yard.  See  Falkman,  Om  matt.,  etc.,  IL  83  ff.  According  to  Alexander, 
Weights  and  Measures,  etc.,  p.  2,  the  modern  Swedish  aln  is  .64763  yard. 

™A  Swedish  foot  was  about  11.65  inches. 

"A  Swedish  famn  was  about  1.94  yds.;  the  Dutch  was  a  little  shorter,  about 
1.85  yds. 

^  A  Swedish  mile  of  that  period  was  longer  than  the  modern  Swedish  mile, 
being  18,000  alnar  or  "36,000  pedibus  "  or  about  6.62  English  miles. 

^  "  In  Saxony  a  mile  is  4,000  paces,  in  other  places  in  Germany  5,000  paces." 
A  pace  was  5  feet,  hence  a  common  German  mile  was  25,000  ft.  or  about  4.615 
English  miles   {Lex  Mercatoria,  p.  40). 

^  Called  tunneland  from  the  fact  that  land  was  sometimes  measured  by  the 
number  of  tunnor  (barrels)  that  could  be  sown  on  a  piece  of  ground.  A  tunne- 
land was  to  be  14,000  square  alnar  in  1643. 

^  The  old  ankare  was  larger  than  the  modern  one. 

^The  Swedish  lispund  contained  20  Swedish  lbs. 

"  About  425/454  of  an  Eng.  lb. 

^"The  Last  which  is  two  Tonnes  lading"   {Lex  Mercatoria,  p.  34). 

^Cf.  Journal,  N.  S.,  IIL  (K.A.)  ;  Falkman,  Om  matt  och  vigt  i  Svertge, 
Part  2;  Alexander,  Univ.  Die.  of  freights  and  Measures;  Bjorkman,  Ordbok; 
Klimpert,  Lexikon  der  Miinzen,  Masse  und  Geivichte,  etc. 


Riksdaler,  1633.     (H.; 


Praktmynt  ("ornamental  coin  "),  1643.     (H. 


Jiiksdaler,\65^.     (H.) 
Swedish  monev  in  1633-1654. 


L^c. 


iir«u'vii!> 


Kiksdaler,  1631.     (H. 


One  fourth  of  an  y/-<?,  1655.     (H.) 


4^ 

is 


Two  rfa/^T  (D.)  silver  money,  1649.     (H. 


Commerce  and  Trade.  43 

The  old  Julian  calendar  was  used  in  Sweden  and  in  New 
Sweden,  being  ten  days  earlier  than  the  Dutch  calendar  of  this 
period  and  that  of  the  present  day.  The  English — we  shall 
meet  their  method  of  designating  time  in  the  following  pages — 
began  their  year  on  March  2 5. 2*^  In  other  respects  their  time 
was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Swedes,^^  the  only  chance  for  con- 
fusion being  that  the  first  two  months  of  the  Swedish  year  were 
the  last  two  months  of  the  English. 

It  was  an  age  of  combinations  and  societies.  Merchants 
were  restricted  by  law  to  the  handling  of  but  one  article  of  trade, 
except  by  special  permission.  They  belonged  to  certain  privi- 
leged societies,  according  to  their  particular  trade,  and  on  festive 
occasions  they  wore  uniforms  as  marks  of  distinction.  The 
master  workers  of  practically  all  trades  were  divided  into  guilds 
and  corporations,  which  were  very  exclusive  and  guarded  with 
the  greatest  jealousy  against  the  intrusion  of  "  outsiders."  "  In 
Sweden,"  said  Klas  Fleming,  "  a  person  may  by  chance  become 
king,  but  to  become  a  tanner  is  impossible."  As  time  went  on, 
however,  the  restrictions  were  to  some  extent  removed. ^- 

**The  English  often  employed  first,  second  and  third  month,  etc.  Hence 
when  they  wrote  March  23,  1644,  it  was  Mar.  23,  1645,  according  to  the 
Swedish  calendar,  and  April  2,  1645,  according  to  the  Dutch — written  by  the 
English  I  mo.  23,164!. 

^  Cf.  Goldscheider,  Uber  die  Einf.  des  n.  Kalenders  in  Dan.  und  Sch<w. 
(Berlin,  1898). 

""Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  275;  Sillen,  IV.  133  ff.;  De  la  Card.  Arch.,  X.  204  ff. 


CHAPTER   VIL 

The  African  Company  and  the  Minor  Trading 
Societies,  i 607-1 663. 

It  was  preeminently  the  age  of  commercial  companies. 
Christian  II.  of  Denmark  (1481-1559),  who  was  also  for  a 
time  king  of  Sweden,  was  perhaps  the  first  to  suggest  a  trading 
company  for  the  north.  Seeking  means  for  checking  the  power 
of  the  Hansa  League,  like  Gustaf  Vasa  after  him,  he  proposed 
to  found  a  large  company,  which  should  include  all  northern 
Europe.  The  company  was  to  appoint  agents  in  foreign  coun- 
tries and  four  principal  factories  were  to  be  established,  one 
in  Copenhagen,  a  second  in  Stockholm,  a  third  on  the  Russian 
boundary  and  a  "  fourth  in  the  western  countries."  It  was  a 
great  idea,  and  if  carried  out  would  undoubtedly  have  become 
of  immense  importance  to  the  three  northern  countries,  which 
were  just  then  awakening  to  national  consciousness  and  secur- 
ing a  place  among  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe.  The  time 
was  perhaps  not  ripe  for  such  a  scheme.  At  any  event  political 
complications  killed  the  plan  in  its  inception,^  and  years  passed 
before  a  trading  society  was  established  in  the  Scandinavian 
countries. 

The  first  successful  trading  company  of  the  north  was  organ- 
ized in  Denmark  in  1616.^  Combinations  of  this  kind  were 
early  planned   in   Sweden   also,   and   in    1607    a   commercial 

^  Sillen,  y.  23 ;  Dansk  Biog.  Lex.,  III.  481  ff. 

'In  1602  the  Iceland  Company  was  established;  in  1616  a  Greenland  Com- 
pany; in  1636  a  "  Genian  Company"  and  an  "East  India  Company,"  etc.;  in  all 
about  fifteen  companies  were  founded  in  Denmark  at  this  time.  See  Barfod, 
p.  694.  Morris  is  mistaken  in  stating  that  the  Dutchman  Boscower  founded  the 
Danish  East  India  Company.  Gjedde  had  already  decided  to  send  some  ships 
to  the  East  Indies  when  Boscower  arrived  in  Denmark.  Barfod,  1594  ff. ; 
Morris,  II.  282  ff.  Cf.  the  large  number  of  companies  founded  in  England, 
Holland  and  France  in  this  and  in  the  preceding  century. 

44 


The  Minor  Trading  Societies.  45 

company  was  chartered  at  Gothenburg  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
ducting an  extensive  trade.^ 

A  general  trading  company  was  founded  in  1615.  The 
charter  was  to  be  in  force  for  ten  years,  it  was  to  be  managed 
by  a  governor,  assisted  by  directors,  and  Stockholm  was  to  be 
Its  main  office;  it  could  hire,  buy  and  sell  ships;  it  could  carry 
on  foreign  trade  and  erect  warehouses;  it  was  free  from  all 
taxes  in  161 5,  and  for  the  following  three  years  It  should  pay 
no  import  duty  and  only  one  fourth  of  the  usual  export  duty, 
but  after  that  it  should  pay  half  of  the  ordinary  rate  of  each. 
Abraham  Cabellau"*  was  appointed  general  director  or  governor 
and  the  King  promised  to  recommend  the  company  and  assist 
it  with  ships  and  money.^ 

Again  in  the  summer  of  1619  it  was  decided  to  organize  a 
commercial  company,  which  was  given  a  monopoly  of  the 
foreign  copper  trade  and  granted  privileges  to  buy  and  sell  all 
kinds  of  merchandise.  The  inhabitants  of  the  kingdom  were 
invited  to  join  by  contributing  100  D.  and  upwards  before 
January  11,  the  following  year;  but  the  scheme  failed.*^  From 
1620  to  1626  a  copper  company,  an  iron  company  and  a  Persian 
company  were  chartered.  The  copper  company  was  the  most 
Important  and  did  a  large  business,  but,  being  badly  managed, 
it  ran  into  heavy  debts  and  was  soon  dissolved.  A  new  com- 
pany was  founded  in  1636  but  this  had  as  little  success  as  the 
first. ^  In  the  spring  of  1626  still  another  trading  company  was 
established  by  Gustavus  Adolphus  (probably)  at  Riga  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Finnish  and  Livonlan  trade.^    In  1629  plans  vv'ere 

'  Sillen,  IV.  153;  Stiernman,  I.  538.  ("Patent,"  etc.,  in  German,  dated  Sept. 
8,  1607.) 

*  For  him  see  below. 

°  Stiernman,  I.  660  ff. 

^Stiernman,   I.  708   ff.,   Hallenberg,  V.  191   ff. 

'  A  large  number  of  letters  concerning  the  company  in  R.R.  See  Jan.  8,  9, 
Mar.  14,  etc.,  1636,  etc.  Sillen,  IV.  114  ff. ;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  242  ff.  See  also 
the  letters  of  Spiring  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  and  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XI.  536  ff. ; 
Handl.  rbr.  Skan.  Hist.,  XXIX.  26  ff.,  204  ff.,  277  ff.;  XXXVII.  148  ff. ; 
XXXVIII.  204  ff.;  Kam.  Reg.,  1636,  etc.   (K.A.). 

*De  Nieuwe  Comp:e  die  men  voor  heeft  in  Lyflandt  op  te  rechten,  etc. 
Usselinx.  (spring),  1626.  See  Jameson,  p.  144  and  note  190.  On  May  i, 
1626,  the  town  council  of  Riga  thanked  the  king  for  the  recent  decree,  issued 
by  him,  establishing  the  company. 


46        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

on  foot  for  founding  a  colonizing  company  in  Holland,  which 
should  settle  large  tracts  of  land  in  Swedish  Livonia,  but  privi- 
leges were  not  granted.  A  company  on  a  smaller  scale  was 
organized,  however,  and  an  expedition  was  sent  from  Holland 
the  same  year  with  colonists  and  supplies.  The  venture  was  of 
limited  success  and  the  company  was  soon  discontinued,  leading, 
as  was  usual  in  such  cases,  to  complaints  and  lawsuits,^ 

A  so-called  French  company  was  formed  the  same  year 
(1629?)  for  trade  with  Russia  through  the  efforts  of  the 
French  sea  captain,  Abraham  de  Quesne,  who  was  given  special 
privileges  by  the  King.  The  government  supplied  some  of  the 
capital,  but  the  undertaking  led  to  small  results  and  it  was 
abandoned  in  1633  or  soon  after  that  year.  A  Russian  com- 
pany was  later  formed,  but  it  was  without  success. ^"^ 

In  1630  the  "English  Eastland  Company  at  Danzig"  ap- 
plied for  a  renewal  of  its  privileges  at  Elbing.  The  king 
promised  to  grant  the  request  and  Oxenstierna  sent  a  number  of 
articles  and  proposals  in  answer  to  the  company's  solicitations.^^ 

Two  years  later  plans  were  made  by  the  Duke  of  Holstein 
for  the  formation  of  a  large  trading  company  in  connection 
with  Sweden  which  should  bring  the  valuable  merchandise  of 
silk,  spices  and  the  like  from  India  and  Persia  across  the  country 
to  Nyen  and  Narva  and  from  there  to  Holstein.  Embassies 
were  sent  to  Russia  and  Persia  and  privileges  were  granted  by 
Sweden,  but  nothing  but  expense  came  out  of  it.^- 

In  the  spring  of  1635  some  English  merchants  at  Gothen- 
burg sent  representatives  to  the  Council  of  State  with  an  appli- 
cation for  the  privilege  of  establishing  a  commercial  company. 
Fleming  favored  the  plan,  but  final  agreements  were  postponed, 

°  See  Ohlander,  Bidrag,  etc.,  p.  34  ff.,  95  ff. 

"  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  294;  Ohlander,  Bidrag  till  kdn.  om  Ingerm.,  etc., 
p.  92  ff. 

"  Copy  of  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  Aug.  16(26),  1630;  Oxenstiernas  Memorial, 
dated  Elbing,  Feb.  27,  1631,  cop.  of  his  Maj  :s  letter,  etc.,  1631,  State  Papers, 
For.,  Siueden,  No.  2,  1629(7) — 32-  Puh.  Rec.  Office,  London.  As  early  as  Feb., 
1600,  Charles  IX.  offered  privileges  to  English  merchants.  Copy  in  State  Papers, 
For.,  No.  I.  Pub.  Rec.  Office. 

^Rddspr.,  III.  121,  184;  Ohlander,  Bidrag,  etc.,  97  ff. 


The  Minor  Trading  Societies.  47 

due  to  the  absence  of  the  chancellor.  In  the  autumn  the  Eng- 
lish commissioners  were  again  at  Stockholm.  In  August  they 
appeared  before  the  council  and  presented  a  memorial  and 
probably  a  draft  for  a  charter.  The  council,  thinking  that 
Sweden  would  be  greatly  benefited  by  the  company,  granted 
many  of  the  privileges  and  freedoms  that  were  requested^^  and 
wrote  to  the  magistrates  at  Gothenburg  concerning  the  affair 
and  the  place  for  a  storehouse,  which  the  company  was  under 
obligation  to  build.  The  company,  however,  soon  misused  its 
privileges  and,  having  become  Indebted  to  the  Crown,  It  was 
dissolved  in  1639  and  Its  storehouse  was  confiscated.^^ 

In  the  autumn  of  1636  Alexander  Forbes  was  sent  to  Sweden 
to  establish  more  intimate  commercial  relations  with  that  coun- 
try and  England  and  to  present  plans,  as  It  would  seem,  for  a 
cloth  company  with  a  factory  at  Gotnenburg  for  the  purpose  of 
monopolizing  the  cloth  trade  In  the  Baltic  "  and  drawing  off  the 
trade  from  Archangel."^ ^ 

A  salt  company  was  formed  in  1641,  which  received  special 
privileges,  being  permitted  to  import  salt  from  Portugal  Into 
certain  cities  duty-free.^® 

In  1642-4  "some  prominent  merchants  In  Amsterdam  re- 
quested .  .  .  privileges  from  Her  Royal  Majesty  for  the  erec- 
tion of  a  West-Indian  Company  in  Gothenburg,"  and  an  ex- 
tract of  the  charter  was  sent  to  Oxenstlerna.^" 

About  the  same  time  (probably  In  1642)  a  hemp  company 
was  formed  at  Riga.     It  was  apparently  successful,  but  some 

"  The  company  had  a  right  to  trade  in  Sweden  as  well  as  in  foreign  countries. 

"R.R.  Aug.  18,  1635,  fol.  749  f.;  Rddspr.,  V.  69,  132  ff.;  VI.  776-7;  Vll.  526. 

'"Rddspr.,  VI.  771  ff.      Cf.  Ohlander,  Bidrag,  etc.,  103. 

'*Sillen,  IV.  50.  "Privileges  for  the  Spanish  salt-trade"  were  issued  at 
Stockholm  in  Dec,  1638.  Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.  stadg.  0.  forord.,  II.  202  ff.  An 
open  letter  for  salt  companies  in  Gothenburg  was  issued  by  the  government  in 
1650.     Stiernman,  Kungl.  bref,  etc.,  II.  628  ff. 

" "  Extract  off  Privile.,  som  nagre  fornemlige  Kiopman  i  Amsterdam,"  etc. 
No  date  but  from  internal  evidence  it  can  be  determined  that  it  was  written  in 
or  after  164-2.  Two  copies,  one  with  marginal  references  to  the  D.W.  India 
Co.  (no  date)  in  Vdstind.  komp.  (R.A.)  ;  the  other  (no  date)  in  Oxenstiernska 
Saml.  (R.A.). 


48        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Holland  merchants,  who  had  been  admitted,  changed  its  char- 
acter, causing  Riga  to  send  representatives  to  Stockholm  in  the 
summer  of  1643,  praying  for  the  "discontinuation  of  the  trad- 
ing company"  since  "the  citizens  had  little  benefit"  from  it.^^ 

In  1646-7  plans  were  made  for  the  formation  of  a  new  ship 
company  and  the  Council  of  State  discussed  the  practicability 
of  the  scheme.  Prominent  merchants  were  asked  to  contribute 
and  De  Geer  wrote  in  1647  ^^at  he  would  not  fail  to  aid  the 
undertaking  according  to  his  means.^*^  In  1648  the  company 
was  fully  organized,  privileges  being  given  to  it  by  the  govern- 
ment in  the  beginning  of  1649,  ^^^  about  the  same  time  the 
Royal  Copy  Book  states  that  the  newly  organized  ship  company 
intended  to  equip  two  warships  for  commercial  voyages.-*^  In 
April  of  the  same  year,  the  company  was  given  freedom  from 
duty  on  sails  and  all  articles  necessary  for  the  equipment  of  its 
ships.-^  In  March,  1652,  the  Queen  proposed  that  the  capital 
of  the  company  should  be  employed  In  the  service  of  the  New 
Sweden  Company  or  that  the  two  should  be  joined,  but  the 
chancellor  objected  to  this  and  the  two  companies  remained 
separate.  It  had  a  long  existence,  and  traded  in  coal  and  other 
articles.  This  company  was  sometimes  called  the  "  Large 
Vasterviks  Company "  to  distinguish  it  from  "  The  Little 
Vasterviks   Company  "  which  did  business  during  this  period. ^^ 

A  tar  company  was  founded  in  1648  which  became  of  great 
Importance  and  was  reorganized  several  times.  The  follow- 
ing year  another  tar  company  was  established  on  the  island 

"R.R.  Jan.  31,  June  3,  Rddspr.,  IX,  318;  X. 

"De  Gear  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  July  15,  1647.  Kernkamp,  Zweed.  Arch.,  p.  304. 
This  is  not  the  Old  South-Ship  Company  as  Professor  Kernkamp  thinks. 

^  There  is  some  uncertainty  in  the  mind  of  the  author  as  to  the  above.  It 
is  possible  that  we  have  two  different  projects  to  deal  with.  Cf.  Zettersten, 
Sv.  flot.  hist.,  II.  191,  and  R.R.  Jan.  19,  1649,  but  being  away  from  the 
sources  the  writer  is  unable  to  go  into  the  subject  any  further. 

^' R.R.  Jan.  19,  1649,  April  26,  1649.     Stiernman,  Kiingl.  bref,  etc.,  II.  575. 

"^  Am.  Reg.,  1649  (Fl.  Ar.).  Till  Johan  Lejonberg  for  Vesterviksskepskomp., 
April  10,  1675,  R.R.  fol.  769.  Com.  Col.  skrif,  till  Kungl.  Maj.,  July  21,  1657 
(R.A.).  Wieselgren,  De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  X.  p.  178  ff.;  Zettersten,  Sv.  flot.  hist., 
II.  p.  191. 


The  African  Company.  49 

of  Gothland  and  a  wood  company  was  given  privileges  about 
the  same  time.^^ 

The  Delaware  Colony  was  not  the  only  settlement  made  by 
Sweden  in  this  period.  In  1647  ^  Swedish  African  Company^* 
was  organized  for  the  purpose  of  trade  and  territorial  acquisi- 
tion^'  and  a  charter  was  given  to  it  about  two  years  later.^'^* 
Johan  Beier,  Oxenstierna  and  other  members  and  officers  of  the 
New  Sweden  Company  finally  joined  the  African  association 
and  Hans  Kramer,  the  bookkeeper  of  the  former  company  also 
became  bookkeeper  of  the  latter.  A  ship  was  sent  to  the  "  Gold 
Coast "  in  1648,  land  was  bought  from  the  natives,  several  forts 
and  factories  were  erected  and  a  profitable  trade  was  begun. 
The  company  also  traded  with  slaves  and  efforts  were  made 
to  extend  the  trade  to  America.  The  capital  stock  was  rela- 
tively large  and  tended  to  divert  money  from  the  treasury  of 
the  New  Sweden  Company.  The  colony  came  under  Danish 
and  Dutch  rule  for  a  short  period,  was  reoccupied  by  Sweden 
and  captured  by  the  Dutch  in  1663."" 

"^Hist.  Bill.,  VII.  289  ff.;  Sillen,  IV.  113  fF.;  R.R.;  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  76  ff.; 
Stiernman,  Kungl.  bref,  etc.,  II.  608  ff.  In  the  Diarium  to  R.R.  the  date  given 
for  the  privileges  of  the  Gothland  Tar  Company  is  Dec.  12,  1649,  but  in 
Stiernman  it  is  printed  correctly  as  Nov.  22,  1649. 

^  There  is  no  good  account  of  this  company.  Granlund's  En  svensk  koloni 
i  Afrika  is  incomplete  and  biassed. 

^  Granlund,  however,  thinks  that  the  company  was  not  founded  before  1649. 
En  sv.  koloni,  p.  7.  But  it  does  not  follow  that  the  company  was  not  organized 
before  the  "  Privileges  "  were  given. 

^The  Octroy  is  dated  Dec.  15,  1649  R.R. ;  Stiernman,  II.  615;  Acrelius 
erroneously  assigns  this  document  to  the  New  Sweden  Company.  Beskr.,  etc.,  p. 
34,  note   (a). 

^  For  documents  concerning  the  African  Company  not  made  use  of  by 
Granlund,  see  K.  Koll.  Reg.  1657,  fol.  165,  167  (Nov.  26)  ;  fol.  174,  176,  Aug. 
12  (6);  1654,  fol.  118  ff.;  Nov.  29,  1654,  fol.  137,  etc.  Also  in  K.  Kol.  Prot; 
Trotzig  to  de  la  Gardie,  Sept.  18,  1666,  and  other  letters,  Radspr.,  1647;  Oct. 
Dec,  1649,  p.  619,  etc.;  and  other  documents  in  Kam.  Ar.  Wieselgren,  De  la 
Card.  Arch.,  X.  182,  and  Bibliography  below. 

Also  documents  in  the  archives  at  Copenhagen,  at  Upsala,  at  the  Hague  and 
at   London. 

In  the  summer  of  1906  the  author  examined  a  bundle  of  papers  from  Kom. 
Kol.    concerning   this    company,   but   they   could    not   be   found    again    in    1909. 

For  other  plans  of  Swedish  colonization  see  Hogstrom,  E.O.E.,  S.  Barthelemy 
under  sv.  viilde  (not  a  very  satisfactory  work)  ;  Dahlman,  Sven,  Beskr.  om 
S.  Barthelemy,  etc.;  Nordisk  familjeb.,  X.  543;  Wachtmeister,  Hans,  Om  Sveriges 

5 


50        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

In  the  autumn  of  1651  a  Northern  Company  was  organized, 
which  seems  to  have  conducted  trade  with  foreign  ports.^^ 

In  1652  privileges  were  granted  to  Daniel  Junge^^  and  four 
others  for  the  establishment  of  a  "Fish-company  according  to 
the  use  and  manner  which  was  customary  in  Hamburg  and  other 
commercial  cities  on  the  Baltic  Sea. "2° 

A  new  Russian  Company  was  organized  in  1653  through 
Pierre  Terreau,  and  Nils  Nilsson,  Nils  Skunck,  Truls  Kahre 
and  a  large  number  of  others  became  stockholders.  Terreau 
was  appointed  factor.  The  first  trading  expedition  was  suc- 
cessful, giving  a  dividend  of  25  per  cent,  "which  was  added  to 
the  capital  (38,000  R.D.)."  The  second  expedition,  however, 
ruined  the  company.  A  large  quantity  of  rhubarb  was  pur- 
chased from  Czar  Alexis  Michaelivitsch,  but  it  seems  that  fraud 
was  practiced  both  by  the  Czar  and  Terreau  and  the  company 
came  to  an  end  in  a  few  years,  although  lawsuits  and  litigation 
about  the  transactions  were  instituted  in  Holland,  Germany  and 
Sweden  as  late  as  1672.^^ 

Planer  och  Atgdrder  rorande  Sjorbf.  pd  Madagascar  (about  the  plans  of  Swedish 
colonization  and  occupation  of  Madagascar)  ;  for  New  Siveden  in  South 
America,  see  Nya  Sverige  i  Sodra  Amerika,  etc.  (no  author  given),  Stockh.,  1841 ; 
Hildebrand,  Den  sv.  legenden  i  Guiana,  Hist.  Tid.,  1899,  p.  71  ff. ;  Edmundson, 
G.,  Eng.  Hist.  Review. 

^  It  owned  at  least  one  ship  Hdrnosand.    R.R.  Aug.  26,  1651;  Oct.  8,  1652,  etc. 

^  Who  later  became  director  of  the  American  Company. 

**Stiernman,  Kungl.  bref.,  etc.,  II.  682  ff.  (dated  Mar.  4,  1652).  Cf.  Starback, 
Berdt.,  V.  556. 

^  Wieselgren,  De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  X.  p.  176  ff. 

*^  In  1665  a  scheme  for  a  large  English-Swedish  trading  company  was  con- 
ceived by  some  English  merchants  and  a  charter  was  drafted.  The  company 
should  consist  of  Englishmen  and  Swedes,  with  equal  privileges  in  both 
countries ;  the  capital  of  the  company  should  be  placed  at  from  £200,000  to 
i£26o,ooo,  one  third  to  be  furnished  by  the  Swedish  stockholders,  either  in  goods 
or  money;  a  number  of  directors,  chosen  by  both  nations  "to  rule  the  trade," 
should  constitute  a  college  and  Englishmen  and  Swedes  should  preside  alter- 
nately at  the  meetings;  the  whole  trade  of  the  kingdom  of  Sweden  should  be 
in  the  hands  of  the  company  and  all  goods  in  Sweden  such  as  tar,  masts,  iron, 
copper,  grain,  etc.,  should  be  exchanged  for  "  the  commodities  and  manufac- 
tories of  England  and  the  East  Indies  or  other  southern  parts  "  at  a  certain  price 
to  be  agreed  upon,  but  if  the  balance  of  trade  was  in  Sweden's  favor,  the  com- 
pany should  pay  the  difference  in  cash;  no  new  mills  or  iron  furnaces  should 
be  erected  in  Sweden  during  the  existence  of  the  charter  without  consent  of  the 


The  African  Company.  51 

The  above  Is  not  a  complete  list  of  the  companies  organized 
or  planned  In  Sweden  during  this  period,  but  those  that  have 
been  mentioned  will  give  us  an  idea  of  the  great  activity  along 
these  llnes.^2 

company;  only  Swedish  and  English  vessels  should  be  used  and  one  third  of 
the  goods  should  be  carried  in  Swedish  ships. 

A  copy  of  the  charter  was  delivered  by  Lord  Arlington  to  H.  Coventry  at 
Stockholm  on  May  31,  1665,  for  presentation  to  the  Swedish  government.  It 
was  referred  to  Count  Leijonberg,  the  Swedish  ambassador  to  England,  who 
inserted  "  his  private  observations  and  sentiments  touching  these  articles,"  and 
returned  the  charter.  It  was  an  ambitious  plan,  not  unlike  that  proposed  by 
Willem  Usselinx,  a  quarter  of  a  century  before,  but  to  monopolize  the  Swedish 
trade  by  one  company,  would  have  required,  even  in  1665,  a  larger  capital  than 
it  was  possible  to  raise.  Leijonberg,  observing  this  and  making  other  objections 
to  the  charter,  did  not  favor  the  plan  and  nothing  seems  to  have  come  out  of  it. 

In  the  draft  of  the  charter  are  answers  to  these  objections  by  some  Englishman. 

Copy  of  the  paper  delivered  by  Lord  Arlington  to  Mr.  H.  Coventry  at 
Stockholm,  May  31,  1665;  "Paper  del.  to  me  by  Mr.  Vice  Chamberlain  from 
Mr.  H.  Coventry,"  etc.  State  Papers,  For.,  Siveden,  No.  5,  1639-65,  Public 
Record  Office,  London;  another  copy  in  Treaty  Papers,  1618-72,  No.  6q,  P.R. 
Office,  London. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 
The  South  Company,  i 624-1 630. 

We  must  now  revert  to  the  year  1624,  to  the  founding  and 
progress  of  the  South  Company,  which  stands  in  closer  relation 
to  the  New  Sweden  Company  than  any  of  the  other  schemes  of 
trade  and  colonization.  Willem  Usselinx,  the  famous  founder 
of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  failing  to  receive  "  what  he 
thought  to  be  his  just  dues"  in  his  native  land,  after  several 
rebuffs  and  disappointments,  left  Holland  in  the  beginning  of 
1623,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  going  to  Danzig  to  enter  the 
service  "  of  several  Dutch  mercantile  houses."  On  his  way, 
however,  he  wished  to  visit  Glyckstadt,  Gothenburg,  Copen- 
hagen and  two  or  three  other  commercial  cities  in  the  north. 
At  Copenhagen  he  was  introduced  to  the  King  by  Christian 
Fries  and  received  offers  from  His  Majesty  to  enter  Danish 
service.  But  he  determined  to  see  Gothenburg  and  left  for  that 
city  soon  afterwards.^  The  young  king  of  Sweden  through  his 
brilliant  campaigns  against  Poland,  had  attracted  the  attention 
of  Europe  and  the  success  of  the  Swedish  arms  in  Russia  had 
spread  his  fame  far  and  wide.^  Hundreds  of  Hollanders  had 
settled  in  Sweden;  many  of  them  entered  Swedish  service  and 
rose  to  positions  of  distinction  and  honor.^  May  we  not  there- 
fore suppose  that  Usselinx  had  some  faint  hope  of  finding  Swe- 
den a  more  propitious  place  for  the  furtherance  of  his  plans 
than  the  ungrateful  republic  on  the  Zuyder  Zee,  and  King  Gus- 
tavus  Adolphus  a  more  ardent  supporter  and  a  more  liberal 

'Jameson,  p.  83  ff. 

^  For  the  struggle  in  Russia  see  Geljer,  HI.  76  ff. ;  Cronholm,  I.  194  ff. ;  and 
for  the  Swedish-Polish  campaigns,  see  Geijer,  HI.  82  ff. ;  Cronholm,  I.  287  ff. 
Cf.  Chapter  I. 

^  Such  men  were  Van  Dijck,  Cabeliau,  Welshuisen,  Blommaert,  Spiring,  Erick 
von  der  Linde  and  others. 

52 


§'-^ 


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The  South  Company.  53 

patron  than  the  States  General?^  Events  were  favorable  to  his 
schemes.  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  now  (in  the  autumn  of  1624) 
in  Sweden  and  he  had  opportunity  for  thinking  of  internal 
affairs.  About  the  time  of  Usselinx's  arrival  at  Gothenburg,  the 
King  was  expected  in  the  city  also.  Usselinx  was  persuaded  by 
two  friends  (and  we  may  feel  sure  that  it  was  not  hard  to 
persuade  him)  to  remain  there  until  the  King  came  and  to 
apply  for  an  audience  with  his  majesty.  The  audience  was  ob- 
tained towards  the  end  of  October  or  in  the  beginning  of  No- 
vember.^ It  lasted  for  six  hours  and  Usselinx  found  time  to 
explain  fully  his  schemes  and  the  great  advantages  Sweden 
could  reap  from  them.  Memorials  and  expositions  were  later 
presented,  setting  forth  in  more  definite  and  compact  form  the 
ideas  that  had  been  considered  at  the  audience.  Trading  com- 
panies as  we  have  seen  were  no  new  ideas  to  the  King.  The 
proposals  therefore  found  in  him  a  willing  supporter  and  he 
made  the  great  projector  offers  of  service  and  of  freedom  to 
carry  out  his  plans  in  Sweden.®  Usselinx,  thinking  that  he  had 
now  found  a  field  for  his  activities,  accepted  the  offers  and  at 
once  set  about  to  launch  his  schemes.  On  November  4,  his 
draft  of  the  charter  was  ready,  a  few  days  later  the  prospectus 
of  the  company  was  issued, ''^  and  on  December  21,  1624,  the 
King  gave  "  commission  to  Willem  Usselinx  to  establish  a  Gen- 
eral Trading  Company^  for  Asia,  Africa,  America  and  Magel- 

*  Professor  Jameson  (p.  89)  suggests  that  Usselinx  might  have  gone  to 
Copenhagen  with  the  purpose  of  laying  his  plans  before  the  Danish  King. 

'  Geijer,  HI.  93.  I  am  informed  in  a  letter  from  Dr.  Theodor  Westrin,  of 
the  Royal  Archives,  that  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  at  Elfsborg  and  in  Gothenburg 
between  Oct.  17  and  Nov.  5,  1624  (or  Oct.  27-Nov.  15). 

°  See  Jameson,  p.  91  ff. 

'The  prospectus  set  forth  the  great  advantages  to  be  derived  by  the  sub- 
scribers and  the  country  at  large.  See  copy  in  Usselinx  Mss.,  No.  2,  Penn.  Hist. 
So.;  Doc,  XH.  p.  i  ff. 

*  It  was  generally  called  The  South  Company  (Soderkompaniet),  but  various 
other  names  were  used,  as  the  General  Trading-Company  (General  Handels- 
kompaniet),  The  Indian  Company  (Indiska  Companiet;  Indianska  Compagniet), 
The  Southern  Company  (Soderlandska  Komp.),  East  Indian  Company  (Ostin- 
diska  Komp.),  The  Sea-trading  Company  (Sjohandelsk.),  The  Sea-Company 
(Sjo-komp.),  or  simply  the  Trading  Company  (Handelskomp.),  The  General 
Company  (Generalkomp.),  The  Company   (Komp.).     Rddspr,  I.  54,  75,  96,  155, 


54        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

lanica."^  Usselinx,  says  the  commission,  proposed  to  found  a 
trading  company  and  he  had  presented  such  good  reasons  that 
the  King  was  led  to  believe  that  it  would  be  a  great  success  and 
that  it  would  bring  large  gains  to  the  kingdom.  On  these 
grounds  the  commission  was  issued  and  the  "governors,  state- 
holders,  captains,  mayors  and  councils  in  the  cities  "  and  other 
public  servants  were  commanded  to  aid  and  assist  the  founder 
In  raising  subscriptions  for  the  company.^^  Some  time  later 
Usselinx  printed  "  The  Contract  of  the  General  Trading  Com- 
pany of  the  Kingdom  of  Sweden  .  .  .  with  its  conditions  and 
terms,"  again  presenting  the  great  advantages  of  the  society 
and  referring  to  the  wealth  of  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  gained 
through  their  commercial  activities  in  the  New  World  and 
claiming  that  Sweden  had  as  great  possibilities  and  was  as  well 
equipped  for  such  a  trade  as  any  other  country  in  Europe.^ ^ 
Although  the  King  greatly  favored  the  scheme  and  other  influ- 
ential men  were  interested  in  it,  the  project  advanced  slowly. 
Usselinx  was  busy,  however.  He  approached  the  members  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  obtained  promise  of  contributions  from 
many  of  the  councillors  and  he  suggested  to  Oxenstierna  various 
ways  of  furthering  the  cause.  In  order  to  spread  the  news  of 
their  intentions  far  and  wide  he  made  arrangements  to  have  his 
arguments  translated  and  he  had  hopes  of  interesting  France  in 
his  great  scheme.^ ^  In  the  summer  of  1626,  Gustavus  Adolphus 
was  again  in  the  capital  and  on  June  6  the  charter  of  privileges 
of  the  company  (in  37  articles)  was  signed  by  the  King.^^    The 

166;  H.  46,  119,  129;  HL  71;  IV.  168;  V.  277,  281;  VI.  21,  354;  VIIL  16; 
letters  from  Usselinx,  Ox.  Saml;  N.S.,  I.-IL  (R.A.)  ;  N.S.,  I.-IL  (K.A.).  Cf. 
Chapter  XIII.,  below. 

There  was  an  English  South  Sea  Company  in  the  next  century.  See 
Broadsides,  I.  22.     By-laws,  etc.,  printed  in  1726  by  E.  Symon. 

*R.R.  Dec.  21,  1624.      Printed  at  Stockholm.      Cf.  Jameson,  p.  100,  note  167. 

^"R.R.  Dec.  21,  1624;  Jameson,  pp.  loo-ioi.  See  also  "Usselinx  and  the 
South  Company  "  Mss.  copies.  No.  4,  Penn.  Hist.  So. 

"Published  in  Swedish  and  Dutch.     See  Jameson,  Bib.  no.  13,  14. 

"  Usselinx  drew  up  a  memorial  for  C.  Baner,  who  was  sent  on  a  diplomatic 
mission  to  France.     See  Jameson,  p.  103 ;  Mss.  in  Penn.  Hist.  So. 

"R.R.  June  6,  1626,  fol.  332  ff.  The  printed  copy  is  dated  June  14,  for  what 
reason  is  not  clear. 


Seal  of  Gustavus  Adolphus. 


Signature  of  Gustavus  Adolphus. 


The  South  Company.  55 

purposes  of  the  company  were  to  establish  commercial  relations 
with  almost  the  whole  world,^^  outside  of  Europe,  and  to  make 
settlements  (although  a  secondary  object)  on  hitherto  unoccu- 
pied ground,  with  the  hope  that  the  prosperity  of  Sweden  would 
be  largely  increased,  the  Gospel  would  be  spread  among  un- 
civilized peoples,  and  the  private  shareholder  would  reap  a 
large  gain.  "  We  have  maturely  considered  it,"  says  the  charter 
In  the  name  of  the  King,  "  and  as  far  as  is  in  our  power  we  have 
sought  to  bring  about  that  the  advantages,  profits  and  welfare 
of  our  kingdom  and  of  our  faithful  subjects,  as  well  as  the  prop- 
agation of  the  Holy  Gospel,  might  be  in  the  highest  degree 
improved  and  increased  by  the  discovery  of  additional  com- 
mercial relations  and  navigation."  The  charter  was  to  be  in 
force  for  twelve  years  (from  May  i,  1627,  until  May  i,  1639) 
and  during  this  time  the  company  was  given  sole  right  to  trade 
"in  Africa,  Asia,  America  and  Magellanica  or  Terra  Australia, 
beginning  on  the  coast  of  America  at  the  same  latitude  as  .  .  . 
[the  Strait  of  Gibraltar]  unto  the  36th^5  degree"  and  no  one 
else  [from  Sweden]  was  permitted  to  sail  to  these  parts  "nor 
to  any  country  or  island  between  Africa  and  America  "  on  pain 
of  confiscation  of  ships  and  cargoes.  The  condition  of  member- 
ship  was  liberal  and  foreigners  were  admitted  and  given  special 
privileges.  March  i,  1627,  was  the  limit  set  for  subscriptions 
promised  in  the  kingdom,  and  May  i  for  foreign  membership 
(all  subscriptions  to  be  paid  in  four  yearly  instalments)  and 
after  that  date  no  new  members  would  be  received  and  no  sub- 
scriptions could  be  withdrawn  before  the  expiration  of  the 
charter,  except  after  the  end  of  six  years,  when  the  company 
could  be  dissolved  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  shareholders. 
The  size  of  the  subscriptions  was  left  with  the  subscribers,  but 
inducements  were  given  to  encourage  the  subscription  of  large 
sums,  only  those  contributing  1,000  D.  or  more  having  a  right 
to  vote  for  directors,  which  were  to  be  chosen  from  among  the 

"  A  later  document  says  that  the  King  had  decided  to  establish  a  "  General 
Trading  Company  which  could  trade  in  all  places  in  the  world  where  profit  was 
to  be  found."      Fullm.  for  Dir.  P.  Anderson,  etc.,  Mar.  19,  1627.      R.R.  fol.  103. 

^^  Hence  not  including  the  Delaware  region.     Cf.  below. 


56        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

shareholders  contributing  2,000  D.  or  more;  cities,  countries, 
towns  or  Individuals,  foreigners  as  well  as  natives,  who  invested 
100,000  D.  had  the  right  to  appoint  a  director,^ ^  and  the  sum 
of  300,000  D.  should  entitle  any  country  or  city  to  a  separate 
department  and  to  the  right  of  sending  out  ships  In  proportion 
to  their  invested  capital. 

The  management  of  the  company  was  minutely  provided 
for.  One  director  (with  a  salary  of  1,000  D.)  was  to  be 
elected  by  the  majority  of  the  shareholders  qualified  to  vote, 
or  appointed  from  the  eligible  members,  for  every  100,000 
D.  subscribed.  The  directors  were  to  hold  their  office  for  the 
term  of  six  years;  upon  the  expiration  of  this  time  they  were 
all  to  be  discharged;  but  at  the  new  election  two-thirds  of 
the  outgoing  directors  must  be  reelected  and  the  other  third 
chosen  from  the  shareholders  qualified  for  the  office.  De- 
partments or  offices  of  the  company  were  to  be  established  in 
various  places  and  a  certain  number  of  supervisors  should  be 
elected  for  each  department  to  Inspect  the  accounts  and  delib- 
erate with  the  directors.  The  head  office  was  to  be  at  Gothen- 
burg, where  each  department  was  to  have  a  director,  and  from 
there  all  ships  were  to  depart.  The  governing  body  was  to  be 
made  up  of  twelve  directors  (an  additional  vote  to  be  held  by 
the  King),  furnished  by  each  department  according  to  the  pro- 
portion of  its  shares  in  the  company,^"  and  its  duty  should  be  to 
plan  the  commercial  voyages,  to  set  the  price  on  all  arriving 
goods,  to  audit  accounts  and  to  superintend  other  business  of 
the  company.  The  place  of  meeting  of  the  board  was  to  rotate 
among  the  departments,  beginning  with  the  office  holding  the 
largest  share  of  the  capital  and  the  next  year  with  the  next  in 
order,  and  so  on. 

The  relation  of  the  company  to  the  Swedish  government 

''They  had  the  right  to  appoint  two  if  they  so  desired,  but  with  the  salary 
of  one. 

"  Hence,  if  a  department  held  half  of  the  capital  it  should  send  six  directors. 
No  account  is  taken  of  the  fact  that  the  capital  may  be  less  than  1,200,000  D.,  in 
which  case  the  number  of  directors  would  be  less  than  twelve.  Usselinx  seems 
to  have  been  so  sure  of  his  ability  to  raise  that  sum  that  nothing  less  was 
thought  of. 


The  South  Company.  57 

and  to  foreign  powers  was  set  forth  in  several  paragraphs. 
The  company  was  to  pay  a  duty  of  four  per  cent,  on  all 
exports  and  imports, ^^  but  coined  or  uncoined  silver  and  gold 
received  in  payment  for  merchandise  was  to  be  duty  free.  Be- 
sides the  duty  the  government  was  to  receive  one  fifth  of  all 
minerals  found  in  the  occupied  territories  and  one  tenth  of  the 
produce  of  the  cultivated  lands  in  the  established  colonies,^''  all 
booty  taken  by  the  company  from  pirates  and  other  enemies  was 
to  be  used  for  the  defense  and  protection  of  the  trade,  but  in  the 
case  of  the  presence  of  a  Swedish  man-of-war  at  the  capture  of 
such  booty,  a  certain  share  was  to  go  to  the  government.  As  a 
compensation  the  company  was  to  be  under  the  special  protec- 
tion of  the  government;  the  King  was  to  appoint  a  council  from 
among  the  most  prominent  shareholders,  which,  at  the  expense 
of  the  government,  was  to  provide  for  the  building  and  garrison- 
ing of  all  fortifications  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  colonies, 
establish  courts  of  justice,  make  good  laws,  appoint  governors, 
commanders  and  other  officers,  as  well  as  to  settle  all  difficulties 
between  the  colonists  and  the  natives  in  the  occupied  districts 
and  all  disputes  between  themselves  and  the  directors,  as  well 
as  between  the  departments  and  the  shareholders.  The  com- 
pany was  also  given  the  right  to  build  its  own  fortifications  as 
well  as  cities  and  castles.  It  could  make  treaties  with  the  repub- 
lics, princes  and  kings  of  the  countries  lying  within  the  scope  of 
the  charter.  It  had  a  right  to  defend  itself  against  enemies  but 
could  not  begin  hostilities.-^  To  compensate  Usselinx  for  "his 
services,  trouble  and  great  expense  "  the  company  was  to  pay 
him  one  per  mill  of  all  goods  and  merchandise  sold  and  bought 
as  long  as  the  charter  was  In  force. 

The  charter  was  soon  printed  in  Swedish  and  German-^  (the 

^*The  duty  should  be  paid  only  once  for  the  same  goods,  and  merchandise 
once  paid  for  could  be  shipped  out  of  and  into  the  country  as  often  as  necessary. 

"  On  "  tionde "  or  tithes  in  Sweden,  see  E.  Hildebrand,  ^■i'.  statsf.  56,  188, 
313.     H.  Hildebrand,  Sv.  Medeltid,  I.  285  if.;  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  235. 

-" Preveligium  for  Gen.  Kiop.  Comp.,  June  6,  1626,  R.R.  fol.  332  ff.  (Copy  in 
Jameson  Mss.,  Penn.  Hist.  So.)  ;  Arg.  Gust.;  Cronholm,  IV.  p.  367  ff.;  Acrelius, 
p.  5  ff. ;  Hazard,  p.  15  ff. ;  Adelns  Riksd.,  I.  2,  p.  xi. 

^A  later  edition  appeared  in  Dutch  at  the  Hague,  see  Jameson,  Bib. 


58        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

preface  being  dated  July  2,  1626) ,  and  Usselinx  had  high  hopes 
of  success.  He  distributed  his  books  freely  to  spread  knowledge 
of  the  company,  sending  them  even  to  Venice ;  he  urged  its  re- 
printing in  Germany,  and  he  planned  to  place  a  French  and  a 
new  Dutch  version  before  the  public.  Subscription  was  gradu- 
ally obtained  and  the  council  took  a  hand  in  the  affair.^^ 

In  the  beginning  of  1627  the  business  of  the  company  was 
brought  before  the  diet  and  on  January  3 1  Usselinx  was  pres- 
ent at  the  deliberation  of  the  estate  of  nobles  and  his  great 
project  was  presented  to  the  House  by  Gabriel  Bengtsson  Oxen- 
stierna,  who  explained  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  the 
same  by  the  private  participants  and  the  country  at  large.  The 
land-marshal  answered  that  the  House  would  take  it  into  con- 
sideration, not  doubting  that  the  members  would  be  found  will- 
ing to  contribute  on  the  information  that  had  been  presented. 
Didrick  von  Falkenberg  then  spoke  in  favor  of  the  company, 
and  told  of  the  large  gains  it  would  be  sure  to  bring,  if  it  should  be 
properly  started,  which  he  thought  could  be  done  without  diffi- 
culty, since  large  sums  were  already  subscribed.  The  charter 
was  then  read  by  the  Secretary,  Johan  Larsson,  and  the  meeting 
was  closed  with  a  speech  by  Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxenstierna, 
who  further  recommended  the  project  and  advised  the  nobles 
to  subscribe  liberally.^^  The  efforts  had  some  result  and  at  the 
meeting  of  the  House  on  February  6  "  as  many  as  had  a  desire  " 
subscribed.^* 

But  the  subscriptions  came  slowly  and  something  more  effec- 
tive had  to  be  done.  To  facilitate  the  work  and  fully  establish 
the  company  the  King  appointed  two  of  his  directors,-^  Peter 
Andersson  (recommended  by  Usselinx)  and  Christian  Welshui- 
sen.    The  appointment  was  made  some  time  in  March,  it  seems, 

^Rddspr.,  1.  32;  Jameson,  p.  120. 

^Hand.  ror.  Skan.  Hist.,  I.  132-4;  Riddarsk.  prot.,  I.  2,  pp.  xi,  23.  Cf. 
Jameson,  pp.  120-1. 

^Riddarsk.  prot.   (Feb.  6,  1627).     Copy  in  Jameson  Mss.,  Penn.  Hist.  So. 

"°  He  had  a  right  according  to  the  charter  to  appoint  four  directors  since  he 
had  subscribed  450,00x3  D.,  a  fact  overlooked  by  older  writers. 


The  South  Company.  59 

although  their  commission  was  not  given  till  May  4,^*^  and  on 
March  19  Andersson  was  given  a  special  commission  and 
authority  "  to  travel  all  over  the  kingdom  in  the  country  and  in 
the  cities,  to  collect  subscriptions  from  the  rich  and  poor, 
learned  and  ignorant,  villagers  and  farmers."  All  local  officials 
were  instructed  to  aid  him  in  his  work  and  every  citizen  in  the 
kingdom  was  highly  advised  to  risk  his  capital  in  the  venture 
according  to  his  means.  About  six  weeks  later  the  King  issued 
the  commission  for  his  two  directors  and  advised  the  other  par- 
ticipants to  appoint  their  directors,  at  the  same  time  recommend- 
ing seven  prominent  men  for  the  office. ^^^  In  the  spring  Valen- 
tin Nilsson-^  was  elected  a  third  director  by  the  contributors  of 
Stockholm,  for  in  June  he  signed  a  Memorial  for  Usselinx  on 
behalf  of  the  company.  Late  in  April  a  letter  was  sent  to  the 
bishops  in  the  kingdom  advising  them  to  contribute,  since  the 
King  himself  had  subscribed  a  large  sum  (450,000  D.),  and 
they  were  requested  to  deliver  the  money  at  the  next  synodical 
meeting.-^  The  priestly  estate  took  a  lively  interest  in  the 
scheme  and  gave  promises  of  as  large  contributions  as  they 
were  able  to  make  (at  least  100,000  D.),  indicating  their 
willingness  to  appoint  a  director  of  their  own,  which  was  done 
some  time  later.^*^     But  the  money  was  not  paid  in  the  specified 

"  It  has  been  stated  that  Andersson  had  been  appointed  director  on  March 
19,  and  Christian  VVelshuisen  on  May  4,  but  in  the  commission  of  May  4  we 
read:  "  Haifve  wij  offwer  war  anpart  till  Directorer  och  forestandhare  satt  och 
forordnatt  ehrlighe  och  wellachtadhe  man  oss  ellskelighe  Pedher  Andhersson  och 
Christian  Willsshusen,  och  dhem  i  fullmacht  och  befallningh  giffvet  haffve  sisora 
vij  och  har  medh  i  fullt  befallningh  giffve."  I  take  it  that  a  copy  of  the 
same  contents  was  given  to  each  director.  It  was  often  the  case  that  the  com- 
mission to  an  office  was  not  given  until  sometime  after  the  appointment. 

^ "  Fullmachtt  for  Dir.  Pedar  Andersson  att  optala  stenderne,"  etc.,  Mar. 
19,  1627  R.R.  fol.  103  ff. ;  Fullm.  for  direch.,  etc.,  May  4,  1627,  R.R.,  fol.  221; 
Usselinx  to  Oxenstierna,  July  19,  1628. 

^A  councillor  at  Stockholm.  See  Rddspr.,  IV.  323;  Anrep,  Attart.  under 
Loivenburg. 

^"Till  biscoparne,"  etc.,  April  27,  1627,  R.R. 

°*  But  there  were  also  warning  voices  raised  against  subscriptions.  A  poem, 
the  opening  verses  of  which  were  published  by  Geijer,  runs  as  follows: 

"  O  arma  prest  lagg  thig  ej  i 
Directors-och  kopmans-compagni. 


6o 


The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 


time,  and  in  September  the  directors  presented  a  supplication 
to  the  Council  of  State,  praying  that  the  money  subscribed 
might  be  collected. ^^ 

The  success  of  the  project  was  not  so  great  as  Usselinx  had 
expected.  The  sums  subscribed  were  far  less  than  he  had  hoped 
for^^  and  even  these  could  not  be  collected,  but  neither  he  nor 

Vinningen  veta  the  till  sig  draga, 
Forstrackningarne  far  thu  pa  thig  taga." 
Geijer  refers  the  quotation  to  Nordinska  handskrifterna,  but  Dr.  Andersson 

of  the  University  Library,  who  kindly  made  a  search  for  me,  informed  me  in  a 

letter  that  the  verses  could  not  be  found  in  Nordinska  samlingen.  The  poem, 

however,  is  probably  written  some  time  after  1634. 
"^  Rddspr.,  I.  54. 
"^  A   list  of  the   principal   subscriptions  was  prepared  by   Usselinx,   probably 

about  the  middle  of  1627.      It  runs  as  follows: 

"A  list  of  [those]  who  have  subscribed  to  the  South  Comp[any],  [and]  who  have 
a  right  to  choose  directors  as  follows: 

The  honorable  Pfalsgrave  [Johan  Casimir] Dl.  8,000 

The  Admeral  Carl  Carlsson Dl.  8,000 

The  Chancellor  [Axe!  Oxenstierna] Dl.  12,000 

Gabriel  Bengtson  Oxenstierna Dl.  1,500 

Clas  Horn Dl.  4,000 

Johan  Skytte Dl.  5,000 

Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxenstierna Dl.  4,000 

Svante  Baner  Dl.  2,000 

Per  Baner  Dl.  2,000 

Carl  Eriksson  Oxenstierna   Dl.  2,000 

Klas    Fleming     Dl.  2,000 

Johan  Sparre   Dl.  1,000 

Carl  Bonde Dl.  1,000 

Antony  Monnier   Dl.  4,000 

Johan  Baner Dl.  1,000 

Axel    Baner    Dl.  1,000 

Mathias  Soop  Dl.  1,000 

Ake    Axelsson    Dl.  1,000 

Jacob  Jacobsson  Dl.  1,000 

Jesper  Andersson    Dl.  1,000 

Herman  Wrangel   Dl.  4,000 

Diedrick  von  Falkenberg   Dl.  4,000 

who  has  further  promised Dl.  6,000 

Christer  Ludwig  Rask  Dl.  8,coo 

Bengt   Oxenstierna    Dl.  1,000 

Doctor  Robertson Dl.  1,500 

Lasse  Skytte   Dl.  1,200 

Per  Andersson    Dl.  1,000 

Paridon    van    Horn    Dl.  1,200 

Peter    von    Bennigen,    40    skeppund    of    copper,    worth 

about    Dl. 

Mickel  Werner    Dl.  2,000 


The  South  Company.  6i 

the  directors  were  daunted  by  the  slow  progress.  They  planned 
to  prepare  a  trading  expedition  in  the  near  future  and  for 
this  reason  they  had  in  mind  to  present  a  request  to  the  King 
that  the  company  should  be  allowed  to  export  30,000  bar- 
rels of  grain  from  Sweden  and  Livonia, ^^  so  that  merchandise 
for  the  expedition  could  be  bought  in  Holland,  since  it  would 
not  be  possible  to  raise  money  for  the  purpose  in  any  other 
manner.  The  government  was  also  to  be  requested  to  furnish 
the  necessary  ships,  which  ought  to  be  fully  equipped  and  each 
"  armed  with  four  metal  cannon."  In  case  that  any  of  the  ves- 
sels were  lost,  they  were  to  be  paid  by  the  company  according 
to  the  value,  estimated  by  competent  judges.  In  the  summer  of 
1627  Usselinx  was  sent  by  the  directors  to  Gustavus  Adolphus 
In  Prussia, ^^  to  further  the  undertaking  by  urging  the  payment 
of  his  majesty's  first  instalment  of  1 15,000  D.  and  the  supply  of 
as  many  ships  as  the  King  should  find  advisable  to  use  for  the 
intended  voyage.  He  was  also  to  request  the  King  to  appoint 
a  director  at  Gothenburg,  where  there  ought  to  be  a  chamber 
and  to  "  most  graciously  grant  a  seal  to  the  company. "^^    He  was 

Jacob  Forbes Dl.     i,ooo 

Gierdt    Dierichson    (Dietricksson) Dl.     1,000 

Johan  Fegreus   Dl.     1,000 

Gilius   Coynet    (Coijet)     Dl.     1,000 

Hans  Nilsson   Dl.     1,000 

Herman  Westman Dl.     1,000 

Philip  Schedinck  has  promised Dl.     4,000 

Henrick  Fleming  has  subscribed  Dl.     2,000 

At  Gothenburg  has  been  subscribed  about Dl.  30,000 

Jacob  van  Dyck   Dl.     3,000 

Nils  Burson    Dl.     2,000 

Jacob  de  Rees   Dl.     1,000 

(The  above  three  persons  are  present  here.) 

In  Finland  was  subscribed Dl.  25,000 

That  which  has  been  subscribed   in   Stockholm  is   entered   in   another  book." 

No  date  but  probably  in  1627  or  1628.      Usselinx  letters.  Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 
^An  ordinance  was  issued  in  the  spring  of  1622  forbidding  the  exportation 

of  all  grain  except  wheat,  and  in  1627  some  Hollanders  complained  that  Governor 

Horn  had  forbidden  them  to  export  even  that  grain.     R.R.  April  5,  1622,  fol.  140; 

Rddspr.,  I.  38;  Cf.  also  p.  45,  95,  iii,  112. 

^The  King  was  now  engaged  in  his  second  Prussian  campaign.      Cf.  Cron- 

holm,   II.   163   ff.,   especially   195   flf. ;    Geijer,   III.   100;    Droysen,    I.     Cf.   above 

Chapter  I. 

^  A  seal  or  trade-mark  protected  by  law  was  generally  used  by  the  trading 

companies. 


62        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

further  to  suggest  to  Oxenstierna  that  the  latter  should  appoint 
a  director  on  behalf  of  the  nobility  and  he  was  to  propose 
the  first  of  August  as  the  limit  for  the  paying  of  the  first  instal- 
ment.^^ Of  his  labors  we  know  little.  He  did  not  succeed  in 
collecting  the  King's  subscription  however,  and  he  wrote  to  the 
directors  proposing  a  new  plan.  The  King  was  to  be  re- 
quested to  furnish  eight  ships  as  his  first  instalment.  Other 
ships  could  be  hired  in  Holland  and  thus  the  King  could  furnish 
his  share  with  little  expense  and  without  the  advance  of 
money.^^ 

In  the  meantime  Usselinx  was  also  busy  collecting  subscrip- 
tions from  officers  of  the  Swedish  army  and  he  seems  to  have 
raised  a  considerable  sum.  In  November  he  was  sent  by  the 
chancellor  to  collect  additional  funds  in  the  Baltic  provinces 
and  in  Finland.  Armed  with  letters  and  introductions  to  the 
royal  and  the  municipal  authorities  along  his  route,  he  made  a 
tour  from  Dirschau  around  the  Baltic  and  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia, 
through  Courland,  Lithuania,  Livonia,  Finland  and  north- 
eastern Sweden,  visiting  Riga,  Treyden,  "  Pernau,  Reval, 
Narva,  Viborg,"  Borga,  Helsingfors,  Abo,  Gefle  "  and  all  other 
cities  in  Finland  and  Norrbotten,"  everywhere  presenting  me- 
morials and  arguments  about  this  beloved  South  Company  and 
advising  rich  and  poor  to  join  the  same.  His  success  was  varied. 
In  Livonia  the  subscriptions  amounted  to  about  50,000  D.  and 
in  Narva  and  the  Finnish  and  Swedish  towns  he  was  well  re- 
ceived except  at  Gefle.  He  arrived  in  Stockholm  in  April,  1628, 
and  probably  made  a  report  to  the  directors  and  to  the  council. ^^ 

He  ^expected  to  find  that  ships  had  already  been  sent  to 
Africa  and  that  other  beginnings  had  been  inaugurated,  but  in 

""Meraorie  voor  Willem  Usselinx,"  etc.,  June  12,  1627.  I  see  no  reason 
for  supposing  that  the  memorial  was  drawn  up  by  Usselinx  because  it  was  in 
Dutch.  See  Jameson,  p.  124,  n.  206.  Welshuisen,  one  of  the  signers,  was  also 
a  Hollander  and  could  very  well  have  drafted  the  document. 

""Aen  syne  Ko.  Ma:tt  Memorie,"  etc.  (Presented  May  5,  1628.)  Mss. 
in  Penn.  Hist.  So. 

**  Letter  to  Oxenstierna,  July  19,  1628,  Ox  SamL  (R.A.)  ;  Jameson  Mss.  copies, 
Penn.  Hist.  So.     Cf.  Jameson,  p.  124  ff.  and  Bib. 


The  South  Company.  63 

these  things  he  was  disappointed.  Some  progress  had  been  made 
in  his  absence,  though  not  altogether  in  the  direction  originally 
intended.  Per  Andersson,  who  began  his  work  with  very 
great  ardor,  subscribed  about  24,000  D.  in  two  cities^^  and  then 
gave  up  the  work,  and  thus  the  peasants  and  citizens  of  other 
places  were  not  approached  on  the  subject.  The  result  was  that 
the  capital  stock  was  as  yet  very  small.  The  directors  had 
"  resolved  that  they  would  divert  the  trade  from  the  west  to  the 
east,"  and  make  Russia  the  principal  market,  probably  with 
the  intention  of  monopolizing  the  silk  trade  in  that  country. 
Russian  trade^°  was  also  begun,  but  to  what  extent  or  with  what 
profit  is  unknown.  With  a  view  of  Increasing  the  capital  stock, 
Per  Andersson  entered  into  an  agreement  with  Johan  Sparre  to 
take  over  some  goods  in  Russia,  which  the  copper  company 
owned  there  and  could  not  sell,  but  the  transfer  was  not  made.^^ 
**  Some  of  the  stockholders  proposed  that  the  company  should 
build  ships  for  the  trade  with  Spain  f'^^  others  proposed  that  it 
should  endeavor  to  obtain  a  monopoly  of  the  Swedish  salt  trade, 
so  that  this  important  article  would  be  brought  to  its  former 
price,  which  would  require  a  capital  of  only  50,000  D. 

The  directors  had  entered  upon  still  another  venture.  Ben- 
jamin Bonnell  (of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  in  connection  with 
the  New  Sweden  Company)  went  to  Sweden  in  1625  with  the 
intention  of  founding  a  glass  factory.  He  applied  for  privi- 
leges from  the  King,  but  for  some  reason  no  factory  was  built.^^ 
In  1628,  however,  the  South  Company  made  an  arrangement 
with  him  to  establish  a  manufactory  of  glass  in  Gothenburg. 

""At  Norrkoping  and  Nykoping. 

^'A  commercial  treaty  was  made  with  Russia  in  1626  and  in  1637.  Sillen, 
IV.  13-14. 

"  But  see  Jameson,  p.  132. 

*^  Usselinx  was  not  opposed  to  this  idea,  if  Sweden  could  enter  into  some 
agreement  with  Spain,  assuring  the  safety  of  the  vessels,  otherwise  he  feared 
that  the  vessels  would  be  in  greater  danger  there  then  elsewhere.  Letter  to 
Oxcnstierna,  July  19,  1628.     Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

*'  Usselinx  proposed  that  he  ought  to  be  induced  to  enter  the  service  of  the 
South  Company  and  advised  that  the  privileges  should  not  be  given.  Usselinx 
to  Oxenstierna,  July  11,  1625.      Cf.  Jameson,  p.  105. 


64        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  King  granted  him  500  D.  for  lost  time  and  500  D.  for  his 
traveling  expenses  and  the  directors  issued  a  commission,  em- 
powering him  to  hire  laborers  and  buy  the  necessary  imple- 
ments and  machines  for  the  purpose.  Some  of  the  skilled  work- 
men and  part  of  the  material  (which  could  not  be  obtained  in 
Holland)  were  secured  in  England  and  some  special  instru- 
ments were  made  for  the  factory.  He  wrote  to  the  directors 
from  Amsterdam,  requesting  them  to  send  him  money  for  his 
expenses  and  for  the  salary  of  the  workmen,  but  they  made  no 
reply.  As  a  consequence  he  was  compelled  to  dismiss  his 
laborers  and,  being  unable  to  pay  his  debts,  he  was  arrested,  but 
it  is  probable  that  the  company  later  advanced  money  for  his 
bills  and  secured  his  release.^^ 

Preparations  for  other  manufacturing  establishments  were 
likewise  begun.  In  the  early  part  of  1628  it  seems  that  Louis 
de  Geer  intended  to  build  a  ropewalk  at  Norrkoping.  A  capi- 
tal of  one  hundred  thousand  D.  was  to  be  raised  and  for  some 
reason  the  directors  of  the  South  Company  decided  to  join  with 
him  and  to  furnish  in  cash  two  thirds  of  the  stock,  probably  at 
the  suggestion  of  the  council;  while  De  Geer's  share  (one  third 
of  the  capital)  was  to  be  furnished  in  hemp,  bought  in  Prussia. 
It  seems  that  De  Geer  withdrew  from  the  contract,  but  the 
directors  carried  out  the  idea  and  on  April  24,  1628,  a  small 
piece  of  land  for  the  factory  "  behind  the  brick  shed  of  the  city 
church  at  Norrkoping,^"  along  the  shore  of  the  lake"  was 
granted  to  the  company.  Arrangements  were  also  made  for  a 
second  ropewalk  at  Linkoping.  The  King  was  greatly  inter- 
ested in  the  work.  In  the  instruction  given  to  the  council  on 
April  28,  the  same  year,  he  recommended  that  as  large  orders 
for  ropes  should  be  given  to  the  ropewalks  of  the  company  as 
possible.    In  May  the  council  instructed  Andersson  to  hurry  the 

**  Usselinx  now  thought  that  the  factory  would  be  of  great  value  to  the 
company,  as  beads  were  ver\'  salable  in  Africa  and  America.  Usselinx  to 
Oxenstlerna,  July  ii,  1625,  July  19,  1628,  Oct.  13,  1628.      Ox.  Saml. 

^^ Located  south  (a  little  to  the  west)  of  Stockholm,  on  Motalastrom,  a  short 
distance  from  the  Baltic  coast.  At  present  an  important  manufacturing  center. 
Rosenberg,  Hand!.,  II.  258  ff. 


The  South  Company.  65 

completion  of  the  ropewalk  so  that  rope-making  could  soon  be 
begun,  requesting  him  to  report  what  progress  he  had  made 
and  in  June  he  was  told  to  continue  with  his  work. 

It  is  probable  that  ropes  were  manufactured  during  the  sum- 
mer at  least  In  Norrkoplng.  The  ropewalk  was  continued  after 
the  joining  of  the  South  and  the  Ship  Companies  and  one  Bar- 
tolomeus  Jansson  made  the  ropes  at  a  salary  of  i  R.D.  a  day.**^ 
His  services  apparently  came  to  an  end  In  July  or  August,  1637, 
and  It  Is  likely  that  the  ropewalk  was  discontinued  at  that  time. 

The  directors  also  determined  to  establish  a  linen  mill,  and 
it  appears  that  something  was  done  in  the  matter,  for  In  July, 
1628,  one  of  the  directors  "requested  advice  from  the  council 
whether  he  ought  not  to  continue  the  linen  manufactory,  Instead 
of  sending  ships  to  the  Indies."  Shipbuilding  was  likewise 
planned  at  this  time  and  a  shipyard  was  finally  established  as 
we  shall  see.^" 

As  we  may  expect,  Usselinx  did  not  take  great  delight  in 
finding  these  side  activities  engaging  the  attention  of  the  com- 
pany on  his  return.  He  found  that  the  management  was  poor 
and  that  the  original  designs  had  been  lost  sight  of.  To  remedy 
the  matter  he  formulated  a  number  of  complaints  in  a  letter  to 
Oxenstlerna  and  he  had  still  hopes  of  success.  The  directors, 
he  said,  paid  more  attention  to  Insignificant  details  than  to  great 
principles;  they  seldom  met  for  consultation  (the  principal 
stockholders  having  ceased  coming  together  entirely)  ;  one  of 
the  directors  collected  money,  disposed  of  it  and  made  contract.^ 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  others  ;^s  Per  Andersson  had  been 
made  a  burggraf  at  Norrkoplng  and  consequently  had  little  time 
for  other  things;  the  director  appointed  by  the  bishops  lived  at 
Upsala,  away  from  the  activity  of  the  company  and  hence  he 
was  unable  to  be  of  much  service;  another  director  was  at  Norr- 

*^Thus  he  worked  313  days  in  1635  and  was  paid  312  R.D.;  168  days  in 
1637,  being  paid  168  R.D.,  etc. 

"Gen.  Hatxd.  och  Skepsk.,  III.  1630-6(7)  (K.A.)  ;  "  Copia  von  Janssons 
Keeps,  ijberg.  Reck.,"  etc.,  Skepsk..  1629-50  (R.A.)  ;  Usselinx  to  Oxenstisrna, 
July  19,  1628,  Ox.  Saml.;  R.R.  April  24,  1628,  fol.  290  ff.;  May  12,  1628,  fol. 
624;  Rddspr.,  I.  pp.  XXX,  69,  79,  97.     Cf.  Jameson,  132. 

*'Per  Andersson  is  meant.      See  Usselinx  to  Oxenstierna,  Oct.  13    i6''8 
6  ^'      -  • 


66        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

koping  in  charge  of  the  ropewalk;  Valentin  Nilsson  was  incap- 
able and  paid  little  attention  to  his  duties;  Christian  Welshuisen 
understood  his  business,  but  he  could  not  do  much  alone.  We 
may  also  assume  that  Usselinx  did  not  neglect  to  bring  the  mat- 
ter before  the  Council  of  State  and  that  this  body  took  it  into 
consideration,  causing  new  efforts  to  be  made  for  the  raising  of 
money.^^ 

Even  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  efforts  had  been  made  to 
collect  the  subscriptions.  On  January  ii,  the  King  ordered  all 
subscribers  to  pay  in  the  first  instalment  on  or  before  May  i 
on  penalty  of  indemnity  to  the  government  for  all  losses  and 
one  per  cent,  a  month  on  the  capital  subscribed  from  the  above 
date  until  paid,^^  the  King  promising  to  pay  his  share.  Oxen- 
stierna,  who  took  a  lively  interest  in  this  company,  as  he  did  in 
the  New  Sweden  Company,  not  knowing  that  Usselinx  had  re- 
turned, appointed  "honest  and  wise  Anthon  Graphaeus"  to 
collect  subscriptions  in  Sweden,  "  in  order  that  such  a  useful 
and  important  work  may  not  be  neglected  at  this  place,"  and 
gave  him  a  commission  to  that  effect  on  April  28.^^ 

Something  had  also  been  done  towards  sending  ships  to  the 
West  Indies.  The  King  had  assigned  a  small  vessel  for  the 
purpose  and  the  company  bought  or  hired  a  pinnace  to  accom- 
pany the  former.  A  skipper,  said  by  Usselinx  to  be  an  experi- 
enced man,  well  acquainted  in  the  West  Indies  and  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  was  engaged  at  a  high  wage,^^  and  other  prepara- 
tions were  made,  but  funds  were  lacking  and  progress  was  slow. 

On  May  29  Usselinx  and  Valentin  Nilsson  were  called  into 
the  Council  Chamber  to  report  about  the  South  Company.  The 
former  was  to  translate  "his  demonstration"  into  Swedish  so 
that  the  common  people  might  understand  it.     It  was  decided 

"Usselinx  to  Oxenstierna,  July  19,  1628.      Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

"  "  Sasom  och  pro  cento  till  en  daler  om  manan,"  Mandat,  etc.,  Jan.  11,  1628, 
R.R. 

"Dated  Elbing,  April  28,  1628.  Ox.  Saml.  Jan.  11,  1628,  R.  R. ;  Stiernman, 
L  958. 

"'Usselinx  to  Oxenstierna,  July  19,  1628.  Letter  to  Oxenstierna,  July  14,  1628, 
R.R.,  fol.  709. 


The  South  Company.  67 

to  write  to  Livonia  and  Ingermanland  to  the  effect  that  the 
subscribers  there  must  pay  their  shares.  Per  Andersson,  and 
perhaps  the  other  directors,  were  called  to  Stockholm  to  confer 
about  the  company  and  it  is  quite  certain  that  many  meetings 
were  held,  at  which  Usselinx  presented  his  views.^^ 

About  the  end  of  June  a  paper  (supplication?)  from  the  direc- 
tors and  Usselinx  (  ?)  was  read  in  the  council  and  about  a  week 
later  Per  Andersson  was  called  upon  to  make  a  report.  On 
July  5  it  was  again  decided  to  request  the  cities  and  governors 
of  the  kingdom  to  assist  in  the  new  work  and  to  pay  their  sub- 
scriptions, and  three  days  later  letters  were  sent  to  Eric  Jorans- 
son  and  Holger  Scheiding  and  perhaps  to  other  governors,  in- 
structing them  "  to  aid  the  directors  and  to  enjoin  upon  the 
participants  in  their  districts  and  especially  those  in  the  cities 
to  pay  their  shares."  But  the  efforts  had  little  effect  and  the 
citizens  of  Stockholm  reported  that  they  were  unable  to  pay 
their  share  and  asked  for  grace  until  1629.  Further  meetings 
and  discussions  seem  to  have  been  held,  but  with  small  result. 

The  journey  to  the  West  Indies  was  not  dropped,  however, 
and  Andersson  was  appointed  to  consult  with  the  council  about 
it.  He  went  before  that  body  on  July  10,  and  requested  assis- 
tance for  the  continuation  of  the  South  Company,  but  he  espe- 
cially desired  advice  "about  the  ship  and  yacht  [which]  H[isJ 
R[oyal]  Maj[esty]  had  appointed  for  the  voyage,  whether  it 
should  be  sent  to  the  West  Indies  or  not."  No  definite  advice 
was  given,  as  the  councillors,  fearing  the  dangers  of  such  a 
voyage,  desired  to  know  the  opinion  of  Oxenstierna  and  the 
King,  before  they  could  decide  on  so  important  a  matter.  Ac- 
cordingly letters  were  written  to  the  former,  requesting  him  to 
ascertain  the  views  of  His  Royal  Majesty,  as  the  principal 
stockholder,  and  to  report  as  soon  as  possible.  The  answer 
is  not  known,  but  no  expedition  was  prepared,  for  in  the  autumn 
the  skipper  returned  to  Holland,  after  having  drawn  a  salary 
for  several  months.    The  first  West  Indian  venture  thus  caused 

^Rddspr.,  I.  75,  96-97. 


68        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  company  considerable  expense,  and  came  to  an  end  without 
bringing  any  results. ^^ 

As  we  have  already  stated,  Usselinx  was  not  pleased  with  the 
management  and  development  of  the  company  he  had  started. 
He  wished  to  be  relieved  from  his  services,  unless  something 
more  to  the  point  were  soon  done.  There  was,  however,  still 
some  hope  in  his  mind,  that  the  undertaking  might  be  placed 
on  a  prosperous  basis  and  develop  into  great  significance,  and 
for  this  reason  he  made  new  suggestions.  New  letters  were 
to  be  sent  to  the  governors  in  Finland  and  agents  were  to  be 
sent  there  and  to  Norrland  to  collect  additional  funds;  able  and 
experienced  commissioners  were  to  be  sent  to  Germany,  France 
and  Venice  to  solicit  subscriptions;  the  directors  were  to  be 
compelled  to  follow  the  charter  and  to  live  where  the  chamber 
was  located;  a  new  director  was  to  be  appointed  at  Gothenburg 
by  His  Majesty  (and  as  such  Usselinx  recommended  Antony 
Monnier)  ;  and  finally  a  royal  privilege  or  commission  was  to 
be  issued  to  the  company,  granting  it  liberty  to  buy  and  export 
grain.  But  the  suggestions  failed  to  breathe  new  life  into  the 
frozen  body.  Things  grew  worse  instead  of  better.  Usselinx 
feared  that  the  company  would  not  be  a  very  large  affair  and  in 
the  end  it  would  probably  dwindle  down  to  a  ropewalk  and  a 
shipyard.  He  knew  little  about  the  building  of  ships  and  the 
making  of  ropes,  which  could  be  better  superintended  by  others, 
and  he  therefore  decided  to  leave  the  country .^^  In  December 
he  obtained  his  release  and  Gustavus  Adolphus  gave  him  letters 
to  the  States  General  and  to  Prince  Henry.  In  the  beginning 
of  1629  he  left  Stockholm.  His  connection  with  the  South 
Company  now  practically  came  to  an  end^*^  and  the  company 
was  soon  about  to  enter  upon  another  stage  and  to  be  combined 
with  another  organization  under  a  different  name. 

"  R.R.  July  8,  1628,  fol.  697  (Jameson  Mss.)  ;  Usselinx  to  Oxenstierna,  July 
19,  October  13,  1628,  Ox.  Saml.;  Rddspr.,  I.  81,  88,  90,  92,  96-7. 

"Letter  to  Oxenstierna,  Oct.  13,  1628;  cf.  Jameson,  p.  138. 

^'Van  Rees,  IL  466;  Mercu.  Get.,  p.  38.  For  Usselinx's  travels  from  1629 
until  1632,  see  Jameson,  p.  139. 


Gustavus  Adolphus.     From  a  painting  at  Skokloster.     (H.) 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  United  South-Ship  Company,  i 629-1 642. 

The  increase  of  the  Swedish  navy  and  merchant  marine  was 
an  object  of  great  care  to  Gustavus  Adolphus.  Capital  was 
hard  to  raise  and  the  state  treasury  was  drawn  upon  to  the 
utmost  for  other  purposes.  The  King  therefore  took  recourse 
to  the  formation  of  a  company,  and,  at  a  meeting  of  represen- 
tatives from  various  Swedish  towns  at  the  capital  in  the  be- 
ginning of  1629,  he  proposed  the  founding  of  a  Ship  Company 
by  the  cities  of  the  kingdom.  The  project  was  favorably  re- 
ceived. Towards  the  end  of  January  the  representatives  trans- 
mitted "  an  explanation  and  decision  "  to  His  Royal  Majesty, 
presenting  their  views  on  the  subject  and  plans  for  the  prepara- 
tion of  ships.  At  the  same  time  the  privileges  for  the  company 
were  issued.  Sixteen  ships  were  to  be  furnished  in  all,  of  which 
Stockholm  was  to  prepare  four,  Gothenburg  two,  and  the 
other  cities,  arranged  in  groups,  the  remaining  ten.^  The  ships 
were  to  be  used  for  commercial  voyages,  either  by  the  cities 
themselves  or  by  the  Crown  at  a  certain  rate  of  freight  money, 
as  well  as  in  the  case  of  war  for  the  aid  and  protection  of  the 
country  against  the  enemy  (in  the  latter  case  without  pay  how- 
ever) .  Separate  directors  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  different 
groups  of  cities  to  manage  the  capital  supplied  by  each  group. 
The  ships  were  to  be  ready  in  the  spring  of  1629  and,  in  order 
to  encourage  and  increase  Swedish  shipping,  it  was  ordered 
that  they  should  be  built  in  the  kingdom,  but,  as  the  time  was 
too  limited  for  the  building  of  so  large  a  number,  the  cities 
requested  permission  to  hire  or  buy  vessels  abroad  with  the 
privilege  of  selling  them  when  their  own  ships  were  ready. 

Arrangements  were  then  made  for  the  raising  of  money. 

*  See  R.R.  Jan.  26,  1629.  Cf.  Rddspr.,  I.  161  ff.  and  162,  note  i,  where 
a  list  of  the  cities  is  given  with  the  number  of  ships  each  group  was  to 
furnish.     See  zho  Skepsk.,  1629-50  (R.A.). 

69 


70        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  citizens  were  strongly  urged  to  participate  in  the  company 
according  to  their  means.  Directors  were  elected  to  carry  out 
the  plans  of  the  company  and  soon  contracts  were  signed  for 
the  delivery  of  several  ships.  The  directors  of  the  Upsala  and 
Orebro  divisions  contracted  with  Cornelius  Speckt,  a  Hollan- 
der, for  their  ships  to  be  ready  in  the  summer;  the  Gefle  and 
Stockholm  divisions  contracted  with  Welshuisen  for  their  ves- 
sels, the  Vasteras  division  made  arrangements  with  Spens  and 
the  Nykoping  division  with  Voss.^  Agents  were  sent  by  the 
other  cities  to  Holland  to  buy  or  rent  ships. 

But  the  money  was  slow  in  coming,  due  to  the  lack  of  funds 
and  quarrels  between  the  cities,  and  consequently  the  ships  were 
not  on  hand  at  the  appointed  time.  At  Jonkoping  and  Stock- 
holm there  was  especially  great  difficulty  in  raising  the  shares 
to  be  contributed  by  each  district.  The  Council  of  State  in- 
structed the  inhabitants  of  the  latter  place  to  furnish  the  stipu- 
lated sums,  but  the  year  1629  passed  and  the  full  amount  was 
not  collected,^  only  74,438  Daler  having  been  furnished  by 
the  beginning  of  1630,  for  which  two  vessels  were  bought.^ 

In  order  to  increase  the  capital  the  King  presented  the  needs 
of  the  Ship  Company  at  the  diet  in  the  summer  of  1629  to  the 
representatives  of  the  estates,  requesting  the  Nobility  and 
Priesthood  to  contribute  to  it  and  aid  in  preparing  a  large  num- 
ber of  ships.  In  answer  to  these  propositions  the  two  estates 
suggested  that  the  money,  which  had  been  collected  for  the 
South  Company  should  be  used  for  the  needs  of  the  Ship  Com- 
pany "  and  in  this  manner  to  found  a  complete  society  and  trad- 
ing company  until  opportunity  and  capital  will  allow  the  South 
Company  to  be  continued  and  established."    In  addition  to  this 

-Rddspr.,  I.  162-3,  168  ff.,  193  ff. 

^The  question  was  brought  before  the  Council  of  State  for  adjustment  and 
this  body  presented  its  judgment  on  December  12,  1630.  "  Forstaden  "  in  Stock- 
holm should  pay  10,000  D.  and  on  December  29,  1629,  the  Council  of  State  com- 
manded the  city  to  prepare  the  ships.  See  Skepsk.,  1629-50  (R.A.),  and 
Stockliolms  Stads  tdnkebok,  1629,  fol.  135.     Cf.  Rddspr.,  L  185,  note  i. 

*  The  citizens  maintained  that  they  had  made  large  contributions  to  the  war 
fund,  which  had  not  been  repaid  them.  The  plague  was  also  an  obstacle  and 
many  were  unable  to  pay.  Cf.  letter  to  "  R.  Rad.,  etc.,  pa  sampt.  Direct,  ofwer 
skepsk.  uti  Stock.      Inlef.  d.  i  July,  1630."      Skepsk.,  1629-50  (R.A.). 


The  United  South-Ship  Company.  71 

the  nobility  promised  to  contribute  50  D.  for  each  trooper, 
expressing  the  hope  that  those  who  were  able  would  make 
private  contributions  as  well.^  The  suggestions  were  favorably 
received  by  the  King  and  about  a  year  later  (in  May,  1630), 
he  authorized  and  legalized  the  union  of  the  two  companies, 
but  no  privileges  were  granted  to  this  new  concern.*^  The  South 
Company  as  Usselinx  organized  it  now  came  to  an  end,  but  the 
new  company,'  for  such  it  really  was,  made  preparations  to 
execute  the  main  objects  of  Usselinx's  plan,  namely,  the  send- 
ing out  trading  expeditions.  Abraham  Cabeliau,  Valentin 
Nilsson  (and  perhaps  one  or  two  others)  were  appointed  gen- 
eral directors,  Johan  Larsson  was  made  secretary  with  a  salary 
of  1,000  D.,  and  Hans  Gall  (a  German)  was  engaged  as 
bookkeeper.  Stockholm  was  made  the  head  office,  but  factors 
were  appointed  in  Gothenburg,  Amsterdam,  Stralsund  and 
perhaps  other  places.^  The  cities  in  Finland  gradually  joined 
the  Company  and  the  capital  was  soon  quite  considerable.  It 
is  given  as  follows  in  the  official  journal  in  1636: 

Daler. 

His  Royal  Majesty 14,102 

Johan  Casimir 8,000 

The  House  of  Knights   6,368 

The  Royal  Council    14,980 

The  Nobility  and  Knighthood  i3iOi4 

The  Priesthood" 61,953 

The  Combined  Cities'" 373>579 

__7,648 

Total    499,644" 

*"  50  Daler  for  hvarje  rusttjensthast."  R.R.  May  29,  1630,  fol.  270;  Rddspr., 
I.  54,  note;  II.  71. 

^Stiernman,  Riksdagsf.;  Kung.  bref,  etc.,  I.  p.  989;  R.R.  May  29,  1630; 
Rddspr.,  I.  54,  155-66;  II.  117;  Ridd.  och  Adelns  Riksdagspr.,  Vol.  I. 

'  The  United  Ship  and  South  Company  was  called  by  various  names.  Cf.  the 
names  of  the  South  Company  above.  Chap.  VIII.  In  the  official  journal  of  the 
New  Sweden  Company  the  South-Ship  Company  is  called  "  The  Old  Ship 
Company." 

^  Geji.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  III.,  1630-6(7)    (K.A.). 

°  The  various  ecclesiastical  districts  or  stift  supplied  certain  sums.  Thus 
Abo  stift  supplied  9,972  D.,  Wiborg,  8,570  D.,  etc.  Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk., 
III.  1630-36(7)    (K.A.). 

^**The  capital  of  the  various  cities  was  as  follows  in  1636: 


72        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  outlook  was  now  brighter.  In  the  autumn  of  1630  the 
sixteen  ships  were  ready,  although  all  the  shares  had  not  been 
paid.^^  The  ships  were  fitted  out  for  trading  journeys  and 
some  had  already  been  sent  to  Stralsund  in  November.  A 
longer  journey  was  also  planned  and  one  of  the  Stockholm 
ships  was  sent  to  Archangel  the  same  year  with  freight.  It 
returned  safely  to  the  North  Sea  and  went  to  Holland.  From 
there  the  skipper  was  engaged  to  sail  to  Malaga  in  Spain  on  a 
false  passport  and  the  ship  was  seized.^^  One  or  two  other 
ships  were  later  seized,  causing  the  company  expense  and 
financial  difficulties. ^"^  Several  ships  sailed  to  Amsterdam  and 
other  cities,  carrying  freight  for  private  merchants  and  for  the 
government,  and  20,000  R.D.  were  due  from  the  Crown  in  the 

Daler. 

Norrlands   District    22,941:1:2: 

Vastergotland     23,220:1  :i  |- 

Vasa    Stad    

Stockholm    126,000 

Gefle 25,211:2:1. 

Norrkoping   I7>73i  '•'^  '-l- 

Nykoping  30,897 :3  :4 

Vasteras     22,450 

Tellie   33,885:2:7} 

Arboga   15,969  '• 

Kalmar    19,518:3:2 

Vastervik     14,000 

The  Cities  of  Finland 21,753  :i4. 

Total    373,579 :2:6H 

This  means  that  the  cities  included  in  the  district  were  to  furnish  the  above 
sums,  Gen.  Hand,  och  Skcpsk.,  III.  1630-36   (K.A.). 

"  I  have  omitted  the  fractions  of  a  Daler  making  the  total  sum  one  D.  less 
than  that  given  in  the  journal. 

"In  the  summer  of  1630,  Welshuisen  threatened  that  he  would  break  the 
contract  unless  he  was  paid  by  July  1.  The  ships  were  all  delivered,  however, 
but  as  late  as  March,  1631,  all  the  money  had  not  been  paid  to  him.  See  letter 
to  R.  Rdd.,  etc.,  July  i,  1630.  Letter  to  A.  Oxenstterna  from  the  directors,  Oct. 
6,  1630,  and  the  letter  from  the  directors,  March  16,  1631.  Skepsk.,  1638-50 
(R.A.).  Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  III.  1630-36(7)  (K.A.).  Rddspr.,  II. 
46  90  ff.  In  1630  the  king  resolved  that  each  citizen  should  contribute,  etc., 
Rddspr.,  II.  71. 

"The  skipper  was  forbidden  to  sail  to  Spain.  On  his  return  he  was  ex- 
amined by  Cabeliau  and  Nilsson  and  put  into  prison.     Rddspr.,  II.  91-92. 

^* "  De  2  skeppen  som  blefne  ahre."  "  En  deel  af  Comp.  skep.  ahre  sin  kooss." 
Rddspr.,  II.  119,  154,  17,  20-46,  116-19,  249,  etc. 


The  United  South-Ship  Company.  75 

autumn  of  1631  as  freight  money,  while  several  thousand  D. 
were  earned  through  the  freight  handled  for  private  merchants 
between  1630  and  i632.^-''' 

In  the  autumn  of  1631  plans  were  projected  for  "the  con- 
tinuation and  success  of  the  company."  Klas  Fleming  proposed 
that  "wealthy  Hollanders  ought  to  be  imported  for  directors, 
so  as  to  place  the  undertaking  on  a  business  basis."  The  feasi- 
bility of  sending  ships  to  Spain  and  France  was  considered  and 
other  ideas  were  also  broached.  It  was  even  suggested  that  the 
ships  of  the  company  should  be  used  for  preying  on  Spanish 
commerce,  it  being  thought  that  greater  gains  could  be  realized 
from  that  source  than  from  the  trading  expeditions  that  were 
contemplated. 

The  treasury  of  the  company,  however,  would  not  permit 
the  sending  out  of  trading  expeditions,  unless  the  subscriptions 
could  be  collected  and  the  freight  money  from  the  government 
paid.  To  make  the  expeditions  possible  the  members  of  the 
council  contributed  large  sums,'*^  and  other  means  were  pro- 
vided. 

About  this  time  a  certain  Frenchman  was  in  Stockholm, 
willing  to  participate  in  the  company  if  he  could  arrive  at  some 
agreement  with  the  directors.  As  a  consequence  arrangements 
were  made  for  trade  with  France,  and  some  time  in  1632  a 
ship  was  sent  thither  with  a  cargo  of  ropes  from  the  company's 
ropewalk,  and  copper  and  cannon,  which  were  sold  for  5,055 
D.  (s.m.) .  A  large  cargo  of  salt  was  taken  back  to  Sweden  and 
some  2,000  barrels  were  sold  in  Stockholm. ^'^ 

In  the  meantime  the  discussions  about  "the  Spanish  trade" 
had  been  continued  and  definite  arrangements  were  about  to  be 
made.     Director  Valentin  Nilsson  warned  the  council  against 

"The  Nykoping-ship  made  7,351  D.  in  1632. 

The  Upland-ship  made  7,084  D.  in  the  same  year. 

The  Norrkoping-ship  made  3,854  D.  in  the  same  year. 

The  Norrland-ship  made  6,032  D.  in  the  same  year. 

Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  III.  1630-36   (K.A.). 
^®Carl    Carlsson    contributed    2,000    R.D. ;    G.    Gustafsson    2,000    R.D.,    etc. 
Rddspr.,  II.  118;  III.  249,  267,  293. 

"Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  III.   1630-36(7)    (K.A.)  ;  Rddspr.,  II.   116-19. 


74        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sending  ships  to  Spain.  In  1606,  while  he  was  there  it  was 
rumored,  he  said,  that  a  decree  had  been  published  by  the  King 
of  Spain,  commanding  the  confiscation  of  all  Swedish  ships  and 
merchandise  found  in  a  Spanish  port.  But  Fleming  was  of  the 
opinion  that  Spain  would  not  make  herself  an  enemy  of  Sweden 
for  the  sake  of  a  couple  of  ships,  and  Cabeliau  presented  letters 
from  the  Duca  de  Medina  and  others,  stating  that  it  was  per- 
fectly safe  to  send  ships  to  Spain,  and  to  further  insure  the 
safety  of  the  ships  Cabeliau's  factor  would  be  instructed  to 
send  a  bark  to  meet  the  vessels  and  warn  them  in  case  of 
danger. ^^  An  expedition  was  therefore  fitted  out  in  the  autumn 
of  1 63 1  and  four  vessels  were  prepared.^'"*  A  cargo  of  masts 
and  some  copper  and  tar  was  obtained^*^  and  loaded  into  the 
ships.  The  entire  cost  of  the  expedition  was  43,712  D. 
Thomas  Looff,^^  a  Catholic  merchant,  was  appointed  commis- 
sary and  commander  of  the  expedition, ^^  Cornelis  van  Vliet, 
of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  in  connection  with  the  second 
journey  to  New  Sweden,  being  captain  on  the  Stockholm's 
Crown.  The  ships  were  ready  in  November,  and  on  the  six- 
teenth they  left  the  Swedish  capital  for  their  destination,  touch- 
ing at  Helsingor,  the  English  coast  and  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
where  the  vessels  remained  for  seventeen  days.  The  little  fleet 
left  the  island  on  February  21  (n.s.).  On  March  13  the  ves- 
sels were  separated  in  a  severe  storm,  but  on  the  eighteenth  Looff 
arrived  with  the  Gilded  Lion  at  San  Lucar,  Spain.  Two  days 
later  Norrlandskeppet  arrived,  and  in  the  next  few  days  the  other 
ships  made  their  appearance  in  good  condition.  Passports  were 
immediately  delivered.     Looff  then  informed  the  merchants  at 

''The  relation  with  Spain  was  not  very  friendly  at  this  time.  Spain  had 
attacked  Swedish  ships  and  the  council  considered  the  possibility  of  beginning 
a  war  with  that  country.      Rddspr.,  II.  245  ff.      Cf.  above,  Ch.  II. 

^^  Rddspr.,  II.  90  ff. ;  III.  98;  249  ff.     Looff's  Journal. 

^  Johan  Casimir  supplied  masts  for  the  value  of  8,752  D. 

"It  is  written  Thomas  Lop  in  Rddspr.,  IV.  112.  But  he  wrote  it  Looff  him- 
self.    See  also  R.R.  1634,  fol-  376)  Dutch  f>  Swedish,  p. 

^  He  went  on  the  ship  called  Forgylda  Lejonet.  Stockholms  Krona  (Torness 
Eliasson,  skipper),  Norrlandskeppet  (Stephen  Gronenberg,  skipper)',  and 
Gefleskeppet  (Cornelius  Tyss,  skipper)  were  the  other  vessels  on  the  expedition. 
Looff's  Journal,  Skepsk.,  1629-50  (R.A.)  ;  Rddspr.,  III.  94. 


The  United  South-Ship  Company.  75 

Seville  of  the  presence  of  his  ships  and  offered  his  cargo  for 
sale,  but  he  was  answered  that  the  country  was  well  supplied 
with  masts  and  that  no  money  would  be  on  hand  until  the 
"  Silver  Fleet "  should  arrive  from  the  West  Indies.  Looff  also 
wrote  to  Cadiz-3  and  tried  hard  to  sell  his  cargo  at  San  Lucar, 
but  only  six  weeks  before  his  arrival  great  quantities  of  masts 
had  come  from  Gothenburg  and  other  places  and  he  was  un- 
successful in  his  attempt. 

On  April  2(n.s.)  a  ship  brought  news  that  the  Silver  Fleet 
was  approaching.  All  foreign  vessels  in  Spanish  harbors  were 
now  put  under  arrest  and  compelled  to  remain  in  port  until  the 
fleet  was  safely  anchored,  when  the  arrest  was  removed. ^^  In 
the  meantime  Looff  tried  to  exchange  his  cargo  for  salt  but 
without  success,  some  lumber  from  the  Crown  of  Stockholm 
being  the  only  thing  he  was  able  to  sell.  Later  he  also  made  a 
journey  to  Seville  with  one  of  his  men  and  finally  succeeded  in 
finding  buyers.  But  on  April  21,  1632,  King  Philip  ordered 
that  six  Swedish  ships  should  be  put  under  arrest  with  all  their 
contents,  cannon  and  other  arms,  "  for  the  Spanish  ships  and 
cannon  which  were  [arrested]  at  Wismar."  Between  April  27 
and  29  the  order  was  executed  and  a  bail  of  40,000  ducats  was 
demanded  for  the  release  of  the  ships. ^^  The  bond  was 
secured,  Looff  finally  succeeded  in  selling  his  masts,  spars  and 
other  cargo  and  brought  them  ashore,  and  on  June  8  the  ships 
were  free  of  their  cargoes.  Salt  was  then  to  be  loaded  into 
them,  but  for  certain  reasons  the  vessels  were  again  put  under 
arrest  In  accordance  with  a  royal  order  of  June  29  and  their 

^  Looff' s  Journal  has  "  Cales "  and  in  Rddspr.,  III.  99,  it  is  also  written 
*'  Cales,"  but  it  is  clear  that  Cadiz  is  meant.  Cf.  Het  Liclit  der  Zeevaert 
door  IV.  Janssoon,  Amst.,  1630;  Rddspr.,  Ill,  index,  p.  317. 

''^The  Silver  Fleet  arrived  about  April  20,  45  sails  strong.      Looff' s  Journal 

-^  Looff' s  Journal.  Cf.  also  Rddspr.,  III.  295.  Other  Swedish  ships  besides 
the  four  belonging  to  the  company  were  seized,  but  how  many  is  not  known. 
Probably  more  than  six,  however,  for  in  the  journal  of  the  council  we  read: 
"  They  [the  Spaniards]  have  taken  de  facto  the  ships  of  the  company,  as  well 
as  other  ships  from  Stralsund,  Stettin,  Norrkoping  and  Gothenburg."     Rddspr.,  II. 

Concerning  the  "  Spanish  ships  and  cannon  "  said  to  have  been  put  under 
arrest  at  Wismar,  I  know  nothing.  Dr.  Westrin  of  the  Royal  Archives,  Stockholm, 
also  informed  me  in  a  letter  that  he  has  no  information  about  them. 


76        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

rudders  were  removed. ^^  Looff  tried  his  utmost  to  get  the 
ships  released.  In  August  he  went  to  Madrid  to  lay  the  case 
before  the  King  and  presented  memorials  and  documents  to  the 
government,  assisted  greatly  by  the  Dutch  Consul  General  Aug. 
Brodinus,  who  spared  no  pains  in  bringing  the  matter  to  the 
notice  of  His  Royal  Majesty.  But  it  was  all  to  no  avail.  The 
King  gave  orders  that  the  ships  should  be  sent  to  Lisbon  with 
ammunition  and  other  materials.  The  skippers  and  sailors, 
however,  refused  to  go,  but  towards  the  end  of  September  the 
ships  were  manned  by  Spanish  crews  and  taken  to  Cadiz,  and 
in  May,  1633,  they  were  sent  to  the  West  Indies  in  the  service 
of  the  Crown. ^^ 

The  masts  and  other  goods  were  sold  by  Looff  for  39,089 
D.,  which  were  turned  over  to  the  state.  The  bondsmen,  De 
Gylle(?)  and  others,  were  arrested  and  "commanded  to  pay 
the  bond,"  but  they  were  later  released.  They  paid  large  sums 
to  the  King  and  certain  expenses  of  the  sailors,  which  amounted 
to  more  than  the  value  of  the  cargoes,  and  presented  bills  of 
these  expenditures  to  the  director  of  the  company,  who  promised 
that  they  should  be  reimbursed  for  all  bills  that  could  be  satis- 
factorily verified.  Whether  or  no  this  was  ever  done  is  not 
known — it  is  hardly  probable.  From  Madrid  Looff  informed 
the  directors  at  Stockholm  of  the  situation,-^  and  in  June,  1633, 
he  was  instructed  by  them  to  return  to  Sweden  with  or  without 
the  ships.  In  December,  1633,  he  set  out  for  the  Netherlands, 
after  leaving  the  case  in  the  hands  of  Consul  Brodinus;  in 
January  he  touched  at  an  English  port  and  on  the  eleventh  he 
landed  in  Amsterdam.  After  a  short  stay  in  this  city,  during 
which  time  translations  were  made  of  all  Spanish  documents 
into  Dutch  and  Swedish,  he  took  passage  for  Stockholm,  where 

°'  Some  of  the  officers  and  sailors  ^\eve  unruly,  drank  heavily,  showed  their 
passports  to  every  one  and  often  bragged  that  they  had  fought  in  the  wars 
against  the  Catholics.      They  were  also  mutinous.      Looff' s  Journal. 

^  It  was  said  that  the  King  would  give  up  the  ships  for  42,000  gulden. 
Rddspr.,  III.  98-9. 

^  Looff  made  two  journeys  to  Madrid,  one  in  August,  1632  (remaining  in 
the  city  until  October  24),  one  in  November  the  same  year,     Looff's  Journal. 


The  United  South-Ship  Company.  77 

he  arrived  on  June  15  (o.s.)  .^^  He  was  now  accused  by  several 
sailors  and  skippers  of  negligence  and  even  of  treachery,  and 
the  value  of  the  ships  (18,240  D.)  together  with  the  value  of 
the  cargos  (39,089  D.)  was  placed  to  his  account.  A  court 
was  held,  where  a  journal,^*^  copies  of  the  memorials  presented 
to  the  King  of  Spain  and  other  documents  were  exhibited,  and 
Bonnell  among  others  was  called  upon  to. testify.  As  a  result 
Looff  was  exonerated  from  blame.^^  The  sailors  were  in  turn 
accused  by  Looff  of  drunkenness  and  disobedience.  The  direc- 
tors were  also  accused  both  by  Looff  and  the  shareholders,  and 
they  were  prosecuted  by  the  latter  before  the  Supreme  Court. 
Valentin  Nilsson  placed  the  blame  on  Cabeliau,  since  it  was 
largely  on  his  assurances  that  the  ships  were  sent  to  Spain.  The 
directors  also  maintained  that  the  expedition  had  been  deter- 
mined upon  In  the  council  and  that  therefore  the  councillors 
were  partly  to  blame. ^-  The  evidence  was  examined  in  the 
autumn  of  1633  and  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1634.  The 
directors  were  condemned  and  imprisoned,  but  they  appealed; 
new  documents  were  presented  and  In  May,  1635,  the  directors 
and  their  commissioner  Looff  were  acquitted  and  pronounced 
Innocent  In  the  loss  of  the  ships. ^^  Thus  ended  the  first  large 
trading  expedition  of  the  united  South-Ship  Company. 

It  was  understood  that  when  a  ship  was  lost,  a  new  one  should 
be  furnished  in  Its  stead  by  the  city  or  group  of  cities  to  which 
the  lost  vessel  belonged,   so   that  the  number  should  always 

"'The  skippers  and  most  of  the  sailors  also  returned  to  Sweden.  The  state- 
ment in  the  Papers  of  the  Am.  Hist.  Asso.,  II.  164,  note  i,  that  "the  men  were 
imprisoned  in  Spain  more  than  six  weeks "  is  incorrect.  See  Rddspr.,  III.  98. 
"  Dhe  bleffve  dar  [in  Spain]  viil  undfangne,  lago  och  der  6-1/2  vecka,  sora  ingen 
gjorde  dem  nagot  emot." 

^'The  journal  (in  Dutch)  is  now  preserved  in  Skepsk.,  1629-50,  R.A.  in 
good  condition.      A  Swedish  translation  follows  it. 

^^  Looff's  Joiinial;  signed  statement  by  Bonnell  and  others;  a  large  number 
of  Spanish  documents  with  Swedish  and  Dutch  transl.  Skepsk.,  1629-50  (R.A.)  ; 
Rddspr.,  III.  94-95,  129,  138-9,  etc.;  IV.  112;  Revisions  Dom,  etc.;  Stock.,  April 
23,  1635,  and  other  documents  in  Skepsk.,  1629-50   (R.A.). 

*^This  we  know  was  partly  true.      Rddspr.,  II.  118. 

*^ Rddspr.,  III.  94,  95,  249,  250  ff.;  IV.  32,  35,  81-82,  104-5,  "4,  23S>  237, 
238,  241;  v.  44,  52,  54,  58-60;  cf.  Odhner,  S-v.  in.  hist.,  300-301,  note  i;  Jameson, 
JV.  Usselinx,  p.  164. 


78        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

remain  the  same.  In  1632  Kalmar  Nyckel  was  purchased  for 
27,098  D.  and  plans  were  projected  for  the  purchasing  of  other 
ships,  to  replace  those  that  had  been  captured. ^^  As  early  as 
1628  the  directors  were  discussing  means  for  the  establishment 
of  a  ship-building  plant.  "  Some  propose,"  says  Usselinx  in 
that  year,  "that  ships  should  be  built  for  the  Spanish  trade." 
Between  the  years  1630  to  1632  a  beginning  was  made  at 
Norrkoping.  Two  ships  (one  of  180  lasts)  were  ordered  to 
be  built  there,  and  somewhat  later  Valentin  Nilsson  requested 
money  for  a  third  vessel,  so  that  the  "  ship-building  plant  might 
be  saved"  and  kept  going.^^  It  is  not  likely  that  the  Council 
of  State  granted  the  money  for  a  third  ship,  but  in  May,  1634, 
that  body  resoWed  *'  that  the  two  ships  at  Norrkoping  must  be 
made  ready  and  carpenters  should  be  hired  for  that  purpose. "^^ 
Commercial  ventures  were  not  neglected  for  this  "  secondary 
purpose,"  however.  We  have  already  seen  that  trade  with 
Russia  was  begun  in  1628.  Again  in  1633  it  was  planned  to 
send  an  expedition  there,  since  five  fully  equipped  ships  were 
riding  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Stockholm.  After  some  debate 
in  the  council  concerning  the  best  use  that  could  be  made  of  these 
vessels,  "  it  was  found  good  to  let  them  sail  to  Archangel."  The 
ships  were  probably  prepared  in  the  summer,  and  "  they  got  a 
splendid  freight,"  but  on  their  return  from  the  north  in  the  early 
part  of  1634  they  were  seized  in  Amsterdam  for  some  unknown 
reason. ^^  The  directors  were  again  blamed  for  the  mishap. 
The  ships  were  finally  released,  however,  and  set  sail  for  Stock- 
holm, where  they  arrived  in  the  autumn.  Four  of  them  were 
put  into  winter  quarters,  "but  the  fifth  ship,  which  could  carry 
the  largest  cargo,  was  allowed  to  sail  and  seek  Its  freight  and 
its  profit,  wherever  this  could  most  easily  and  readily  be 
found."38 

"^Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  III.  1630-6(7)    (K.A.). 

'^This  shipyard  is  not  mentioned  by  Zettersten  in  his  Sv.  ft.  hist. 

^*  Usselinx  to  Oxenstierna,  July  19,  Oct.  13,  1628,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Rddspr., 
IV.  63,  113. 

^  Erik  Larsson  and  De  Geer  were  instructed  to  try  to  secure  the  release  of 
the  ships.     Rddspr.  IV.  H2. 

"^Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  III.  1630^6(7)  (K.A.)  ;  Rddspr.,  III.  77,  94,  95; 
IV.  82,  112,  238. 


The  United  South-Ship  Company.  79 

In  1634  several  ships  were  lying  in  the  harbor  at  Stockholm. 
Some  were  in  bad  condition,  but  some  of  them  were  new,  as  we 
have  seen,  and  in  the  spring  the  citizens  at  the  capital  sought 
advice  as  to  the  sailing  of  one  of  their  new  vessels.  The  ships 
as  a  rule  were  badly  taken  care  of  and  some  allowed  to  go  to 
ruin.  The  directors  were  charged  with  inability  and  mis- 
management, and  it  was  said  that  they  had  often  bought  poor 
ships  and  paid  twice  their  value.  A  committee  was  appointed 
to  audit  their  accounts  and  look  through  their  books. ^'^  In  the 
summer  of  1635  there  was  no  money  for  carrying  on  the  com- 
pany and  the  council  sought  ways  and  means  out  of  the  diffi- 
culty. Things  grew  worse  the  following  year."*^  In  February, 
1636,  Fleming  was  ordered  to  appoint  two  good  men,  who 
should  reestablish  the  company.  The  priesthood,  the  citizens 
and  other  shareholders  wished  to  have  the  business  of  the  com- 
pany straightened  out.  At  the  meeting  of  the  diet  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1636^^  it  was  brought  up  for  discussion  and  a  committee 
of  the  estates  was  appointed  to  confer  with  representatives  of 
the  council.  In  June  and  July  the  council  again  considered  the 
matter.  Klas  Fleming,  who  became  the  principal  supporter  of 
the  New  Sweden  Company,  took  a  leading  Interest  In  the 
maritime  adventures  of  Sweden  and  In  the  South  Company  and 
he  with  Eric  Ryning  was  appointed  to  meet  a  committee  of  the 
estates  at  eight  o'clock  on  June  30,  1636.  Various  proposi- 
tions were  made.  Some  suggested  that  the  ships  should  be 
sold  and  the  money  divided  among  the  shareholders,  but  this 
was  found  to  be  impracticable  as  some  of  these  ships  were  old 
and  of  little  value.  Others  thought  the  ships  should  be  assigned 
to  the  different  cities  for  their  disposal.    Fleming  proposed  that 

^^  Rddspr.,  IV.  pp.  60-62.  Representatives  were  to  be  sent  to  Stockholm  in 
May,  1635,  by  the  priesthood  and  estates  to  look  through  the  account.  Rddspr., 
V,  60. 

*°  In  January,  1636,  it  seems  that  the  council  considered  the  company  prac- 
tically dead.  "  Ty  befrucktandes  ahr,  att  detta  compagniet  [the  copper  com- 
pany] gar  under,  som  medh  dedt  forre  skepscompagniedt  hende  och  vederfors." 
Rddspr.,  VI.  9  (Jan.  13),  "Dedt  forre  skepscompagniedt"  might,  however,  refer 
to  the  South  Company. 

*^  Conserning  this  diet,  see  Rddspr.,  VI.  350;   Geijer,  III. 


8o        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  capital  of  the  company  should  be  put  into  the  copper  com- 
pany and  an  idea  was  also  put  forth  that  the  original  plan  of  the 
King  should  be  carried  out  and  the  subscribed  capital  paid  up 
and  increased.  As  a  result  of  these  discussions  and  meetings, 
it  was  decided  by  the  diet  that  the  company  should  be  kept 
going.  But  little  was  done,  practically  no  capital  was  on  hand 
for  expeditions,  and  some  of  the  ships  were  soon  to  be  used  in 
the  service  of  the  New  Sweden  Company. 

In  December,  1637,  the  government  appointed  Klas  Fleming 
to  meet  the  directors,  and  "with  the  assistance  of  others" 
examine  the  business  of  the  company,  and  the  directors  were 
ordered  to  prepare  a  complete  account  and  inventory,  to  be 
presented  on  January  2.  Later  It  was  decided  "that  the  ships 
which  were  still  preserved  and  good  for  something  should  be 
sold  to  the  Crown  and  brought  to  the  Skeppsholm  and  the 
others,  which  were  useless,  should  be  sold  to  private  persons 
for  as  good  a  price  as  possible,"  and  in  March,  1640,  an  order 
was  sent  to  Fleming  to  this  effect.^^  The  last  large  expedition 
of  the  company  was  that  to  Archangel  in  1 633-1 634.  But  indi- 
vidual ships  were  still  used  for  carrying  freight  and  the  Old 
King  David^^  made  numerous  voyages  to  foreign  ports  until  it 
was  sold  in  1641.^* 

"Till  Direct.  aflF  dhet  Soder  Comp.,  etc.,  Dec.  22,  1637;  Till  C.  Fleming  ang. 
det  Sod.  Comp.,  Dec.  22,  1637;  Till  C.  Fleming  att  han  later  leggia  Comp.  Skep 
till  Cr:s  Skepsholma,  March  29,  1640,  R.R. ;  Stiernman,  Riks.  Beslut,  II.  974, 
994,  1035-6;  Rddspr.,  VI.  350  ff.,  664. 

*'  One  Cornelius  de  Voss  was  skipper  on  The  Old  King  David  for  several 
years.     Later  Hopp  was  made  skipper. 

"The  ship  was  sold  by  P.  Trotzig  in  February,  1641,  for  8,100  florins;  but 
a  new  vessel  was  bought  in  its  stead.  Journal;  Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  111.  1630- 
6(7)  (K.A.).  "P.  Trotzigs  Rech.,"  etc.,  February  13,  1641,  N.  S.,  L  (K.A). 
See  also  documents  in  Skepskomp.  1629-50  (R.A.)  ;  and  Rddspr.,  various  volumes. 


CHAPTER   X. 

The  New  South  Company,  163  2-1 634. 

Meanwhile  Usselinx  had  been  busy  stirring  up  half  of 
Europe  with  his  schemes  and  propositions.  He  obtained  new 
commissions,  and  visited  Stralsund,  Stettin  and  other  cities  in 
Germany  and  Holland.  At  last,  seeing  the  futility  of  founding 
a  company  in  Sweden,  as  extensive  and  important  as  he  desired, 
he  proposed  a  new  plan  or  rather  emphasized  a  former  one,^ 
far  in  advance  of  his  age,  of  forming  an  international  mercan- 
tile company.  The  territorial  restrictions  of  the  old  charter 
were  to  be  removed  and  the  entire  world  was  to  be  its  field  of 
activity.  An  amplification  or  extension  of  the  charter  was 
drawn  up  in  1632-  with  the  sanction  and  approval  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus.  The  King  took  interest  in  the  project,  but  he  did 
not  live  to  see  its  execution.  Oxenstierna,  however,  endeavored 
to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  his  King  and  on  May  i,  1633,  he 
signed  a  commission  '  for  Willem  Usselinx,  as  general  director 
of  the  New  South  Company.'-^  Memorials  and  relations  now 
followed  in  rapid  succession  and  a  large  book  was  prepared 
which  was  to  help  the  cause.  Oxenstierna,  the  Swedish  repre- 
sentative in  Germany  and  the  head  of  the  Protestant  League, 
gave  his  support  to  the  new  company,  and  a  splendid  oppor- 
tunity for  advancing  its  interests  soon  presented  itself.  During 
the  convention  at  Heilbronn  in  the  spring  of  1633,  the  matter 
was  laid  before  the  assembled  nobles  of  Protestant  Germany  by 
Hector  Mithobius.  Usselinx  presented  a  new  memorial,^  and 
in  June  the  famous  Argonautica  Gustaviana  and  Mercurhis 

^The  idea  of  "inclusion"  is  present  in  his  earlier  proposals  (but  cf. 
Jameson,  157).    Cf.  above. 

'For  these  changes  see  Jameson,  160-1.  The  limits  of  the  former  charter 
were  entirely  removed. 

'See  Argo.  Gust.,  p.  49;  cf.  Jameson,  16S. 

*  Jameson,  168. 

7  81 


82        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Germanica  was  published  at  Frankfort-on-Main.'^  All  the 
arguments  which  Usselinx  had  presented  in  his  previous  memo- 
rials were  embodied  in  this  work  and  many  of  the  documents 
of  an  earlier  date  were  reprinted.^  The  company  was  again 
considered  at  the  convention  held  in  the  autumn  at  Frankfort, 
and  some  interest  in  the  same  was  shown  by  that  city.  But 
Usselinx  was  discouraged  by  the  slow  progress  and  asked  for 
his  dismissal  from  the  service.  He  soon,  however,  regained  his 
former  confidence  in  ultimate  success,  and  in  1634  the  subject 
was  brought  before  the  allies  of  Sweden  at  the  second  Con- 
vention of  Frankfort.'^  Usselinx  spoke  to  the  members  about 
it  and  distributed  his  Argonautica  and  other  documents.  The 
great  idea  at  last  promised  to  assume  more  definite  form.  The 
diet  took  an  interest  in  it,  some  changes  were  suggested  in  the 
charter,  and  it  now  seemed  that  the  matter  would  be  taken  up 
in  earnest  by  forces  capable  of  carrying  it  to  success.  The 
undaunted  organizer  saw  the  prize  within  reach  for  which  he 
had  labored  for  so  many  years.  The  next  day,  however,  came 
news  that  the  armies  of  Fieldmarshal  Horn  and  Duke  Bernhard 
had  been  defeated  and  thus  came  to  an  end  the  hopes  and 
labors  for  the  Second  or  New  South  Company,  which  might 
have  become  of  great  importance  and  produced  far-reaching 
results  in  the  colonizing  of  North  America. 

'  Money  for  the  printing  was  probably  supplied  by  Axel  Oxenstierna.  See 
Jameson,  p.  170. 

*  Some  of  the  arguments  he  uses  to  further  his  project  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows: 

(a)   There  is  nothing  more  honorable  for  a  people  than  to  plant  colonies. 

{b)  The  Swedes  had  a  right  to  possess  land  in  America. 

(c)  There  was  a  great  advantage  in  having  the  King  of  Sweden  as  the 
leader  and  protector  of  the  company. 

{d)  The  company  could  bring  a  larger  number  of  people  to  America  than 
the  Spaniards  had  brought  there. 

{e)  By  kind  treatment  the  good  will  of  the  natives  could  be  won  and  thus 
bloodshed  would  be  averted. 

(/)  Slaves  were  unprofitable,  but  if  the  company  should  wish  to  make  use 
of  them  they  could  be  secured  cheaply  and  easily. 

{g)  The  company  would  increase  the  prosperity  of  all  Europe  and  of  the 
participants  especially;  it  would  spread  the  gospel  among  heathen  people,  re- 
downd  to  the  honor  of  God  and  it  was  sure  to  become  "  a  noble  jewel  "  of  Sweden 
and  of  the  German  land. — Argo.  and  Mercu. 

'  See  httroduct'ion,  above.  Chap.  H.  and  below,  XL 


ARGONAVTICA     GVSTAVIANA, 

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^>tu  Nti  ftniita  tvtldfc  fid^m  e.  Jt »?.  SmmJfi^flrt  /  devotion,  ppn-  ^n-. 

ncBtn /  »iii>n<rm<Sli(l)tm  Wm  »ntigtomi«<n/au| «omi<*<r<J»ilMjftir/jimrt9iind unt  ©n.icw 
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Title  page  of  the  .-i  mc/n.  ///;,a  (  usia:  iaiia .     Cut  used  by  the  courtesy  of  Dr. 

I.  F.  Sacl  se. 


The  New  South  Company.  83 

But  Usselinx  did  not  lose  heart.  He  went  to  Paris  and  pre- 
sented his  plans  there;  then  he  made  proposals  for  the  founding 
of  a  New  South  Company  in  Holland  in  combination  with 
Sweden  and  finally  he  came  forth  with  a  project  for  a  General 
Commercial  Company,  which  should  include  nearly  all  Euro- 
pean countries,  approaching  the  EngHsh  and  French  ambas- 
sadors on  the  subject  and  presenting  new  memorials  and  papers.^ 
He  was  engaged  In  a  futile  cause,  however,  and  his  many 
schemes  mainly  tended  to  fill  the  city  archives  of  Europe  with 
"short  memorials"  and  arguments,  and  to  keep  the  idea  of 
Swedish  trade  and  colonization  before  the  mind  of  Oxen- 
stierna.  In  the  meantime  other  proposals  were  presented  to 
the  chancellor,  which  led  to  more  definite  results,  and  we  are 
now  ready  to  trace  the  development  of  the  activities  that  led  to 
the  founding  of  New  Sweden  on  the  Delaware. 

*  Copies  of  Mss.  in  Penn.  Hist.  So.;  Jameson,  Usselinx,  p.  182  ff. ;  Odhner, 
S<v.  in.  hist.,  pp.  299-300  (transl.  in  Penn.  Mag.,  VU.  268  ff.). 


BOOK    II. 
%  (EoUing,  1635-1043* 


PART    I. 
ACTIVITIES  IN  EUROPE,  1635-1642. 


CHAPTER   XL 

Samuel  Blommaert  and  the  Copper  Trade  to  the 
West  Indies. 

The  South  Company,  founded  through  the  efforts  of  Usse- 
llnx  for  the  purpose  of  making  settlements  in  the  New  World 
and  conducting  extensive  commercial  enterprises,  was  turned 
away  from  its  original  purpose  and  failed,  and  the  other  pro- 
jects that  occupied  his  energies  for  years  had  even  less  success. 
As  time  went  on,  however,  the  idea  of  Usselinx  assumed  shape 
through  a  different  channel  and  finally  materialized,  but  on  a 
smaller  scale. 

It  was  the  commercial  ambition  of  Swedish  statesmen  and 
their  endeavors  to  interest  Dutch  merchants  in  the  copper  trade 
that  led  to  the  founding  of  New  Sweden.  Copper  mining  was 
one  of  the  most  important  industries  in  Sweden  during  the  first 
half  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  the  copper  trade  was  of 
great  significance  and  a  source  of  large  income  to  the  Swedish 
government.  The  Crown  borrowed  millions  with  copper  as 
security  and  many  of  its  debts  to  Dutch  merchants  were  paid 
by  this  metal,^  large  quantities  being  always  kept  in  the  store 
houses  of  Tripp  and  Company  in  Amsterdam.  But  the  price 
fell  occasionally  and  the  Crown  became  a  heavy  loser.  The 
Copper  Company  was  not  a  success  and  the  trade  was  at  times 
poor.-  Considering  the  importance  of  the  article  and  the  con- 
dition of  the  Swedish  treasury  at  the  time,  when  the  little  king- 
dom was  taking  a  leading  part  in  one  of  the  greatest  wars  in 

*See  A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XI.     Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  241. 
'Cf.  Chap.  VII.  above. 

87 


88        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

history,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  Swedish  statesmen 
should  pay  particular  attention  to  the  copper  trade.  They 
were  always  seeking  new  markets  for  the  red  metal  and  their 
plans  were  not  limited  to  Europe;  Conrad  von  Falkenberg^  and 
perhaps  others  were  looking  to  America  for  consumers.  In  the 
year  1628  Von  Falkenberg  writes  to  the  chancellor  about  the 
East  and  West  India  copper  trade  and  gives  articles  of  copper 
sent  to  these  regions.^  The  copper  trade  to  the  West  Indies 
was  again  referred  to  in  one  of  Falkenberg's  letters  to  the 
chancellor  in  1632  and  means  for  beginning  such  a  trade  were 
suggested.  Falkenberg  had  had  an  interview  with  a  man,  who 
was  well  acquainted  with  West  Indian  conditions.     He  writes: 

Here  is,  gracious  lord,  an  important  man,  one  of  the  directors  [of  the 
D.  W.  India  Company],  who  has  himself  been  in  the  Indies^  and  carried 
on  a  large  trade  there.  As  he  is  disgusted  with  the  [Dutch  West] 
India  Company,  he  has  spoken  to  me  and  expressed  the  wish  that  he 
may  have  an  interview  with  His  Royal  Majesty  or  with  Your  Excel- 
lency, saying  that  he  well  knew  the  way  to  [the  places],  where  the 
copper  formerly  had  its  best  market.  Among  other  things  he  said  that 
formerly  a  great  deal  of  copper  went  to  Genea''  and  that  then  about 
100  m.  Ibs.^  of  copper  were  given  for  as  much  gold  as  is  worth  70  g.g.* 
here  but  that  now  the  [Dutch]  West  India  Company  has  advanced  the 
prices  so  much  that  they  give  less  than  20  m.  lbs.  for  the  same  amount  of 
gold  [as  was  formerly  given  for  lOO  m.  lbs.].  [He]  is  of  opinion 
therefore,  that  if  a  ship  should  be  sent  to  Ginea  with  copper  wares  and  a 
little  more  copper  should  be  given  for  gold  than  the   [Dutch]   West 

^  Conrad  von  Falkenberg  was  Swedish  commissioner  in  Holland  for  many 
years,  governor  of  Kalmarlan  (1637)  ;  member  of  the  Royal  Council  in  1651, 
etc.  Some  of  his  letters  (1626-1633)  are  published  in  A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter, 
2,  XL 

*  Dett  [HoUendska]  Vestindianiske  Compagnie  forsktckar  nigra  kapparkidtlar 
och  nagra  messingsvavor  till  Vestindtgen,  dock  tngen  quantitet,  Oct.  28,  1628. 
A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XL  560. 

^  East  Indies. 

•  Guinea. 

'  7n.  lb.  would  generally  mean  to  indicate  so  many  thousand  pounds,  but  100 
lbs.  must  be  understood.  100,000  lbs.  of  copper  could  not  be  given  for  70  g.g., 
for  in  163 1  Von  der  Linde  writes  that  loo  lbs.  were  worth  from  40  to  42  florins 
or  gulden,  A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XL  455.  Cf.  also  p.  460,  "Man  hafver 
hdllet  koparn  pa  44fl.  loolb." 

^  g.g.  =1  guldgullen  (Gold  gulden  or  florins). 


The  research  room  in  the  Royal  Achives,  showing  some  of  the  volumes  relating  to 
New  .Sweden  preserved  in  the  Rojal  Archives  and  in  the  Archives  of  the  Kxchecjiier 
(The  Kammararkiv).     Stockholm. 


The  reading  room  in  the  Ko\al  Library  (Stockholm),  showing  ms.  volumes  relating  to 

the  colon  V. 


Blommaert  and  the  Copper  Trade.  89 

India  Company  does,  we  would  get  the  advantage  of  them  and  secure 
the  greatest  amount  of  gold." 

This  man,  Falkenberg  goes  on  to  say,  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  West  Indian  trade,  but  he  requested  that  his  name  be 
withheld  for  a  while  so  that  "it  might  not  leak  out"  who  he 
was.^  This  "  f6rnamd[e]  man  "^^  was  none  other  than  Samuel 
Blommaert.  He  had  spent  several  years  in  the  East  Indies  and 
was  well  acquainted  with  conditions  there  and  with  the  best 
methods  for  conducting  trade  to  these  regions.  He  had  for 
years  been  interested  in  the  Swedish  copper  trade,  in  the 
capacity  of  Erik  Larsson's  factor  and  had  also  had  other  deal- 
ings with  the  Swedish  Crown.^^  Together  with  "  Bugeslac 
Blommaert,^-  Gerard  Thiens  and  Mattheus  Hoeufft "  and  per- 
haps others  he  had  erected  a  brass  factory  at  Nacka.^^  In  the 
autumn  of  1632  he  sought  to  have  the  royal  privileges  extended 
for  six  years,  and  in  the  same  year  he  wrote  to  Johan  Casimir^'* 
requesting  his  aid  in  securing  the  privileges.^^  About  the  same 
time  he  had  several  conferences  with  Falkenberg  concerning 
the  Swedish  copper  trade  and  Swedish  commerce,  and  also  pre- 
sented some  written  articles  in  the  matter,  suggesting  means 
for  bringing  the  metal  into  higher  price.  Falkenberg  reported 
the  result  of  these  conferences  to  Oxenstierna  in  January,  1633, 

*  Falkenberg  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  March  30,  1632.  A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2, 
XL  601-2. 

^  Noble  man,  important  man. 

"See  A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XI.  pp.  436-7,  451,  470,  594,  595,  633,  641 
(index,  p.  840).  In  Kam.  Reg.  are  several  references  to  S.  Blommaert.  On 
September  10,  1636,  a  letter  was  sent  "  to  Johan  le  Thor  concerning  the  grain 
bills  of  Blommaert,"  and  on  the  same  date  a  letter  was  written  to  Blommaert 
requesting  him  to  send  in  the  grain  bills  for  1630  and  1631.  See  Kam.  Reg., 
September  10,  1636.     Cf.  A.  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  I.  716,  725  and  2,  XI. 

"  Bugeslac  B.  might  possibly  be  a  mistake  in  the  document  for  Samuel  B. 

^'  Nacka,  located  a  short  distance  southeast  of  Stockholm.  Cf.  Rosenberg, 
Geog.  Stat.  Handlex.,  II.  224. 

"Johan  Casimir  of  Pfalz-Zweibrucken,  the  brother-in-law  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus. 

^'*Kam.  Kol.  Reg.,  October  6,  1632  (K.A.) ;  letter  from  Blommaert  to  Oxen- 
stierna, July  4,  1635;  letter  to  Johan  Casimir,  Dec.  2,  1632.  Casimir  had 
requested  Blommaert  to  come  to  Sweden  to  confer  about  various  things,  but  he 
never  visited  that  countrv. 


go        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  on  February  6  he  writes  "  that  Samuel  Blommaert  was 
authority  for  the  statement  that  there  are  copper-works  In  the 
west  Indies  and  [also]  good  copper."  "The  West  Indian 
traders,"  he  continues,  "  do  not  cary  as  much  copper  now  [to 
the  Indies]  as  they  [formerly]  did,"  although  the  metal  was  in 
better  price  now  than  it  used  to  be.^^  Blommaert  continued  to 
interest  himself  in  Swedish  commerce.  In  1634  he  had  again 
a  number  of  communications  and  perhaps  conferences  with 
Falkenberg.  He  was  requested  to  go  to  Sweden  to  give  an 
oral  relation  and  he  was  promised  large  remunerations,  but  he 
did  not  think  It  advisable  to  leave  his  posts  at  Amsterdam  for 
an  uncertain  position.  He  seems  to  have  offered  his  services  to 
the  Crown,  however,  and  made  several  proposals  for  the  in- 
crease of  Swedish  trade.  That  Falkenberg  reported  the  matter 
to  Oxenstlerna  is  probable. ^^ 

About  the  middle  of  July  the  same  year  he  had  Interviews 
with  Le  Blon,  another  Hollander,  who  stood  In  close  connection 
with  Swedish  diplomats  and  statesmen.  The  same  subject  was 
discussed.  Offers  for  serving  the  Swedish  Crown  were  made 
and  the  value  of  these  services  was  dwelt  upon.  On  July 
18  (n.s. ?),  Le  Blon  reported  these  conferences  to  Peter 
Spiring  and  went  into  some  detail  about  Blommaert  and  his 
offers.  The  letter  was,  perhaps,  as  Professor  Kernkamp  sug- 
gests, sent  to  Spiring  and  by  him  it  was  forwarded  to  Oxen- 
stlerna.^* Blommaert  had  thus  for  years  stood  in  close  connec- 
tion with  Swedish  statesmen  and  Swedish  trade  and  Falken- 
berg and  Le  Blon  were  instrumental  In  bringing  Oxenstierna's 
attention  to  him  and  to  his  offers  of  service  and  commercial 
views. 

The  Swedish  arms  in  Germany  were  soon  to  experience  vary- 

^*  Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XL  633,  641. 

"See  letter  from  Le  Blon  to  Spiring(?),  July  18,  1634,  "  Extranea  Holland, 
Le  Blons  Avisor,"  No.  18  (R.A.)-  Lately  printed  by  Professor  Kernkamp,  Ztneed. 
Arch.,  p.  29  ff.  There  is  only  one  letter  preserved  for  this  year  from  Falkenberg 
to  A.  Oxenstierna,  written  at  Stockholm,  April  6,  1634,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

"Kernkamp,  Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  29  ff. ;  Skand.  Arch.,  p.  93  ff.  This  section  of 
the  book  was  ready  in  the  spring  of  1908  before  I  had  seen  Professor  Kernkamp's 
Ziveed.  Arch.     The  references  have  been  filled  in  later. 


Axel  Oxenslienia.     (H.) 


Blommaert  and  the  Copper  Trade.  91 

Ing  fortunes.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  August  1634/''  the  im- 
perial forces  won  a  decisive  victory  at  Nordlingen  over  the  army- 
commanded  by  Duke  Bernhard  and  Gustaf  Horn  and  the  Cath- 
olics were  now  masters  in  southwestern  Germany.  The  Heil- 
bronn  League  was  practically  dissolved  and  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony made  peace  with  the  Emperor  at  Prague.  The  Swedish 
forces  were  in  danger  of  being  driven  entirely  out  of  Germany; 
money  was  lacking  and  the  allies  of  Sweden  were  falling  off.  But 
Axel  Oxenstiema  did  not  lose  courage.  He  was  determined 
that  Sweden  should  not  withdraw  from  the  field  before  an 
honorable  peace  could  be  obtained.  To  complicate  matters  the 
six  years'  truce  with  Poland  drew  to  an  end  and  danger  from 
this  direction  was  imminent.  A  new  truce  was  made,  however, 
which  was  to  last  for  twenty-six  years.  Johan  Oxenstierna-** 
was  sent  to  England  to  gain  the  support  of  King  Charles,  but 
the  "  hollow  promises  "  of  the  King  presented  to  the  chancellor 
by  Anstruther  were  treated  with  disdain  and  there  was  no  "  choice 
now,  but  to  accept  Richelieu's  predominance."  Accordingly, 
Oxenstierna  went  to  France  in  1635  to  effect  an  agreement  with 
that  nation.  On  his  return  in  April  he  visited  the  Hague  and 
in  May  he  spent  some  time  at  Amsterdam. ^^  During  his  stay 
here  he  came  in  contact  with  some  of  the  principal  merchants  of 
Holland  and  had  interviews  with  some  of  them.  He  was 
especially  desirous  of  improving  the  copper  and  iron  trade  and 
naturally  called  on  Samuel  Blommaert  among  the  first,  as  being 
best  acquainted  with  the  subject.  Oxenstierna's  interview  with 
him  had  large  results:  it  became  the  starting  point  for  the 
founding  of  a  colony.  Markets  for  the  principal  metals  of 
Sweden  at  this  time  were  the  main  subjects  for  discussion. 
Oxenstierna's  thoughts  were  again  directed  westward  by  Blom- 
maert and  here  we  have  the  germ  of  the  New  Sweden  Com- 

"The  battle  began  in  the  evening  of  August  26,  and  lasted  until  August  27. 
Cf.  Chemnitz,  II.  521. 

*  A  son  of  Axel  Oxenstierna. 

"  See  Pufendorf,  Sechs  und  Zivant.  Biicher  der  Schiued.  und  Deut.  Kriegs.' 
Geschichte,  etc.,  p.  259  ff.  Chemnitz,  Schived.  K.,  II.  696.  Gardiner,  The  Per. 
Hist,  of  Charles  I.,  Vol.  I.  260  ff.;  II.  63  ff.,  85  ff. 


92        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

pany.  At  these  interviews'^  Blommaert  presented  "  three 
points  "  for  the  increase  of  the  Swedish  copper  and  iron  trade. 
"The  third  point"  was  the  trade  to  Guinea.  He  was  of  the 
opinion  that  good  markets  could  be  found  there  for  Swedish 
copper  and  iron  wares  and  he  proposed  that  the  Crown  of 
Sweden  should  give  octroy  to  a  company  to  trade  in  those  parts 
and  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  as  the  States  General  had  done  to 
the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  Before  Oxenstierna  left 
Amsterdam,  Blommaert  promised  to  send  regular  reports  to 
the  chancellor  and  he  in  turn  was  made  promises  of  reward 
and  a  permanent  position.  On  June  3  (n.s.),  1635,  shortly 
after  Oxenstierna's  departure,  Blommaert  sent  a  letter  to  him 
presenting  in  writing,  what  he  had  already  reported  orally.'^ 
Six  days  later  he  reported  that  the  copper  had  advanced  one 
gulden  on  "the  hundred,"  and  on  June  23  (n.s.),  he  informed 
the  chancellor  that  copper  articles  were  sought  after  in  Guinea. '* 
Again,  on  July  4,  he  refers  to  "  the  navigation  to  Guinea," 
and  on  August  22  he  speaks  of  the  trade  to  the  same  place 
"  of  which  enough  has  already  been  said."-^ 

~  There  were  probably  more  than  one. 

^Letters  to  Oxenstierna,  June  3  and  July  4,  1635.  Gx.  Saml.  "  Ick 
hebbe  aen  U.  Ex.  mondelinge  verthoont  de  meddelen,  waerdoor  het  coper,  sijnde 
een  van  de  principaelste  domeynen  van  Sweden,  in  reputation  en  prijs  soude 
cannon  gebracht  worden  en  doertoe  aengewesen  dry  middelen.  .  .  .  Als  het  Rijck 
Sweden  nu  ooch  octroy  gaven  om  naer  Guinea  en  de  cust  van  Aphrica  te  vaeren, 
soo  soude  het  bynaer  op  den  ouden  voet  comen,  dat  3  a  400  vaeten  coperwerck, 
elck  vat  van  1,000  a  1,200  pont  gewicht,  derwaerts  gesonden  worden,  dat  groot 
vertier  in  de  coperen  soude  brengen  .  .  .  en  de  croon  Sweden  soude,  de  navigatie 
in  hun  lant  crygen  om  van  trap  tot  trap  voorder  daerin  te  gaen  en  behandelen 
de  ganse  cust  van  Aphrica,  dat  jaerlijcx  meer  dan  25,000  staven  yser  trect,  en 
souden  door  experientie  het  yser  soo  bequaem  in  Sweden  maecken,  dat  het  in 
plaets  van  Naems  yser  gebruyct  soude  connon  worden."  Letter  to  Oxenstierna, 
June  3,  1635.    Kernkamp,  Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  72,  73,  74. 

**  Letters,  June  9,  June  23,  1635,  to  A.  Oxenstierna.  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Kern- 
kamp, pp.  75-7. 

^Letters  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  July  4,  August  22,  1635.  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ; 
Kernkamp,  pp.  78,  81,  85. 


V^^^/;<^^  cJ;^^^{n.;L^  ci/^X;.^/-.  0^  «  ^ 


Y^X^j^j^rrL  G  5-^  /t/-/A  ;»^  y'^5  r 


Last  page  of  Blonimaert's  first  letter  to  Oxenstierna,  June  3,  1635.     Original  in  Ox. 
Saml.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Peter  Minuit  and  the  Plans  for  the  Founding  of  a 
New  Sweden  Company. 

In  the  autumn  a  new  element  was  brought  into  the  plans  of 
Swedish  transatlantic  trade:  Peter  Minuit  had  a  meeting  with 
Blommaert.^  Minuit  had  been  governor  of  New  Netherland 
for  a  number  of  years.  In  1629  the  directors  of  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company  voted  to  institute  a  so-called  "  Patronat," 
but  it  soon  became  very  unpopular  and  the  right  of  patronage 
was  withdrawn  in  less  than  two  years.  Peter  Minuit,  who  had 
faithfully  followed  the  instructions  of  the  directors,  was  sus- 
pected by  the  new  party  in  power  of  being  in  too  much  sympathy 
with  the  PatroJiat  idea  and  this  led  to  his  recall.  He  left  New 
Amsterdam  in  the  beginning  of  1632  and  arrived  in  Holland 
early  in  the  summer.-  He  was  a  man  of  great  energy  and  could 
not  be  idle  in  Holland.  His  home  country  was  harassed  with 
war,  making  it  impossible  for  him  to  find  suitable  employment 
there,  and  consequently  he  offered  his  services  to  Blommaert. 
Blommaert  had  claims  on  the  South  River  and  had  bought  land 
there  together  with  some  other  Hollanders  during  Minuit's 
governorship.  It  is  possible  that  Minuit  offered  to  make 
another  trial  at  trading  and  settling  in  the  Delaware  region, 
where  the  success  was  so  poor  in  1631-33.^  Minuit's  offers 
came  at  an  opportune  time.     The  Swedish  statesmen  were  in- 

^  Blommaert  writes:  "  Noch  een  ander  persoon  is  hier,  die  op  een  ander  oort 
[than  the  coast  of  Africa]  seer  ervaeren  is,  die  int  lant  van  Cleeff  woont;  en 
alsoot  daer  vol  oorloghs  is,  heeft  my  synen  dienst  gepresenteert  en  soude  wel 
genegen  wesen  U.  Ex.  te  comen  en  mondelinge  openinge  van  dingen  te  doen.  ..." 
Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  Dec.  26,   1635;  Kernkamp,  pp.  85-92. 

^^See  Sybels  Hist.  Ze'it.,  XV.  p.  23  ff.;  Brodhead,  I.  p.  162  ff.;  O'Callaghan,  I. 
100-4.  On  the  "  Patronat "  government  see  O'Callaghan,  Hist,  of  New  Nether- 
land, I.  112  ff. 

'Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  Dec.  26,  1635,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  of.  below, 
chap.  XX. 

93 


94        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

terested  in  "  the  West  Indian  trade,"  Blommaert  had  hopes  of 
securing  permanent  employment  from'  the  Swedish  government, 
being  dissatisfied  with  the  management  of  the  XIX.,  and 
Minuit  had  just  cause  for  complaints  against  that  body.  Why 
not  found  a  Dutch-Swedish  opposition  company  under  Swedish 
protection  and  send  trading  expeditions  to  the  Delaware  under 
the  Swedish  flag? 

On  December  26  Blommaert  reported  the  interview  to  the 
chancellor,  stating  that  Minuit  was  willing  to  make  a  personal 
call  on  Oxenstierna  and  lay  his  plans  before  him.  Some  time 
before  Peter  Spiring  instructed  Blommaert  to  send  all  letters 
to  him,  having  been  requested  to  do  so  by  the  chancellor,  and 
from  August  23  until  December  23  there  are  no  Blommaert 
letters  in  the  Oxenstiernska  Collection  in  Riksarkivet,  as  they 
were  probably  sent  to  Spiring  during  this  time  by  whom  their 
contents  were  reported  to  Oxenstierna.  It  is  likely  that  Blom- 
maert gave  fuller  accounts  of  Minuit's  propositions  in  these 
letters  than  he  did  in  his  missive  of  December  26. 

Thus  Spiring,  one  of  the  most  interested  promotors  of  the 
New  Sweden  Company,  from  the  first  became  acquainted  with 
the  plan  of  Minuit  and  the  ideas  of  establishing  Swedish  trade 
in  the  new  world  on  different  lines  from  those  proposed  by 
Usselinx.^ 

No  more  mention  is  made  of  the  West  Indian  trade  in 
Blommaert's  letters  to  the  chancellor  until  April  the  following 
year,^  when  another  step  forward  had  been  taken,  but  it  is 
probable  that  the  matter  was  referred  to  in  the  letters  sent  to 
Spiring.  In  March,  1636,  Spiring  was  sent  to  Holland  to 
ascertain  whether  the  Dutch  subsidies  could  be  obtained  or  not 
and  he  was  given  a  commission  "to  find  out  if  some  service 
could  be  done  for  the  Crown  ...   in  commercial  matters."*^ 

^Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  December  26,  1635.  Cf.  Kernkamp,  Zvieed.  Arch., 
pp.  83-85;  Sonden,  Riksk.  A.  Oxenstlernas  brefv.,  p.  21. 

*The  letters  from  January  23,  1635,  until  April  30,  1636,  contain  reference 
to  the  copper  trade,  Blommaert's  commission,  political  events  and  general  news. 

" "  Sa  hafver  jag  sendt  Peter  Spiring  dijt  ofver  att  forweta  mig  om  ded  [the 
subsidies]  ahr  till  att  naa  eller  icke.  .  .  .  Hafver  honom  och  gifvet  dessforuthan 
j   commission   att   sij    till   om   icke   Crohnan   wedh   denne   tijdernes   concurrencie 


Peter  Minuit  and  New  Sweden  Company.       95 

It  is  likely  that  he  was  also  requested  to  confer  with  Blommaert 
about  his  "West  Indian  plans:"  that  Blommaert  was  directed 
to  consult  with  Spiring  about  it  can  be  inferred  from  the 
former's  letters  to  the  chancellor.  Spiring  arrived  in  Amster- 
dam on  March  18  (n.s.),  but  Blommaert  did  not  meet  him 
because  he  had  not  been  informed  of  the  date  of  his  coming, 
and  Spiring  remained  in  the  city  but  a  single  day,^  Spiring's 
arrival  in  Holland  gave  new  life  to  the  commercial  plans  of 
Blommaert  and  Minuit.  He  corresponded  with  Oxenstierna 
and  Blommaert  about  the  affair,  informing  the  latter  that  he 
would  make  another  visit  to  Amsterdam  towards  the  end  of 
April.^  On  April  30  (n.s.),  1636,  Blommaert  again  refers 
in  a  letter  to  Oxenstierna  to  the  coast  of  Africa  and  Guinea  as 
good  markets  for  copper  and  it  is  very  probable  that  he  wrote 
at  length  to  Spiring  about  these  matters.**  The  latter,  having 
been  deterred  for  about  three  weeks  from  making  his  proposed 
journey  to  Amsterdam,  finally  came  to  the  city  on  May  18 
(n.s.)  and  arranged  an  interview  with  Blommaert  before  his 
return  to  the  Hague.  At  the  same  time  or  a  little  later  he  also 
had  an  interview  with  Minuit.^** 

On  May  24  Spiring  writes  to  the  chancellor  that  he  had 
discussed  the  Guinean  trade  with  certain  people.  They  desired 
special  privileges  and  Spiring  gave  them  good  promises  of  suc- 
cess."     He  was  requested  to  visit  Oxenstierna   at  Stralsund 

nagon  tianst  kan  skee  i  commercierne  heller  manufacturerne."  Hand.  rdr.  Skan. 
Hist.,  XXXVIII.,  pp.  289-90.  The  States  General  promised  Oxenstierna  three 
months'  subsidies  in  1635  and  he  was  given  a  written  assurance  to  that  effect. 
But  he  tried  in  vain  to  secure  them  through  Ambassador  Camerarius.  Hence 
Spiring  was  sent  there  to  endeavor  to  obtain  the  money. 

'Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  March  26,  1636;  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna, 
March  8/18,  1636,  Ox.  Saml. 

* "  Op  den  8  en  deser  Moent  hebbe  jongst  aen  V.  Ex.  geschreven.  Sedert  hebbe 
[ik]  met  devotie  naer  d'Heer  Spierinck  gewacht,  die  tot  nochtoe  niet  en  is 
gecomen."  Letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  April  30,  1636.  Ox.  Saml.  This  letter 
is  not  printed  in  full  by  Kernkamp. 

*  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  April  30,  1636;  Kernkamp,  p.  loi.  There  is  no 
letter  in  the  collection  from  April  31  until  August  21. 

'"Minuit  to  Oxenstierna,  June  15,  1636,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

"Spiring  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  May  14/24,  1636,  Ox.  Saml.  (copy  in  Penn.  Hist. 
So.).  "  Wegen  der  Chynaeischen  handlung  habe  ich  unterschiedliche  discurs 
gehabtt,  vermeine  anch  dass  solch  werck  woll  gehen  konne,  allein  es  scheinet  dass 
sie  einige  freijheit  begehren  mochten.  weswegen  ich  Ihnen  gutte  promes  gethan." 


9^        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

before  the  latter  returned  to  Sweden,  and  he  wrote  to  the  chan- 
cellor that  he  would  bring  along  a  man  who  could  give  further 
account  about  the  affalr.^^  Minuit  is  undoubtedly  referred  to 
and  he  had  already  in  1635  expressed  a  desire  to  present  his 
views  to  the  chancellor.  He  did  not  accompany  Spiring  to 
Stralsund,  when  the  latter  went  there  in  June,^^  but  he  sent  a 
"memorial"  to  the  chancellor  (at  Stralsund),  setting  forth 
his  views  in  which  we  have  the  first  written  "project  of  New 
Sweden,"  and  the  name  used  for  the  first  time.^^  "The  Eng- 
lish, French  and  Dutch,"  he  says,  "have  occupied  large  tracts 
of  land  in  the  New  World.  Sweden  ought  no  longer  to  abstain 
from  making  her  name  known  in  foreign  countries."  He 
offered  his  services  to  the  Crown  for  the  beginning  of  an  enter- 
prise, which  although  small,  would  grow  into  great  magnitude. 
The  plan,  as  already  presented  to  Peter  Spiring,  was  to  make  a 
voyage  to  certain  places  well  known  to  him,  in  the  neighbor- 

" "  Werde  auch  einen  mit  mir  bringen,  welcher  E.  Exell.  breiter  von  den 
sachen  wirdt  wissen  zuberichten."  Spiring  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  May  14/24,  1636. 
In  my  opinion  this  means  that  Minuit  would  be  brought  along  to  Stralsund  and 
not  to  Sweden  at  this  time  as  Odhner  thinks.  Odhner  says:  "  Det  var  meningen 
att  Minuit  skulle  folja  med  Spiring  da  denne  pa  sommaren  1636  atervande  till 
Sverige.  .  .  .  Men  han  blef  hindrad  och  afgaf  istallet  ett  skriftligt  betiinkande  i 
fragan,  hvilket  Spiring  medforde  till  Sverige."  (See  the  translation  in  Penn. 
Mag.,  Vol.  III.  269  ff.,  395  ff.).  I  find  no  source  for  the  last  statement.  There 
is  nothing  to  show  that  Minuit  was  prevented  from  going  to  Sweden  in  June.  On 
the  contrary,  he  says  that  he  was  willing  to  go  there  to  make  an  oral  report  if  the 
gentlemen  of  the  council  should  desire  him  to  do  so.  "  Hierby  conde  mondelinge 
aengevvesen  worden,  wat  nuttichheeden  de  croon  Sweden  met  der  tijt  daruyt  soude 
connen  trecken,  tsy  dat  ick  in  Sweden  ontboden  worde  om  naerder  contenteraent 
van  alles  te  geven,  ofte  sulcx  als  de  heeren  van  die  regeeringe  sullen  goetvinden." 
I  find  it  very  improbable  that  Spiring  brought  the  memorial  to  Sweden.  It  was 
dated  June  15,  and  Oxenstierna  did  not  leave  Stralsund  before  July,  hence  there 
was  time  for  it  to  reach  the  chancellor  before  he  set  out  for  Stockholm.  That 
Minuit  intended  the  letter  to  reach  Oxenstierna  before  he  quitted  Stralsund  is 
clear  from  the  fact  that  he  wished  him  "  a  happy  journey."      See  Minuit's  letter. 

Peter  Minuit  had  in  mind,  however,  to  accompany  Spiring  later  in  the 
summer,  but  he  was  hindered  by  "  great  inconveniences."  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna, 
Jan.  31,  1637. 

"Spiring  wrote  from  the  Hague  on  June  11,  1636,  to  A.  Oxenstierna  at 
Stralsund.  But  on  July  12  he  writes  from  Stralsund  to  the  chancellor,  addressing 
it  to  Stockholm.  Spiring  remained  at  Stralsund  for  some  time.  His  last  letter 
from  there  in  Ox.  Saml.  is  dated  July  12/22,  1636. 

"  Lately  printed  by  Kernkamp  in  his  Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  43  ff. ;  translated  in 
Penn.  Mag.,  VI.  458  ff. ;  Winsor,  Nar.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  IV.  p.  445,  note  2. 


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First  page  of  Minuit's  letter  ("  project  of  New  Sweden  ")  to  Oxenstierna.     Original 
in  N.  S.  I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


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Second  page  of  Minuit's  letter. 


Peter  Minuit  and  New  Sweden  Company.       97 

hood  of  Virginia,  New  Netherland  and  other  districts  adjacent, 
which  were  to  be  occupied  and  called  New  Sweden.  For  such 
a  voyage  a  ship  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  to  two  hundred 
tons^^  would  be  necessary  with  an  armament  of  twelve  cannon^*^ 
and  a  crew  of  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  men.  The  cargo  for 
trade  with  the  Indians  would  cost  between  ten  and  twelve 
thousand  florins  and  consist  of  "  adzes,  hatchets,  kettles,  duffels 
and  other  merchandise,"^'''  The  supplies  needed  for  the  journey 
for  twelve  months  would  cost  about  three  thousand  four  hun- 
dred florins.  He  further  proposed  that  the  Swedish  govern- 
ment should  furnish  twelve  soldiers  to  garrison  and  guard  the 
places  to  be  occupied,  in  addition  to  the  ammunition,  and  also 
to  provide  a  bark  or  yacht,  which  could  be  used  in  the  colony 
for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  the  Indians.  The  whole  ex- 
pense of  the  expedition  would  come  to  about  16,000  florins^* 
half  of  which  would  be  contributed  by  Minuit.  Since  the  dis- 
trict to  be  occupied  was  adapted  for  growing  tobacco  and 
various  kinds  of  grains  he  also  proposed  that  suitable  persons 
to  cultivate  these  should  be  taken  along.  But  It  would  be 
necessary,  he  thought,  for  the  Crown  of  Sweden  to  give  a  char- 
ter to  the  participants,  prohibiting  other  persons  for  twenty 
years^^  to  sail  to  these  parts,  on  pain  of  confiscation  of  cargo 
and  ship,  also  granting  the  company  freedom  from  duty  in 
Sweden  on  all  Incoming  and  outgoing  goods  for  ten  years.^*^ 
Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  this  memorial  Oxenstlerna  pre- 
pared to  leave  for  Sweden.  Peace  negotiations  were  closed  for 
the  moment  and  his  presence  In  Stockholm  was  now  of  Im- 
portance. The  government  there  wavered,  the  war  was  becom- 
ing more  and  more  unpopular  and  the  people  were  fairly  tired 
of    the    many    extra    taxes    and    ever-recurring    conscriptions. 

^^  The  original  has  "  60  a  70  a  100  lasten."     Cf.  above,  Chap.  VI. 

^'Kernkamp  reads  "17  stucken."      Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  44. 

"  "  bestaende  in  dissels,  byllen,  ketels,  duffels  en  andere  cremereij." 

^'  These  two  passages  are  mistranslated  in  Winsor,  IV.  446.  The  original 
has  1,600  but  this  is  clearly  a  mistake  for  16,000. 

^°  Kernkamp,  Znxieed.  Arch.,  p.  45,  has  "  voor  den  tijt  van  70  jaeren,"  but  the 
original  clearly  has  "  20  jaeren."      See  facsimile. 

^Peter  Minuit  to  A.  O.xenstlerna,  Amsterdam,  June  15,  1636,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 


98        The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Oxenstierna's  enthusiasm  was  needed  to  encourage  the  droop- 
ing spirits,  his  influence  and  unquestioned  authority  were  re- 
quired to  give  force  and  emphasis  to  the  orders  and  acts  of  the 
government.-^  About  July  4  he  took  ship  at  Stralsund^^  and 
on  the  thirteenth  he  was  in  the  Swedish  capital.^^  With  his 
arrival  new  life  was  put  into  the  machinery  of  state.  Almost 
immediately  changes  were  noticed  in  every  department.  The 
many  conflicting  interests  of  the  different  estates  were  to  some 
extent  united;  many  branches  of  the  government  were  reorgan- 
ized and  new  departments  were  added,  the  finances  were  put  on 
a  firmer  basis,  commerce  and  trade  were  encouraged  and  steps 
were  taken  to  improve  and  aid  the  industries. ^^ 

When  the  most  urgent  matters  of  state  had  been  looked 
after,  Oxenstierna  returned  to  the  commercial  plans  of  Blom- 
maert  and  Minuit,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  State  on 
September  27,  1636,  these  plans  were  brought  up  for  discus- 
sion. "The  chancellor  presented  some  propositions  drawn  up 
by  Spiring  concerning  the  Copper  Company  and  another 
Guinean  Company."^^  Spiring  was  now  in  Stockholm, ^^  and 
*'the  propositions"  read  before  the  councillors  were  undoubt- 
edly the  result  of  interviews  between  him,  Blommaert  and 
Minuit,  and  they  were  probably  drafted  before  he  left  Holland. 
It  is  likely  that  Minuit's  letter  to  Oxenstierna  was  also  read.^'^ 

^  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  47  ff. ;  Geijer,  HL  199. 

'^  A  letter  written  by  Oxenstierna  to  "  Landtgrefven  af  Hessen,"  on  July  4, 
1636,  "am  Schiff,"  fixes  the  date  approximately  of  his  sailing  for  Sweden.  For 
the  above  reference  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Sonden  of  the  Royal  Archives. 

^  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  60. 

^Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  p.  63  ff.;  Geijer,  IH.  248. 

"'"' R.  Cantzleren  praesenterade  och  tedde  nagra  forslagzpuncta,  aff  Fetter 
Spiring  opsatte,  angaende  i.  kopparcompagniedt  2.  cm  itt  annat  Guinerske 
compagniet,  som  formodeligen  kunde  anstellas  medh  nagre  i  HoUandh."  Rddspr., 
VL  612. 

^  Spiring  left  Stralsund  at  the  end  of  July  or  in  the  beginning  of  August. 
His  last  letter  to  the  Chancellor  (preserved)  from  Stralsund  is  dated  July  22, 
1636,  and  his  first  at  Stockholm  is  dated  August  29,  1636.  See  letters  in 
Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.).  Spiring  had  been  ordered  to  return  to  Sweden  in  the 
spring,  and  as  early  as  April  5  it  was  stated  that  he  was  expected  at  Stockholm. 
Rddspr.,  VL  165.  Minuit  had  in  mind  to  accompany  Spiring  to  Sweden  in  the 
summer  but  he  was  detained. 

"  I   find   it   improbable   that   Minuit's   letter   is  especially  referred   to   by  the 


Peter  Minuit  and  New  Sweden  Company.        99 

What  conclusion  was  arrived  at  or  what  was  further  done  in 
the  matter  at  this  meeting  is  not  known,  but  before  Spiring  left 
Sweden  in  the  autumn  he  was  instructed  to  confer  with  Blom- 
maert  and  other  Hollanders  and  try  to  organize  a  trading 
company.2^  jn  October  Spiring  left  Sweden,  November  8 
(n.s.)  he  arrived  at  Amsterdam  and  from  there  he  went  at 
once  to  the  Hague. ^^^  He  had  been  authorized  by  the  chancel- 
lor and  the  Council  of  State  to  engage  Blommaert  as  a  com- 
mercial agent  of  the  Swedish  Crown,  and  he  brought  along  a 
commission  for  him,  signed  by  the  members  of  the  government. 
Between  the  eighth  (n.s.)  and  the  sixteenth  of  November  Blom- 
maert was  called  to  the  Hague  to  confer  with  Spiring  about  the 
transatlantic  trade  and  other  matters  as  well  as  to  receive  his 
commission,^''  and  on  the  seventeenth  (n.s.)  his  Instructions 
and  other  official  papers  confirming  the  appointment  were  de- 
livered to  him.  His  appointment  seems  to  have  been  somewhat 
similar  to  that  of  a  consul  general  of  today. ^^  He  was  to  have 
a  yearly  salary  of  i,ooo  R.D.  and  for  his  travelling  expenses 
he  was  allowed  ten  florins  a  day  abroad  and  eight  florins  a  day 
within  the  boundaries  of  Holland.  His  salary  was  to  begin 
with  the  date  of  his  official  appointment,  but  he  received  200 
R.D.  for  time  he  served  in  1636.^^     A  few  days  later  Spiring 

minutes  of  the  council,  as  Professor  Odhner  seems  to  think.  See  his  Nya  S-veriges 
Gr.,  p.  9.  In  that  case  there  would  be  no  reason  for  saying  "  af  Petter  Spiring. 
opsatte"  (drawn  up  by  Petter  Spiring).  Furthermore  Minuit's  letter  has  no 
reference  to  a  copper  company.  But  as  stated  above  it  is  likely  that  Minuit's 
letter  was  read  or  referred  to. 

^Rddspr.,  VI.  612;  Spiring  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  November  8/18,  1636,  January 
31,  1637. 

^Letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  Hague,  November  i/ii,  1636,  Ox.  Saml.    (R.A.). 

^"Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  November  26,  1636.  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 
Kernkamp  does  not  print  the  beginning  of  Blommaert's  letter  of  November  26 
in  full,  where  these  facts  are  related.  "  Sedert  mynen  lesten  is  d'Heer  Spirinck 
in  dem  Haege  gecomen.  Heeft  my  daer  bij  hem  ontboden  en  verthoont  de  com- 
missie  van  E.  Ex.  en  de  heeren  van  de  hoochste  reger.  underteechent  om  mij 
hier  te  gebruycken  als  commisaris  van  de  croon  Sweden." 

^'  Cf.  Odhner,  A^.  S.,  p.  9. 

^- "  Sonsten  auch,  so  bin  ich  gestern  alhier  mit  Samuel  Bloemaert  veraccordiret 
das  er  vor  sein  Jahrliches  Tractament  haben  soil  1,000  R.D.  undt  das  er  solche 
gelder  Jahrlichs  von  mir  zu  empfangen  haben  moge.  Vor  dieses  Jahr  sollen 
Ihme  R.D.  200  verehret  werden.  Item,  wann  Er  etwa  in  der  Crone  Schweden 
Dienste  innerhalb   landes  nohttwendig  reisen   miiste,   so  soil  er  vor  seine   reijse 


loo       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

went  to  Amsterdam  to  perform  certain  business  transactions 
and  look  after  the  copper  trade,  and  on  the  twenty-fourth  of 
November  he  made  a  report  to  the  chancellor.  He  remained 
in  the  city  over  two  weeks.^^  During  his  stay,  Minuit  was 
called  there  and  several  conferences  were  held  with  him  and 
Blommaert  about  voyages  to  the  New  World.  The  formation 
of  a  company  was  considered  and  Spiring  seems  to  have  laid 
the  views  of  the  Swedish  government  and  of  the  chancellor 
before  the  two  men.  Minuit  was  requested  to  go  to  Sweden 
to  make  an  oral  report  and  he  and  Blommaert  were  asked  to 
go  to  the  Hague  after  the  holidays  to  fully  discuss  the  plans 
and  present  written  memorials. ^^ 

While  these  things  were  taking  place,  another  plan  was  pro- 
posed to  Axel  Oxenstierna.  One  Joachim  Stumpff  of  Ham- 
burg seems  to  have  become  interested  in  the  West  India  trade. 
He  was  acquainted  with  the  efforts  of  Usselinx  and  may  have 
received  his  ideas  from  him.^^  "The  French,"  he  says,  "sail 
to  New  France,  the  English  to  Virginia  and  now  the  Dutch  go 
to  Brazil."  The  Spaniards  have  sailed  to  these  parts  for  144 
years  and  have  gained  immense  riches  there.  The  greatest 
advantage  has  been  derived  by  a  large  part  of  Europe  from 
trade  and  territorial  occupation  in  these  parts,  "  for  It  is  well 
known,"  he  continues,  "what  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  were 
before  they  began  to  sail  to  these  regions."  Sweden  ought  to 
take  part  in  this  trade,  found  colonies  and  open  up  these  places 

gelder  iedern  tag  acht  holl.  gulden  habenn.  Wann  er  aber  ausserhalb  landes 
notwendig  reisen  miiste,  Es  seije  nach  Schvveden  oder  wohin  Ihme  von  der 
hochloblichen  Konigl.  Regierunge  oder  von  Ew.  Excell  :ce  zu  verreisen,  anbefohlen 
werden  mochte,  dass  er  als  dann  auf  aggriatie  der  hochloblich.  Konigl. 
Regierung  vor  iedem  tag  vor  seine  reijse  gelder  zehen  gulden  holl.  haben  solle." 
Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  November  8/18,  1636,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^  For  Spiring's  labors  at  Amsterdam  see  his  letters  of  November  24  and 
December  16,  1636,  to  the  chancellor. 

^*  Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  November  26,  1636;  P.  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna, 
November  24,  December  10,  December  16,  1636.  The  first  letter  of  Spiring  to 
the  chancellor  written  from  Amsterdam,  shortly  after  his  arrival,  is  dated  on 
November  24,  and  the  last  is  dated  December  10.  He  left  for  the  Hague  9  P.  M. 
of  the  same  day.      See  letter,  December  23,  1636,  Ox.  Saml. 

^  In  a  letter  of  August  26,  1637,  he  says  that  "many  great  men,  among 
whom  was  Wlllem  Usselinx,  had  for  years  labored  in  vain  on  the  project."  Ox. 
Saml. 


Peter  Minuit  and  New  Sweden  Company,      ioi 

to  the  merchants.  With  a  few  people  Sweden  could  carry  out 
this  great  undertaking,  for  merchants  from  other  nations  would 
take  part  in  it  and  assume  a  large  share  of  the  cost.  It  would 
bring  Sweden  eventually  a  larger  income  than  the  entire  reve- 
nues of  the  state;  it  would  supply  means  for  carrying  on  the 
war  against  the  Papists,  and  it  would  give  a  base  for  attacking 
the  enemy  in  their  weakest  spot,  "  for  the  King  of  Spain  is 
nowhere  so  easily  attacked  [with  advantage]  as  in  [the  West] 
Indies.  That  is  his  heart."  He  further  proposed  to  go  to 
Stockholm  to  explain  the  matter  fully  before  the  gentlemen  of 
the  government,  and  he  could  not  for  a  moment  believe  that 
the  "plan  would  not  be  accepted  by  the  King  (!)  of  Sweden." 
Oxenstierna  seems  to  have  answered  his  letters,  but  continually 
referred  to  the  Crown  as  the  final  authority  to  act  in  the 
matter.^*^ 

It  is  hardly  probable  that  the  plans  of  Stumpff  had  much 
influence  on  Oxenstierna.  They  were  too  wild  and  visionary 
for  the  statesman,  who  conducted  the  Thirty  Years'  War.^''' 
But  the  plans  of  Blommaert  and  Minuit  were  not  allowed  to 
rest.  Spiring's  report  of  the  progress  that  had  been  made  in 
the  formation  of  a  company  in  Holland  was  received  by  the 
chancellor  about  the  middle  of  December  and  it  was  read  in  the 
council  chamber,  December  24,  1636,  imparting  new  interest 
to  the  scheme  in  Sweden  and  giving  rise  to  discussions  and  con- 
ferences. Fleming  was  appointed  to  correspond  with  Spiring 
about  it  and  the  affair  entered  a  new  stage,*^^  Fleming's  connec- 
tion with  the  undertaking  becoming  of  great  importance  for  its 
future  success. "^^ 

*' See  letters  from  Stumpff  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  October  29,  1636,  January  14, 
1637,  August  26,  1637;  supplement  to  a  letter  dated  July  15,  1636,  May  23,  1638. 
All  the  letters  are  not  preserved,  see  the  one  of  August  26,  1637.  Ox.  Saml. 
In  the  collection  are  six  letters,  two  memorials  and  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  A. 
Oxenstierna,  the  three  latter  not  indicated  by  Sonden  in  his  catalogue.  See 
p.  230. 

^  Usselinx  also  continued  to  present  memorials  and  plans  for  the  establishment 
of  new  companies  from  1634  until  1639  and  he  often  wrote  to  the  chancellor. 
See  Biblio.  in  Jameson,  218-219. 

"^No  letters  from  Spiring  to  Klas  Fleming,  or  from  him  to  Spiring,  are  known 
to  exist. 

^^Rddspr.,  VI.  780. 


I02       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  work  also  went  on  in  Holland.  Blommaert  and  Minuit 
were  invited,  as  we  have  seen,  to  appear  at  another  conference 
at  the  Hague  shortly  after  the  first  of  the  year.  Minuit  was  in 
the  city  about  the  end  of  December,  visiting  with  Spiring,  and 
about  ten  or  twelve  days  later  (the  first  week  in  January,  1637) 
both  he  and  Blommaert  appeared  at  the  Hague  for  further 
considering  the  plans  of  trade  and  colonization.  During  these 
conferences  the  ideas  took  more  definite  shape.  There  were 
now  two  distinct  plans  under  consideration — Blommaert's 
original  proposition  of  beginning  a  trade  to  the  coast  of  Guinea 
and  other  places  and  Minuit's  suggestion  of  founding  a  New 
Sweden  and  carrying  on  trade  with  the  Indians.  Spiring 
favored  the  former  plan.  He  thought  that  the  activities  of  the 
new  company  should  be  directed  towards  the  Gold  Coast,  where 
copper  would  find  a  market  and  where  big  profits  could  be  ex- 
pected. It  was  found,  however,  that  a  large  capital  would  be 
required  for  such  an  undertaking,  and  hence  it  was  rejected. 
Furthermore  neither  Blommaert  nor  Minuit  now  seem  to  have 
been  in  sympathy  with  such  a  plan;  they  wanted  to  found  a 
colony  on  the  Delaware.  Spiring  called  the  New  Sweden 
affair,  as  proposed  by  Minuit,  a  small  undertaking  and  inti- 
mated that  the  profits  would  accordingly  not  be  large,  and  how 
true  were  his  apprehensions!  He  had  desired  to  call  in  other 
merchants  and  experts  to  give  their  opinion  on  the  subject,  but 
Blommaert  and  Minuit  would  not  allow  this  for  fear  that  the 
project  would  become  known  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany. They  advised  that  the  undertaking  be  kept  entirely 
secret  until  the  places  intended  for  colonization  were  occupied. 
Otherwise  the  Dutch  company  might  destroy  the  whole  project. 

It  was  decided  during  the  conferences  to  form  a  company 
which  was  to  trade  and  plant  colonies  on  the  coast  of  North 
America  "  from  Florida  to  Terra  Nova."^*^  Minuit  undoubt- 
edly presented  charts  and  maps"*^  showing  the  Delaware  region 

*°  New  Foundland. 

"  It  is  suggested  in  Jameson's  Nar.  of  N.  Nether,  that  the  map  reproduced 
there  was  presented  to  the  Swedish  government  at  this  time.  But  see  below, 
Chap.  XXI. 


Peter  Minuit  and  New  Sweden  Company.      103 

and  explained  the  advantages  to  be  gained  here,  and  thither  the 
first  expedition  was  to  be  sent.  The  cost  of  this  expedition  was 
estimated  at  about  24,000  florins.  Blommaert  and  his  friends 
would  furnish  three  eighths  and  Minuit  one  eighth  of  this  sum. 
The  other  half  of  the  capital  would  have  to  be  raised  in  Sweden. 
Of  the  Swedish  half,  Spiring  promised  to  take  as  much  as  was 
necessary  up  to  one  eighth  of  a  share,  after  the  Swedish  partici- 
pants had  contributed  their  part,  and  he  further  proposed  that 
the  government  should  give  octroy  to  the  company,  granting  it 
the  privilege  of  trade  and  colonization  within  a  certain  terri- 
tory, denying  this  right  to  all  others.  Blommaert  was  to  man- 
age the  company's  affairs  in  Holland,  He  was  to  buy  goods 
for  the  expeditions  and  make  all  necessary  preparations  in  that 
country;  he  was  to  make  out  the  programme  of  the  company 
and  draft  the  papers  and  privileges  to  be  laid  before  the  gov- 
ernment, and  he  was  to  correspond  with  Fleming  and  Inform 
him  of  the  progress  made.  It  was  also  decided  to  send  Minuit 
to  Sweden  at  the  earliest  opportunity  to  give  an  oral  relation 
and  to  complete  the  arrangements  necessary  there  for  the  first 
voyage,  and  he  was  to  become  the  leader  of  the  expedition.*^ 
When  Blommaert  returned  to  Amsterdam  he  set  to  work  to 
draw  up  the  necessary  documents,  and  on  January  14  (n.s.), 
1637,  he  reported  to  the  chancellor  what  had  been  accomplished 
so  far.  A  few  days  later  he  also  wrote  to  Fleming  about  it, 
while  Spiring  made  a  detailed  report  of  the  events  on  January 
31.  Blommaert's  report  reached  the  chancellor  on  the  eleventh 
of  February  and  Spiring's  was  received  a  little  later.  The  matter 
of  the  proposed  company  and  voyage  was  undoubtedly  brought 
before  the  council  soon  after,  although  there  is  no  mention  of 
it  in  the  minutes;  but  action  was  deferred  until  MInuIt's  ex- 
pected arrival.*^ 

*"  See  Blommaert's  letters  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  February  ii,  i8,  March  31,  May 
6,  1637;  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  January  31,  1637,  Ox.  Saml. 
Cf.  also  letter  of  February  3,  1637,  Ox.  Saml. 

*' Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  14,  1637;  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna, 
January  31,  February  3,  1637,  and  Oxenstierna's  notes  on  the  back  of  the  letters. 
Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

The  Preliminary  Preparations  of  the  First  Expedition 

AND  the  Establishment  of  the  New 

Sweden  Company. 

Minuit  began  to  make  preparations  for  his  long  journey 
shortly  after  the  conferences  at  the  Hague  and  on  February  i 
he  left  Amsterdam  on  his  way  to  Sweden,  having  in  his  posses- 
sion all  the  papers  and  documents,  instructions,  drafts  of  the 
charter  and  the  like,  that  had  been  prepared  in  connection  with 
the  proposed  company,  as  well  as  letters  to  Fleming  and  to  the 
chancellor  from  Blommaert  and  Spiring  and  "  a  chart^  of  the 
whole  of  the  West  Indies  and  Florida."^    He  went  by  way  of 

^  One,  perhaps,  similar  to  the  West-Indische  Paskaert  reproduced  in  Doc.  I. 
(dated  1621). 

^Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  February  11,  1637;  Oxenstierna  to  Spiring  (Con- 
cepter),  Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

The  following  papers  were  given  to  Minuit  as  he  set  out  for  Sweden,  three 
of  which  (No.  3,  5,  14)  are  still  extant: 

"  No.     I.     Conditien,  waerop  de  compag.  geformeert  sal  worden. 
No.     2.     Concept  van   conditien,   wat   de   hoochloflijcke   regeringe   van   Sweeden 

aen  de  Compag.  sullen  gelieven  te  doen. 
No.     3.     Instructie,    dienende    op    de    reijse    voor    Peter    Minuit    [Preserved    in 
N.S.,  L  (R.A.)]. 
Scheepsraet-instructie  op  de  reys. 
Rantsoenbrieff  [Preserved  in  N.S.,  L   (K.A.)]. 
Berarainge  van  victailleren. 
Lijste   van   natte   en    drooge   vivres   te   behoeve   van    36   man   voor    15 

maenden. 
Memorie  hoe   de  commisen  en   andere  officieren  hun   rapporten   sullen 

instellen. 
Lijste  van  amunitie. 

Instructie  voor  P.  Minuit  op  sijn  reijse  naar  Sweden. 
Pascaert  van  gans  West  Indien  en  Florida. 
Calculatie  van  alle  fustagie,  die  men  in  en  schip  moet  hebben  tot  een 

lange  reise. 
Soutbrieff,  die  de  bevrachte  schepen  mede  gegeven  wort. 
Artikelbrieff  [Preserved  in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)]. 
Extract  uit  de  commisen  instructie. 
FormuHer  van  een  cargasoen." 
This  inventory  is  preserved  with  Bloomaert's  letter  of  February  11,  1637.      It 
has  been  printed  by  Kernkamp  in  Ziueed.  Arch.,  p.  108.     His  copy,  however,  con- 
tains a  few  minor  variations  from  the  original. 

104 


No. 

4- 

No. 

5- 

No. 

6. 

No. 

7- 

No. 

8. 

No. 

9- 

No. 

10. 

No. 

11. 

No. 

12. 

No. 

13- 

No. 

14. 

No. 

15- 

No. 

i6. 

Preliminary  Preparations  of  First  Expedition.  105 

Hamburg  and  Helsingor^  and  arrived  In  Stockholm  In  the 
beginning  of  March.^  Here  he  became  seriously  ill  and  was 
confined  to  bed  for  some  tlme.^  On  account  of  Minuit's  illness 
the  preparations  In  Sweden  were  somewhat  delayed.  The 
papers  and  detailed  plans  brought  over  by  him  were  undoubt- 
edly presented  to  Fleming  and  laid  before  the  Council  of  State. 
The  original  plans  called  for  a  ship  of  about  160  to  200  tons 
burden  and  a  small  sloop,  which  were  to  be  prepared  by  the 
Swedish  government  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  company. 
But  the  Council  of  State  decided  to  furnish  two  vessels  and  a 
sloop  and  to  prepare  a  larger  expedition  than  the  memorials 
called  for.^ 

About  the  beginning  of  May  Minuit  was  again  able  to  take 
charge  of  the  work.  Provisions  were  bought  in  Gothenburg 
and  Stockholm,  but  most  of  the  cargo  had  to  be  secured  in  Hol- 
land. The  two  ships  for  the  voyage  were  at  last  selected,  but 
progress  was  slow  and  the  government  did  not  give  final  orders 
in  the  matter  till  August.  Fleming  took  great  Interest  In  the 
work.  He  advanced  money  to  Minuit  and  paid  his  bills  during 
his  illness.  Through  his  efforts  the  Crown  supplied  over  3,000 
pounds  of  powder  and  30  muskets,  and  the  admiralty  furnished 
supplies  for  1,7 11 :34  R.D. 

Blommaert  was  Informed  of  the  progress  that  was  being 
made  In  Sweden  from  time  to  time.  Meanwhile  he  was  busy 
making  preparations  in  Holland.  As  early  as  In  March  com- 
munications were  sent  to  him  by  Oxenstierna  and  Fleming, 
stating  that  the  government  had  decided  to  make  preparations 
for  the  voyage  and  he  was  requested  to  buy  goods  and  pro- 
visions for  the  journey.    A  draft  of  the  charter  of  the  company 

"From  Hamburg  he  wrote  to  Blommaert  under  date  of  January  31  (o.s.)  and 
on  February  22  (n.s.)  he  wrote  from  Helsingor.  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna, 
February  18,  March  31,  1637,  Ox.  Saml. 

*See  Blommaert's  letters  to  Oxenstierna,  February  18,  March  31,  May  6,  1637; 
Kernkamp,  Ziueed.  Arch.,  pp.  m,  114. 

^  "Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  May  6,  1637,  Journal,  no.  i.  Minuit  was  lodged 
with  one  Frans  Weinschenck  and  38  R.D.  were  paid  by  Fleming  for  his  expenses. 
10  R.D.  were  paid  to  the  doctor  and  8  140  R.D.  were  spent  on  medicine.  Journal, 
no.  I. 

•Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  August  22,  1637,  Ox.  Saml. 


io6      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

with  the  names  of  the  participants  in  Sweden  was  forwarded  to 
him  and  he  was  requested  to  raise  the  other  half  of  the  capital  in 
Holland  as  was  promised  in  former  letters.  This  could  not  be 
done,  however,  before  Minuit's  return,  who  was  to  furnish 
one  eighth  of  the  capital  and  besides  to  bring  complete  reports 
from  Sweden. '^ 

But  Minuit  was  detained  in  Sweden  through  his  illness  and 
otherwise,  and  it  finally  became  necessary  to  secure  the  capital 
without  him.  No  specified  capital  stock  was  agreed  upon.  An 
estimate  of  the  cost  of  the  first  expedition  was  made  and  each 
member  of  the  company  was  to  furnish  a  certain  part  of  that 
sum.  Later,  however,  when  it  was  found  that  the  cost  of  the 
first  expedition  would  be  somewhat  larger  than  was  expected, 
it  seems  that  the  Swedish  members  wished  to  place  the  capital 
stock  at  36,000  florins  and  according  to  this  they  subscribed 
as  follows : 

Axel  Oxenstierna   1/8   part 1,800  R.D. 

Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxenstierna  1/8  part 1,800  R.D. 

Gabriel  Bengtsson  Oxenstierna  1/16  part 900  R.D. 

Klas  Fleming  1/16  part 900  R.D. 

Peter  Spiring  1/8  part 1,800  R.D. 

Total   7,200  R.D.» 

or  18,000  florins.' 

The  Dutch  members  likewise  agreed  to  contribute  a  certain 
part  of  the  cost  of  the  first  expedition  and  the  following  sums 
were  supplied  by  each: 

Adam  Bessels'"   1/16   part 900  R.D. 

Isaac  von  dem  Waeter  3/14  part 675  R.D. 

Gillies  von  Brugge  1/64  part 225  R.D. 

Jaris  Hoeffnaegell  1/16  part 900  R.D. 

Hiiygens  von  Arnheim"  i/i6  part 900  R.D. 

Samuel  Blomraaert  1/4  part 3,600  R.D. 

Total   7.200  R.D. 

or  18,000  florins. 
'Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  May  6,  1637,  Ox.  Saml. 

*  See  "  Rechnung  iiber  Peter  Minuits  Reise  nach  West  Indien  1637,"  Ox. 
Saml.;  "  Die  H.  H.  Schwe.  Part,  in  d.  Viagio  nach  Florida  oder  Nova  Svecia 
Anno,  1640,"  Soderkomp.,  1637-59   (R.A.). 

^Journal,  no.  92.      7,200  R.D.  =  18,000  florins. 

" "  Koopman  op  Italic  en  de  Levant,  gehuwd  met  Magaretha  Reynst,  een 
zuster  van  Blommaerts  vrouw,"  Kernkamp,  Ziveed.  Arch.,  pp.  19-20.  Bessel 
also  had  a  share  in  the  colony  of  Rensselaerswyck  in  New  Netherland.  Fan 
Rensselaer  B.  Mss.,  pp.  175,  334;  Doc,  I.  255. 

"  One  Gerrit  van  Arnhem  is  referred  to  in  Van  Rensselaer  B.  Mss.,  p.  424  ff. 


Preliminary  Preparations  of  First  Expedition.  107 

Fleming  was  appointed  director  and  he  gave  orders  to  Blom- 
maert  and  others  who  served  the  company.  Richard  Clerk^^ 
acted  as  agent  for  the  company  in  Sweden,  and  bills  and  papers 
were  made  out  and  presented  by  him.  Johan  Beier  also  became 
identified  with  the  company  shortly  after  its  formation  in  the 
capacity  of  a  servant  of  the  same,  but  without  a  salary. 

Certain  privileges  were  granted  by  the  government  and  a 
charter  was  given  to  the  company,  but  none  of  these  documents 
is  now  known  to  exist.  That  such  papers  were  issued,  how- 
ever, can  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  "Twenty-two  Riksdaler 
were  paid  to  the  Secretary  in  the  Chancery  for  the  making  of 
the  privileges  and  other  papers, "^^  and  it  is  thus  clear  that  New 
Sweden  was  not  founded  under  the  charter  of  1626,  which  did 
not  include  the  American  coast  as  far  north  as  the  Delaware 
nor  under  the  charter  of  1633,  which  had  practically  no  terri- 
torial restrictions.^'*  The  privileges  were  based  on  the  sugges- 
tions of  Blommaert  and  Minuit.^^  Octroy  and  exclusive  right 
for  the  company  to  trade  on  the  Delaware  for  twenty  years, 
was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  rights  granted;  goods  shipped  from 
Holland  for  trade  with  the  savages  and  for  the  use  on  the 
voyage  were  to  be  allowed  to  enter  Sweden  duty-free,  and  all 
articles  coming  from  America  were  also  to  be  free  from  dut}^, 
probably  for  a  period  of  ten  years,  but  goods  shipped  to 
Sweden  from  Holland  to  be  sold  by  the  company  in  the  former 

"Clerk,  born  in  Scotland,  in  1604.  Entered  Swedish  service  about  1628. 
He  was  major  in  the  Swedish  navy  in  1640,  made  a  nobleman  in  1648. 
Brought  Ambassador  Whitelocke  to  Liibeck  in  1654  as  the  latter  returned  to 
England.  Clerk  became  a  vice  admiral  in  1657.  Died  in  Stockholm  in  1668. 
Rddspr.,  VI.  365,  837;  Zettersten,  Sv.  fiot.  hist.,  II.  598-9;  Whitelocke,  Embassy. 

^^ Journal,  no.  i.  "In  der  Cantzeleij  dem  Secretarij  vor  verfertigungh  der 
Privilegien  und  andere  documenten  hat  Ihr  Gnaden  zahlt  R.D.  22."  Cf.  "  Con- 
cept von  conditien,"  etc.  In  the  charter  given  to  Hooghkamer  in  1640  it  is 
stated  that  no  encroachments  must  be  made  on  the  privileges  of  the  New  Siveden 
Company.  Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXIV.  It  is  therefore  clear  that  New  Sweden  was 
not  founded  under  the  old  charter  given  to  the  South  Company.      Cf.  above. 

"  Cf.  above,  Chaps.  XIII.,  XIV. 

*'  Minuit  proposed  that  a  charter  be  granted  to  the  company  giving  it  right 
to  trade  on  the  North  American  coast  from  Florida  to  Newfoundland,  pro- 
hibiting all  others  from  sailing  there  "  on  pain  of  confiscation  of  the  vessel  and 
<;argo,"  and  those  were,  perhaps,  the  privileges  finally  given. 


io8       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

country  were  subjected  to  duty.^®  Profits  and  losses  were  to 
be  equally  divided  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedish  mem- 
bers; the  head  office  was  to  be  at  Stockholm,  but  the  staple  of 
the  company  should  be  at  Gothenburg  from  whence  the  ships 
should  sail,  and  all  goods  should  be  sent  to  the  collector  of 
customs  at  the  latter  port  and  placed  under  his  care  until  they 
were  loaded  upon  the  vessels.  "  When  these  conditions  arrived 
in  Holland  "  and  were  accepted  by  the  Dutch  members  the  com- 
pany may  be  looked  upon  as  organized. ^^ 

^°  Duty  was  paid  on  tobacco  brought  to  Sweden  for  sale  there.  Journal,  no. 
127,  139,  141.  But  tobacco  and  skins  from  the  colony  were  duty  free.  Journal, 
nos.  27,  40. 

"These  facts  can  be  inferred  from  later  document*.     Cf.  below,  Chap.  XIX. 


w 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

The  Final  Preparations  and  the  First  Expedition, 

1637-1639. 

Blommaert  could  now  buy  goods  and  make  final  preparations 
in  Holland.  Some  of  the  cloth  for  the  Indian  trade  was  made 
by  special  order  at  Kampen  and  Leyden,  and  already  in  Feb- 
ruary he  had  made  arrangements  for  its  weaving,  on  Spiring's 
assurance  that  the  Crown  would  supply  the  vessels,  although  he 
had  not  received  instruction  to  that  effect  from  Sweden. 

During  April  and  May  he  did  his  utmost  to  procure  the 
necessary  cargo  for  the  ships.  He  was  at  great  disadvantage, 
however.  The  Swedish  members  were  slow  in  paying  their 
shares  and  the  Dutch  participants  would  not  furnish  their  quota 
of  the  capital  before  the  stipulated  sum  had  been  raised  in 
Stockholm.  He  was  therefore  compelled  to  advance  the  neces- 
sary money  out  of  his  own  means,  so  as  not  to  delay  the  journey. 
In  the  beginning  of  May  a  large  part  of  the  cargo  was  ready  to 
be  shipped  to  Gothenburg.  On  the  ninth  (n.s.)  of  that  month 
2,748  >2  yds.  of  cloth  were  loaded  upon  the  ship  of  Jan  Cornelis- 
sen  Cock  and  consigned  to  Lars  Larsson,  the  commander  of 
Elfsborg  and  Bengt  Larsson,  customs  collector  at  Gothenburg, 
and  on  the  last  of  May  (n.s.?)  a  large  quantity  of  cloth  and 
other  goods  for  the  Indian  trade  and  several  hogsheads  of  dis- 
tilled liquors  were  shipped  to  Sweden  for  the  company.  In  the 
meantime  Blommaert  revised  the  instructions  for  Minuit  and 
the  other  papers,  so  as  to  have  them  ready  when  the  latter 
arrived  to  make  final  preparations.^ 

It  was  difficult  to  obtain  good  sailors  in  Sweden  during  the 
first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  Hollanders  were  often 
employed  on  Swedish  ships.-    Fleming  requested  Blommaert  to 

*  Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  March  31,  May  6,  June  6,  1637,  Ox.  Saml.; 
"  Factura  des  Cargasons"  {iSi-j),  etc.,  Soderk.,  1637-59   (R.A.). 
*See  Zettersten,  Sv.  ftot.  hist.,  I.-IL;  above,  Chap.  VI. 

109 


no      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

hire  "some  25  or  30  men,  experienced  on  the  sea"  to  be  used 
on  the  voyage.  The  latter  presented  the  matter  to  Spiring, 
requesting  him  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  States  General,  that 
the  above  number  of  seamen  might  be  hired  in  Amsterdam  and 
sent  to  Sweden.  The  States  General  passed  a  resolution  grant- 
ing the  request,  and  the  sailors  and  officers  were  hired  in  July. 
The  preparations  in  Holland  were  now  practically  completed. 
Blommaert  desired  a  list  of  the  articles  that  could  be  furnished 
in  Sweden  for  victualling  the  ships,  so  that  he  would  know 
definitely  v/hat  to  buy,  since  Minuit  had  mentioned  only  barrels 
and  casks,  saying  that  these  could  not  be  secured.^ 

Towards  the  end  of  July  the  officers  and  sailors,  together 
with  the  rest  of  the  cargo  and  some  of  the  supplies,  were  sent 
to  Gothenburg,  as  it  was  expected  that  the  ships  would  be  ready 
about  that  time.  Blommaert  was  also  requested  by  Fleming  to 
go  to  Sweden  to  make  an  oral  report,  as  soon  as  the  prepara- 
tions of  the  expedition  were  completed,  but  he  found  that  it 
would  require  half  of  August  before  the  vessels  could  sail  and 
he  therefore  determined  not  to  go.^ 

In  August  Minuit  finally  arrived  in  Amsterdam.  Two 
barber-surgeons  were  hired,  and  Michel  Symonsz[en]  was 
engaged  as  mate,  "  a  fine  honest  man,"  well  acquainted  with  the 
coast  of  North  America.  Final  arrangements  were  now  speedily 
made  and  on  August  22  Blommaert  writes:  "The  rest  of  all 
[necessary  supplies]  are  now  being  shipped  ...  to  Gothen- 
burg .  .  .  [and]  Minuit  with  two  barbers  and  other  officers 
is  going  on  the  same  vessel." 

It  was  found  that  the  cost  of  the  expedition  was  considerably 
larger  than  the  first  estimates.  The  reason  for  this  increase 
was  the  fact  that  two  ships  were  prepared  instead  of  one,  and 
Blommaert  complains  that  the  expenses  in  shipping  the  cargo 
and  supplies  to  Gothenburg  were  also  very  great,  "  but,"  he 

^  "  Indien  ick  een  perfecte  lijst  hadde,  wat  fictuaille  dat  in  Sweden  gefurneert 
soude  worden,  soo  cost  ick  hier  voorder  coopen  wat  dat  manckeert.  Minuit 
schrijft  alien  van  fustage,  dat  die  in  Sweden  niet  wel  te  becomen  soude  wesen." 
Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  June  6,  1637,  Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.)- 

* "  Because,"  he  says,  "  I  have  lived  eight  years  in  India.  Being  used  to 
warm  countries,  I  am  afraid  that  the  cold  would  be  harmful  to  me."  (!) 


PHI 


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First  page  of  the  Journal  of  the  New  Sweden  Conipanj',  giving  items  of  expense  connected  with  the  first  expe- 
dition and  articles  sent  to  the  Delaware.     Original  in  the  Kammararkiv  (N.  S.  III.  K.  A.),  Stockholm. 


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Second  page  of  the  Journal  of  the  New  Sweden  Company,  givirg  expenditures  of  the  first  expedition. 


Final  Preparations  and  First  Expedition.       i  i  i 

adds,  "  a  good  rich  Spanish  prize  will  be  able  to  pay  it  all.'* 
The  cargo  and  supplies  cost  about  28,000  gulden  and  several 
other  bills  were  to  be  added  unless  the  government  would  pay 
them.  But  Blommaert  hoped  that  the  Crown  would  assume 
these  extra  bills,  as  it  would  be  a  small  item  for  the  state  treas- 
ury and  it  would  encourage  Dutch  participants  and  others  to 
place  their  capital  in  the  company.^ 

We  have  seen  that  Fleming  did  his  utmost  to  get  the  expedi- 
tion under  way.  On  June  30  the  government  issued  an  order 
**to  the  admirals"  instructing  them  "to  prepare  two  ships  and 
man  them  with  thirty-six  boatsmen."  "We  are  resolved,"  says 
the  council  in  the  name  of  the  Queen,  "  to  let  one  of  our  and  the 
Crown's  ships  and  one  of  the  [South]  Company's  vessels  sail 
to  West  India. "*^  Some  time  elapsed,  of  course,  before  these 
orders  were  executed.  Additional  provisions  and  ammunition 
were  supplied  and  two  months'  pay  was  given  to  the  people. 
About  August  9^  the  ships  seem  to  have  been  ready  to  sail,  for 
on  that  date  a  pass  was  given  to  Captain  Anders  Nilsson  Krober 
on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  one  of  similar  contents  to  Lieut. 
Jacob  Barben,  commander  on  the  Grip. 

But  there  was  further  delay,  and  it  seems  probable  that  the 
ships  did  not  set  sail  from  Stockholm  before  the  middle  or  end 
of  August.  They  touched  at  Oland  on  their  way  and  some 
provisions  were  secured  there.^  The  date  of  the  arrival  of  the 
two  ships  in  Gothenburg  is  not  known,  nor  can  it  now  be  ascer- 
tained, when  Minuit  returned  from  Holland,  but  on  the  sixth 
of  September  we  find  him  at  work  making  preparations  for  the 
voyage.^ 

As  soon  as  the  ships  arrived,  we  may  assume  the  cargo  was 
brought  on  board  and  everything  was  made  ready  at  the 
earliest  opportunity.     The  cost  of  the  cargo  alone,  including 

''Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  July  23,  August  22,  1637. 

*R.R.,  June  30,  1637   (R.A.). 

'' A7n.  Reg.,  Aug.  9,  1637  (Fl.  Ar.).  It  seems  that  it  was  the  intention  at 
first  to  send  one  of  the  government's  ships  with  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  but  the 
South  Company's  ship   Gr'ipen  was  selected  instead. 

'  Journal,  no.  i ;  Til  del  Wast.  Ind.  Skeps  Com.  d.  16  Juni,  1637. 

*  See  facsimile  Bill. 


1 1 2       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

freight  charges  and  other  expenses,  was  14,832  gulden.  It 
consisted  of  several  thousand  yards  of  duffels  and  other  cloth, 
several  hundred  axes,  hatchets  and  adzes,  several  hundred 
knives,  dozens  of  tobacco  pipes,  mirrors  and  looking-glasses, 
gilded  chains  and  finger-rings,  combs,  ear-rings  and  other  orna- 
ments for  the  Indians.  Spades,  hoes  and  other  implements 
were  also  loaded  onto  the  ships  for  use  in  the  country.^*^ 

Probably  half  of  the  sailors  were  Hollanders,  the  rest  being 
Swedes.  A  number  of  the  soldiers  sent  out  to  occupy  the  land 
were  also  Swedes  and  Mans  Nilsson  Kling  went  out  as  com- 
mander of  these  soldiers."  Jan  Hindrickson  van  der  Water 
was  skipper  on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  Michel  Symonssen 
was  first  mate.  In  case  that  any  mishap  befell  Minuit,  making 
it  impossible  for  him  to  perform  his  duties,  Symonssen  was  to 
take  his  place.  Andrian  Joransen  was  skipper  on  Gripen  and 
Hendrick  Huygen,  a  relative  of  Minuit,  was  appointed  com- 
missioner for  the  colony  that  was  to  be  established.  Memorials 
and  instructions  were  given  to  the  officers,  but  only  two  of 
these  documents  have  been  preserved.  A  secret  instruction  to 
Minuit  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  copy  of  the  original  draft  by 
Blommaert.  According  to  this  document  the  expedition  was 
to  set  sail  in  the  summer,  taking  a  course  "behind  England  and 
Scotland "  and  crossing  the  ocean  at  about  the  forty-fourth 
degree.  Its  first  destination  was  to  be  the  Isle  de  Sable,^^  if 
such  a  course  was  possible.  Soundings  were  to  be  taken  around 
the  shore  and  maps  and  sketches  were  to  be  made  of  the  island, 
on  which  all  the  rivers,  harbors  and  roads  (for  ships)  were  to 
be  clearly  indicated.  While  the  carpenters  "  put  up  the  sloop  " 
Minuit  was  to  inspect  the  island  and  acquaint  himself  with  the 
conditions  of  the  same.  In  case  he  found  it  suitable  for  coloni- 
zation and  for  trade  or  if  its  position  was  such  that  its  occupa- 
tion by  the  Swedish  government  would  give  authority  to  collect 

""Factura  des  cargasons."      Soderk.,  1637-1659   (R.A.)- 

"  See  below,  Chap.  XXL 

^  Sable  Island  west  of  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia.  It  was  given  on  the  early  maps 
in  this  form.  See  Winsor's  reproductions  of  maps  by  Molineaux  and  Champlain. 
See  De  Laet's  map.  It  is  also  indicated  on  the  West  Ind.  P.  Cart  of  1621.  See 
reproduction  in  Doc,  I.     Cf.  Winsor,  IV.  202,  377,  383  fF. 


Final  Preparations  and  First  Expedition.       113 

tribute  from  the  fisheries  on  the  banks  of  Nova  Terra  (New- 
foundland), he  should  take  possession  of  it  for  the  Crown  of 
Sweden,  erecting  the  Swedish  coat  of  arms,  cut  in  stone,  and 
taking  an  attestation  from  all  the  officers  that  no  Christian 
people  were  there.  The  Island  should  then  be  called  Christina 
and  the  most  suitable  harbors  were  to  be  called  by  the  names  of 
great  men  in  Sweden.  "A  setter"  and  other  dogs  were  to  be 
brought  along  for  hunting  the  black  foxes  on  the  island.  The 
sloop  was  to  be  stationed  there  with  some  men  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  skipper,  supplied  with  provisions  for  about  two  or 
three  months.  Before  Minuit  departed  he  was  to  capture  some 
calves  or  cattle^ ^  which  were  to  be  taken  to  the  South  River. 
On  his  way  thither  he  was  to  buy  sewant^^  from  the  Indians 
along  the  coast  especially  at  Cromeguwge(  ?)  ,^^  and  from  there 
he  was  to  proceed  to  the  South  River.  In  case,  however,  the 
wind  was  so  westerly  that  the  above  course  to  the  Isle  de  Sable 
could  not  be  taken,  he  was  to  sail  by  way  of  the  Caribbean 
Islands,  between  Cuba  and  Spaniola  and  thence  to  the  South 
River. 

Arriving  there  he  was  to  sail  up  to  the  Manquas  Kill  and 
establish  relations  with  the  Indians,  giving  them  gifts  and  in- 
forming them  that  he  had  come  to  trade  with  them.  Later  he 
was  to  explore  the  river  and  ascend  twenty  Dutch  miles  to 
Sankikan  Kill,  "seeing  that  his  people  did  no  harm  to  the 
Indians."  The  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  Delav/are  between 
the  Minquas  Kill  and  the  Sankikan  Kill  was  to  be  bought  from 
the  savages  and  a  certificate  or  declaration  should  be  signed  by 
all  the  officers  of  the  ship,  stating  that  no  other  European 
people  were  found  there,  Minuit  being  especially  cautioned  to 
avoid  the  limits  of  New  Netherland.  The  Swedish  coat  of 
arms  was  then  to  be  erected  at  the  two  rivers^^  at  the  limits, 

"  It  seems  that  Blommaert  had  been  informed  that  there  were  large  herds  of 
cattle  on  the  island. 

"  Wampum  or  Indian  money.     Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXL,  n.  47. 

"On  the  New  England  coast.      Cf.  Printz'  Report,  1644. 

"If  it  means  that  he  was  to  ascend  the  river  20  Dutch  (65  English)  miles 
from  its  mouth,  Sankikan  Kill  must  refer  to  the  Schuylkill.  If,  however,  Blom- 
maert had  a  correct  notion  of  the  distance  from  Christina  Kill  up  to  the  falls, 
Sankikan  Kill  probably  refers  to  Assanpink  Kill  at  Sankikan  near  Trenton  Falb. 


114      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  the  land  was  to  be  named  New  Sweden.  Finally  he  was  to 
build  a  house  or  fort  either  on  the  Minquas  Kill  or  at  some 
other  place,  which  by  nature  was  strong,  and  it  was  to  be  called 
New  Stockholm,  with  the  firing  of  cannon.  After  completing 
his  business  in  the  South  River  he  was  to  proceed  in  the  Kalniar 
Nyckel  to  the  coast  of  Florida  and,  if  he  found  convenient  places 
there,  he  was  to  erect  the  Swedish  coat  of  arms,  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  land  in  the  name  of  the  Swedish  government  and 
calling  the  land  New  Sweden. 

If  the  Indian  trade  was  very  successful  and  most  of  the 
cargo  could  be  sold  at  an  early  date,  Minuit  was  to  station  the 
sloop  in  the  South  River  with  only  seven  men  and  return  to 
Europe  at  once,  leaving  "the  discoveries"  to  be  made  on  a 
second  voyage.  But  if  it  so  happened  that  war  or  other  incon- 
veniences prevented  the  selling  of  the  cargo,  twenty  men  should 
be  placed  in  the  fort  with  necessary  provisions.  In  that  case 
the  sloop  was  to  be  sent  to  New  Amsterdam  for  the  buying  of 
cattle,  horses,  sheep,  goats  and  pigs,  and  the  grain  that  was 
brought  along  should  be  sown. 

The  instructions  were  drafted  by  Blommaert  and  only  one 
vessel  was  considered.  If,  however,  the  government  furnished 
two  ships  the  directions  were  to  be  changed  somewhat,  as  the 
preparations  would  take  longer  time,  delaying  the  sailing  of  the 
expedition.  The  two  ships  were  to  sail  by  way  of  the  Carib- 
bean Islands,  St.  Martin  and  Spaniola,  where  Minuit  should 
trade  and  buy  some  cattle  for  his  colony,  and  from  there  he 
was  to  go  directly  to  the  South  River, ^'^  following  his  instruc- 
tions as  given  above.  When  the  necessary  arrangements  had 
been  completed  there,  he  should  proceed  to  the  Isle  de  Sable 
and  trade  with  the  Indians  along  the  coast.  The  Grip  was  to 
remain  in  the  country  for  some  time,  but  the  Kalmar  Nyckel 
with  Minuit  on  board  was  to  return  to  Gothenburg  as  soon  as 

"  He  was  also  to  look  for  Spanish  prizes,  but  he  should  not  spend  too  much 
time  at  this.  Spaniards  were  to  be  attacked  everywhere,  but  the  English,  Dutch 
and  French  were  to  be  treated  in  a  friendly  manner. 


Final  Preparations  and  First  Expedition.       i  i  5 

possible,  and  Minuit  was  to  go  at  once  over-land  to  Stockholm 
to  make  a  report,  presenting  his  maps  and  journals. ^^ 

A  letter  in  thirty-two  articles,  directed  to  the  commander  and 
the  skippers  as  well  as  the  sailors  and  soldiers,  was  also  given  to 
Minuit.  The  sailors  and  officers  were  in  every  instance  to  obey 
the  commander;  they  should  remain  in  the  country  as  long  as  the 
ship's  council  saw  fit,  and  they  should  without  delay  perform  all 
duties  decided  by  the  council.  In  case  of  any  disobedience  they 
were  to  lose  their  monthly  pay.  The  officers  and  men  were  to 
keep  good  watch  day  and  night  and  they  were  always  to  be  pre- 
pared for  every  emergency,  having  their  arms  in  readiness  to 
fight  if  necessary.  Everyone  was  strictly  forbidden  to  carry  on 
a  trade  on  his  own  account  or  to  bring  along  goods  belonging  to 
private  merchants.  In  case  the  sailors  or  soldiers  lost  any  of  their 
property  by  unforeseen  causes,  it  should  be  restored  to  them; 
stealing  would  be  severely  punished;  no  fighting  between  the 
sailors  was  allowed  and  all  drunkenness  was  strictly  prohibited, 
breakers  of  this  rule  being  put  into  irons  for  three  days;  play- 
ing at  dice  and  other  games  of  chance  were  also  forbidden. 
Prayers  were  to  be  conducted  morning  and  evening  and  anyone 
who  was  absent  from  these  exercises  without  permission  would 
be  fined  "six  styvers."^^ 

Towards  the  end  of  October  the  ships  were  ready  to  sail,  and 
they  probably  left  the  harbor  in  the  beginning  of  November. 
In  the  North  Sea  they  were  separated  through  heavy  storms. 
After  a  month's  cruising,  Kalmar  Nyckel,  which  was  com- 
manded by  Minuit,  finally  arrived  at  Texel  about  the  beginning 
of  December,  leaking  badly,  having  lost  its  prow  and  mast. 
A  week  later  the  other  vessel  also  badly  used  arrived  at  Texel; 
from  thence  she  went  to  Medemblik  for  repairs.  The  two 
vessels  were  repaired  as  soon  as  possible,  and  new  provisions  for 
the  journey  were  secured  at  the  cost  of  several  thousand  florins. ^^^ 

" "  Instrucktie  voor  Den  Direckt.  Peter  Minuit."  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  Two 
copies  in  Penn.  Hist.  So. 

""Articul  Bief,"  etc.,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

'"The  cost  of  the  expedition  was  now  27,906:8  fl.,  including  the  salaries  of 
the   sailors   for   two  months,   but  exclusive   of   the   provisions   and   other   articles 


ii6      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

A  new  pilot  was  engaged  and  about  December  20  everything 
was  in  readiness  for  the  continuation  of  the  voyage,  but  con- 
trary winds  delayed  the  ships  for  a  number  of  days.  In  the 
meantime,  Killaen  van  Rensselaer,  a  friend  of  MInuit,  finding 
an  opportunity  for  sending  some  goods  and  settlers  to  his  colony 
in  New  Netherland,  brought  several  cases  of  merchandise  on 
board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  engaged  passage  for  six  persons,^^ 
paying  220:10  florins  to  skipper  Jan  Hindrickson,  for  the  ex- 
penses. MInuit  was  requested  to  cause  the  goods  and  people 
to  reach  the  Manatans^-  at  the  earliest  opportunity  that  cir- 
cumstances would  allow. ^^  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  the 
wind  turned,  and  on  December  31  (n.s.),  1637,  the  little 
expedition  went  to  sea  "together  with  a  beautiful  fleet  of  150 
ships." 

On  the  sixth  of  January,  1637,  Blommaert  wrote  to  Oxen- 
stlerna  and  gave  the  details  of  the  events  so  far.  A  great  mis- 
take was  made,  he  said,  in  not  hurrying  on  the  preparations  in 
Sweden  so  that  the  vessels  could  have  started  sooner.  Blom- 
maert sent  the  oflEicers  and  men  in  the  summer  In  the  belief  that 
the  expedition  would  leave  in  August.  Since  the  start  was  not 
made  before  late  In  the  fall,  the  people  had  to  be  supported  and 
paid  while  doing  nothing.  The  great  expenses  discouraged  the 
other  Dutch  participants  and  they  were  already  dissatisfied 
with  the  project.  They  had  calculated  that  the  first  expedition 
would  cost  only  about  14,000  gulden,  but  before  the  ships  left 
Europe  the  cost  had  reached  almost  36,000  florins.-^  Their 
murmurs,  however,  were  silenced  by  Minult's  assurance  of  a  big 
profit  and  probably  a  rich  Spanish  prize. ^^ 

We  know  nothing  about  the  journey  across  the  Atlantic,  for 

supplied  in  Sweden  which  amounted  to  3,399  D.,  making  the  total  cost  over 
30,000  florins.  Blommaert's  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  January  6,  1638.  Ox. 
Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Journal,  no.  2. 

"  Only  five  persons  are  mentioned  as  sailing  "  from  Texel  "  on  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel. 

^  New  Amsterdam. 

^  Van  Rensselaer  Mss.,  p.  389  flF. 

"*  More  accurately,  about  33,000  florins.      Journal,  no.  i,  2. 

^Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  6,  September  4,  November  13,  1638, 
January  28,  1640,  Ox.  Saml. 


Final  Preparations  and  First  Expedition.       117 

MInult's  journal,  which  would  have  given  us  this  information, 
is  lost.  The  ships  reached  the  Delaware  in  good  condition  and 
sailed  up  the  river  about  the  middle  of  March,  1638.^^ 

When  Minuit  had  made  necessary  arrangements  he  left  New 
Sweden  on  board  Kahnar  Nickel,  some  time  in  June,^"  with  his 
cargo  of  wines  and  distilled  liquors  and  sailed  to  the  island  of 
St.  Christopher,  where  the  goods  were  exchanged  for  tobacco. 
While  in  the  harbor  at  the  islands,  Minuit  together  with  his 
skipper  was  invited  as  a  guest  on  board  a  ship  from  Rotterdam, 
called  Het  Vliegende  Hert.^^  In  the  meantime  a  sudden  storm 
arose,  which  drove  the  ship  out  to  sea,  and  it  was  heard  of  no 
more.  The  Kahnar  Nyckel  was  also  driven  out  of  the  harbor, 
but  she  returned  in  company  with  other  ships.  After  waiting 
for  Minuit  a  few  days  the  vessel  set  sail  for  Europe.  She 
arrived  in  the  North  Sea  in  the  beginning  of  October,  1638.-^ 
Not  far  from  the  coast  of  Holland  a  severe  storm  overtook  the 
ship.  The  main  mast  had  to  be  cut  and  the  vessel  suffered  other 
damages,  making  it  necessary  to  put  into  Vile  for  repairs.  The 
ship  was  repaired  through  Blommaert  at  a  cost  of  7,103:2 
florins,  and  then  it  proceeded  to  Medemblik,  where  the  skins 
were  to  be  unloaded. 

The  ship  brought  along  Minuit's  journal,  a  map  of  the  river 
drawn  by  him,  giving  the  location  of  the  colony^^  and  a  sketch 

*  See  below,  Chapter  XXI. 

"  A  letter  was  sent  to  Blommaert  from  the  island  of  St.  Christopher,  stating 
that  the  Grip  had  left  New  Sweden  on  May  20  (n.s.  ?)  on  a  cruise  and  that 
Minuit  would  leave  three  weeks  later.  "  I  reckon  therefore,"  says  Blommaert, 
"  that  the  ship  {Kalmar  Nyckel)  would  leave  the  South  River  about  the  middle 
of  June."  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  September  4,  1638.  Ox.  Saml.,  Kernkamp, 
Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  58. 

^  The  Flying  Deer. 

'^  Doc,  I.  116,  O'Callaghan,  I.  192.  Hence  Odhner  is  mistaken  in  saying  that 
the  ship  arrived  in  Holland  in  November.      See  his  N.S.,  p.  15. 

^  It  has  been  stated  that  Mans  Kling  made  the  map.  See  Hazard's  Annals, 
p.  48;  Clay,  p.  17;  Winsor,  Nar.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  TV.  437.  But  this  is  not 
very  probable.  The  statement  is  taken  from  Acrelius,  Beskrif.  The  map 
was  drawn  by  Minuit,  probably  on  the  basis  of  already  existing  maps  (published 
in  Doc,  I.,  O'Callaghan's  Hist,  of  Neiv  Neth.,  I.,  etc.).  Kling  was  a  mere 
soldier,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  ever  made  a  map  of  New  Sweden.  If 
he  had  done  so  valuable  services  for  the  company  it  would  most  likely  be  men- 
tioned in  the  official  documents.  Several  bills  were  paid  him,  but  in  none  of 
these  are  any  services  mentioned,  besides  those  of  the  soldier  and  commissions  of 
like  nature. 


ii8       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

of  Fort  Christina  and  the  two  houses.  The  journal  with  the 
map  and  sketches  as  well  as  deeds  and  other  papers  were  sent 
to  Klas  Fleming,  most  of  which  are  now  lost. 

In  December  Spiring  caused  four  officers  from  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel  to  appear  before  the  notary,  Peter  Ruttens,  in  Amster- 
dam to  give  a  report  under  oath  of  Minuit's  proceedings  In 
New  Sweden  and  especially  concerning  the  circumstances  of  the 
land-purchase.  A  document  was  drawn  up  in  Dutch,  setting 
forth  the  testimony  of  the  four  men  "  in  the  sight  and  presence 
of  the  honest  Cornelius  Vignois,  and  David  Willet,  called  in 
for  this  purpose  as  creditable  witnesses."  A  certified  transla- 
tion into  German  was  made  which  was  sent  to  Sweden. ^^ 

On  arriving  at  Medemblik  the  ship  was  put  under  arrest  by 
an  officer  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  and  duty  was  de- 
manded on  the  cargo,  since  the  skipper  would  not  show  his  com- 
mission.^^ Word  was  sent  to  Spiring  at  the  Hague  and  he 
presented  a  protest  to  the  States  General.  On  October  25  the 
States  General  sent  an  order  to  the  officers  at  Enkhuizen  to 
release  the  ship,  but  the  letter  was  not  received.  About  two 
months  later  a  second  letter^^  was  sent  with  orders  to  remove 
the  arrest  from  the  Swedish  ship.  But  the  ship  was  then 
already  free,  having  been  liberated  shortly  after  its  seizure,  as 
the  skipper  showed  his  papers,  Issued  under  the  authority  of  the 
Swedish  Crown. ^^ 

The  Grip  left  New  Sweden  towards  the  end  of  April,  1639, 
and  arrived  at  Gothenburg  about  the  beginning  of  June.^^    The 

"  Chap.  XXL,  below. 

^  Doc,  I.  116-117.  O'Callaghan  in  his  History  of  Ne<w  Netherland,  I.  192, 
says:  "A  Swedish  vessel,  loaded  with  tobacco,  having  put  into  the  Zeyder  Zee, 
on  her  return  voyage  from  the  '  West  Indies,'  was  seized  at  Medenblick.  It 
was  not  until  the  Swedish  resident  at  the  Hague  called  the  attention  of  the 
States  General  to  the  circumstances,  that  the  arrest  was  removed."  This  is 
not  strictly  correct.     Cf.  Doc,  I.  117. 

^  Dated  on  December  31,  1638. 

^Doc,  I.  H6-117. 

^'Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640.  "  Das  Jagt  der  Vogel  Greiff  ist, 
wie  gestern  bericht  einkommen,  vor  8  oder  10  Tagen  zu  Gottenburg  gliicklich 
arriveret,  hat  seine  Reise  .  .  .  innerhall  5  wochen  vollbracht."  Extract  Schr.  von 
Fleming  an  Spiring  d.  8  Juni,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.;  loose  sheets  from  an  account  book 
(1639),  N.S.,  IL  (R.A.). 


The  harbor  of  Amsterdam,  where  some  of  the  Swedish  ships  on  their  way  to  and 
from  New  Sweden  anchored.     M.  H. 


The  disembarking  from  a  Swedish  ship.    From  Pufendorf 's  Hist,  du  Reg.  de  Charles  Gnsiave. 


Final  Preparations  and  First  Expedition.       119 

cost  of  the  expedition  had  now  reached  the  sum  of  about  46,000 
florins. •'^^  The  tobacco  was  to  be  sold  in  Sweden,  but  the  skins 
brought  over  on  the  Grip  were  sent  to  Holland  on  Fleming's 
order  to  be  sold  there  with  those  unloaded  from  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel.  The  pelts  from  the  cargo  of  the  latter  ship  were  sold 
by  Blommaert  as  follows: 

Florins. 

511  beaver  skins  for 4.505 

157  otter  skins  for   700 

43  bear  skins  for   712 

5,917 

and  the  cargo  of  Gripen  was  also  sold  by  him  as  follows : 

Flonns, 

1,258  beaver  skins  for   7,860:12 

1 57  otter  skins  for   605 

90  bear  skins  for   882 

Various  other  kinds  of  skins  for 162  :i  :8 

9,509:13:8" 

or  in  all  15,426:13:8  florins. 

There  were  several  expenses  connected  with  the  sales  and  the 
net  proceeds  were  14,590:14:8  florins.^^  This  sum  was  divided 
among  the  Dutch  members  of  the  company, ^^  while  the  tobacco 
was  to  be  the  share  of  the  Swedish  participants.  The  result  of 
the  undertaking,  however,  did  not  come  up  to  expectations,  but 
Blommaert  hoped  that  the  second  voyage  would  bring  larger 
returns.^'* 

^''The  cost  of  the  cargo  and  supplies  (exclusive  of  the  wages  of  the  sailors) 
was  28,527:14  D.  or  about  42,800  florins.     Journal,  no.  8. 

"  In  this  is  included  52  :i  :8  fl.  which  Blommaert  had  received  on  former 
occasions. 

^^  Or  8,754:14  D.     Journal,  no.  16. 

^'Odhner  says  (N.S.,  20,  note  3):  "We  have  not  found  it  stated  when  and 
in  what  manner  Blommaert  was  paid  for  his  special  expenses."  But  wc  see 
from  this  that  part  of  the  expenses  of  the  first  voyage  were  paid  by  the  return 
cargo,  and  the  capital  stock  owned  by  the  Dutch  was  later  bought  by  the  Swedes. 

*"  Blommaert's  letters  to  Oxenstierna. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

The  Second  Expedition,  i  639-1 640. 

In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1638  Fleming  began  to  make 
preparations  for  another  voyage,^  and  in  the  autumn,  when  some 
of  the  results  of  the  first  expedition  were  known,  he  proposed  to 
the  government  that  a  ship  called  Dufvan-  and  some  other 
vessels  should  be  used  for  the  expeditions.  On  September  7 
the  council  resolved  that  the  above-mentioned  ship  "  and  others 
which  were  suitable,  should  be  employed  for  the  benefit  of  the 
company."  Fleming  was  also  ordered  to  correspond  with 
Johan  le  Thor^  and  Blommaert  about  it,  and  request  them  to 
**  work  for  the  furtherance  of  the  aforesaid  shipping."^  About 
this  time  Fleming  wrote  to  Willem  Usselinx,  requesting  him 
to  repair  to  Stockholm,  as  the  members  of  the  company  there 
desired  to  confer  with  him  about  the  journeys  to  New  Sweden. 
But  the  great  projector  of  companies  was  detained  in  Germany, 
it  seems,  and  could  not  go.  Besides  he  thought  that  the  New 
Sweden  colony  would  not  be  a  great  success,  since,  as  far  as  he 
knew,  there  was  not  much  to  be  obtained  there  except  peltries 
and  tobacco.^ 

When  the  papers,  deeds  and  other  documents  from  New 
Sweden  arrived  at  Stockholm  Fleming's  enthusiasm  was  further 
kindled  and  the  preparations  for  a  new  expedition,  which  had 
rested  for  some  time,  were  at  once  renewed.    The  matter  was 

'  About  April  orders  were  given  that  the  Fama  or  the  Engel  from  Tellie  and 
Christina  should  be  repaired  so  that  they  could  make  commercial  voyages.  J. 
Beier  to  Klas  Fleming,  Stockholm  (before  April),  1638.  Ndgra  K.  Fleming 
papper  (R.A.). 

^  The  Dove,  Dufva.     The  n  is  the  Swedish  article. 

'Le  Thor,  factor  and  bookkeeper  of  De  Geer,  at  times  agent  of  the  Swedish 
government.     Rddspr.,  IV.,  etc. 

*Rddspr.,  VII.  305. 

"  Tobacco,  which  is  injurious  to  the  health  of  the  people,  he  says.  But  of. 
his  views  in  the  Argon.  Usselinx  to  Beier,  March  16,  1639.  Soderk.,  1624-45, 
Copy  in  Jameson  Mss.    Kernkamp,  Ziueed.  Arch.,  pp.  147-8. 

120 


The  Second  Expedition.  121 

also  brought  before  the  council.  Plans  for  populating  the 
colony  were  considered  and  it  was  decided  to  look  for  "  a  good 
manager  "  who  could  take  charge  of  the  work.  Fleming  pro- 
posed that  the  property  of  "  the  South  Company  "  should  either 
be  sold  or  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  New  Sweden  Company.^ 
He  had  spoken  with  the  magistrates  in  Stockholm  about  it  and 
requested  the  chancellor  to  do  the  same  with  the  magistrates  in 
Gothenburg.  The  chancellor  agreed  to  do  this  and  some  of  the 
capital  of  the  South  Company  was  used  the  following  year. 
It  was  also  suggested  by  Fleming  that  the  government  should 
buy  out  the  private  members  of  the  company  so  as  to  get  it 
under  the  control  of  the  Crown  and  it  was  undoubtedly  con- 
sidered In  the  council,  but  the  plan  fell  through." 

The  government  was  desirous  to  continue  the  work,  however, 
and  the  intention  was  to  have  the  new  expedition  ready  in 
March.  Captain  Cornells  van  Vllet  was  appointed  comman- 
der of  the  expedition  and  ordered  "  to  go  to  the  West  Indies 
on  board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  to  find  out  the  location  of  the 
country."  Van  Vliet  had  been  in  the  Swedish  service  for  about 
ten  years  and  Fleming  seems  to  have  placed  full  confidence  in 
him.s  "  The  Crown  and  Queen,"  says  his  Instruction,  "  having 
made  a  serious  resolution  not  only  to  continue  the  Virginian 
navigation,  but  to  carry  it  on  with  more  vigour  than  before  " 
and  desiring  a  more  complete  report  of  the  situation  of  the  new 
settlement,  ordered  Van  Vliet  to  explore  the  territory  occupied 
by  Minuit  and  give  a  full  account.  He  was  also  instructed  to 
learn  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants,  their  trade  and  occupa- 
tions, what  they  used  for  clothing,  and  what  articles  they 
needed;  he  should  also  observe  what  fisheries  there  were  and 
the  best  way  to  populate  the  country ;  and  lastly  he  was  to  fol- 
low Blommaert's  orders  and  receive  further  Information  from 
him  about  the  journey.^     He  was  also  ordered  to  hire  some 

'Thus  providing  additional  capital  of  about  60,000  or  70,000  R.D.  " Extr. 
Schr.  von  Am.  Fleming  an  Spiring,"  June  8,  1639,  Ox.  Saml. 

'Rddspr.,  VII.  485,  March  13,  1639;  Oxenstierna  to  Fleming,  March  i<;  i6?g. 
Ox.  Saml. 

^He  was  skipper  on  the  Looff  expedition  in  1632-1633.      Cf.  Chap.  IX,  above. 

/pa'T''^   ^'^^^'   ^'^''"^^'"^  ^'^^   ^^^Jf"  January  26,   1639.      ^m.  Reg.,   fol.   18 
(F.Ar.). 


122       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sailors  and  officers  in  Holland,  who  could  be  used  on  the 
journey.^ "^  Shortly  after  these  commissions  were  received  he 
went  to  Holland  on  the  ship  the  Engel  Gabriel,  being  ordered  to 
return  as  soon  as  possible. 

Spiring  had  been  requested  to  deliver  more  money  to  Blom- 
maert  and  to  inform  Fleming  of  what  progress  was  made.  He 
desired  a  report  of  the  expenses  and  other  items,  but  it  seems 
that  Blommaert  neglected  to  send  It,  causing  Spiring  to  suspect 
that  the  former  did  not  keep  proper  books.  The  matter  was 
reported  to  the  chancellor,  but  nothing  was  done  about  it. 
Money  for  the  Swedish  half  of  the  expenses  for  a  second  expe- 
dition were  gradually  delivered  to  Blommaert  through  Spiring 
and  orders  were  issued  for  the  buying  of  supplies.  Blommaert 
bought  a  new  cargo  for  about  6,000  florins  and  supplies  for 
about  the  same  sum,  having  been  instructed  by  Fleming  to  do 
so  several  times." 

As  the  goods  were  about  to  be  loaded  on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel, 
at  the  time  of  Vllet's  arrival  in  Amsterdam,  orders  were  re- 
ceived from  Spiring  that  the  ship  was  to  try  to  capture  "  a 
[certain]  person  on  his  way  to  Denmark,  who  was  In  the  em- 
ploy of  the  Emperor."^-  This  delayed  the  expedition  for  some 
time.  The  supplies  were  partly  consumed  before  the  vessel  set 
sail  and  when  the  ship  finally  arrived  In  Gothenburg  in  July 
they  were  exhausted.^  ^ 

In  the  meantime  Fleming  was  busy  making  preparations  in 
Sweden.     His  plan  was  to  send  a  large  expedition  to  the  Dela- 

^°  Already  on  January  3,  1639,  an  order  was  issued  "to  Van  Flijt  to  hire 
some  ship  captains  and  constaples  in  Holland."  Am.  Reg.,  January  3,  1639 
(F.A.). 

^^  Journal,  no.  9.      Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640. 

'^Jahan  le  Thor,  a  Swedish  agent  in  Holland,  also  aided  the  preparations  in 
various  ways.  Le  Tl.or  to  Fleming,  Oct.  4(?),  1638,  July,  1638;  August, 
1639  (K.A.).  Odhner  says  concerning  "the  person":  "None  other  can  hardly 
be  meant  than  Count  Kurtz,  who,  in  the  spring  of  1639,  intended  to  go  by  sea 
from  Hamburg  to  Denmark  and  Poland  in  order  to  establish  relations  with  these 
kingdoms.  But  Kurtz  went  on  board  a  Danish  man  of  war  and  hence  the  plan 
could  not  be  accomplished."      N.S.,  18-19. 

'*  Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640;  Fleming  to  Oxenstierna, 
June  8,  1639;  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1639,  Ox.  Saml. 


The  Second  Expedition.  123 

ware  in  the  summer  or  in  the  autumn  of  1639.  He  ordered  a 
certain  ship,  bought  by  the  city  of  Norrkoping,  to  be  rebuilt  at 
Vastervik,  so  that  it  could  be  put  into  a  condition  for  bringing 
over  "cattle  and  people"  and  he  further  proposed  to  the  gov- 
ernment that  the  old  ship  Arken  should  be  rebuilt  and  repaired 
and  used  on  the  journey.  He  thought  that  the  government 
ought  to  pay  for  the  cost  of  repairing  the  ships  and  the  com- 
pany would  then  furnish  the  provisions  and  other  necessary 
supplies.  Some  Dutch  ought  to  be  allowed  to  settle  in  New 
Sweden  so  that  the  land  might  be  speedily  peopled,  but  Swedish 
colonists  ought  to  be  secured  as  far  as  possible. 

On  February  28  a  memorial  was  sent  to  Marten  Augustins- 
son,  collector  of  customs  at  Gothenburg,  giving  instructions 
about  the  ships  that  were  soon  expected  to  return  from  New 
Sweden.  Money  should  be  supplied  from  the  custom  office  and 
kept  in  readiness  so  that  the  sailors  could  be  paid.  A  receipt 
should  be  given  by  Van  Vliet  and  the  sums  would  later  be 
repaid  by  the  company.^^ 

A  successor  to  Minuit  was  looked  for  and  Spiring  and  Usse- 
linx  were  requested  to  recommend  a  suitable  person  in  Holland. 
Spiring  did  his  best  to  find  one,  but  in  June,  1639,  he  wrote  th'at 
he  had  been  unsuccessful  and  Usselinx  reported  to  Beier  that 
he  "knew  of  no  one  whom  he  could  recommend. "^^  Fleming 
also  wrote  a  number  of  times  to  Spiring  that  he  "  should  secure 
...  a  capable  person  who  would  come  to  Gothenburg  and 
manage  the  West  Indian  trade  from  there  "  as  a  factor.^^  As  a 
result  of  Fleming's  efforts  Ttmon  van  Schotting  of  Gothenburg 

"Memorial,  etc.,  February  28,  1639;  copy  among  letters  from  Fleming  to 
Oxenstierna,  Ox.  Saml. 

"Fleming  to  Oxenstierna,  June  8,  1639;  Usselinx  to  J.  Beier,  March  16,  1639; 
Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  June  10,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.  Van  Vliet  can,  in  some 
respects,  be  looked  upon  as  a  successor  to  Minuit  before  his  removal  from  service, 
but  that  he  was  not  considered  as  such  by  Fleming  and  the  other  members  of 
the  company  is  clear  from  the  above  letter,  and  on  June  8,  1639,  Fleming  writes 
to  Oxenstierna  that  he  had  '  written  a  few  times  to  Mr.  Spiring  to  secure  .  .  . 
a  person  who  could  be  used  in  the  place  of  Minuit  in  the  West  Indies."  Van 
Vliet,  as  we  have  seen,  was  appointed  already  in  February.  Cf.  Odhner,  how- 
ever, N.S.,  p.  16-17. 

^*  Fleming  to  Oxenstierna,  June  8,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.,  "Extract  Schr.  von  Am. 
Fleming  an  Spiring"  d.  8.  Juni,  1639,  in  Ox.  Saml.  among  letters  from  P.  Spiring. 


124      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

was  secured  to  look  after  the  company's  business  at  this  place 
and  from  now  on  he  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  bills 
and  accounts  coming  from  there.  His  salary  was  to  begin  on 
January  i,  1639,  ^"^  in  1641  he  was  paid  150  R.D.  for  two 
years'  service.^  ^  Hans  Weis^^  was  also  engaged  to  help  to  pre- 
pare the  expedition  and  he  showed  great  interest  in  the  work. 

We  have  seen  that  Fleming  planned  to  send  over  a  large 
expedition  at  this  time,  but  it  could  not  be  done,  since  Blom- 
maert  was  unwilling  to  continue  and  the  other  Dutch  partici- 
pants at  first  refused  to  contribute  to  a  second  voyage. ^^  It  was 
decided  therefore  to  fit  out  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  only  and  send 
her  to  the  colony  immediately  upon  her  arrival  at  Gothenburg, 
but  even  this  became  impossible,  as  the  ship  returned  without 
necessary  supplies  and  was  hardly  able  to  reach  the  harbor.^^ 
During  the  preparations  Gripen  arrived  from  the  Delaware  and 
large  sums  of  money  had  to  be  paid  to  the  returning  officers  and 
men,  draining  the  treasury  of  the  company. 

When  Van  Vliet  arrived  at  Stockholm  in  June,  he  made  a 
report  of  his  work.  Fleming  "conferred  carefully  with  him 
about  everything  that  concerned  New  Sweden,"  and  ordered 
him  to  go  at  once  to  Gothenburg  to  take  charge  of  the  prepara- 
tions. On  July  8  Fleming,  in  the  name  of  the  Admiralty,  wrote 
to  Governor  Conrad  von  Falkenberg  to  collect  400  D.  in  his 
province^^  for  the  use  in  preparing  the  ship,^-  while  Hans  Weis 
and  Timon  van  Schotting  were  now  busy  preparing  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel  for  the  voyage.  Weis  hired  several  sailors  and  secured 
ammunition,  some  guns  and  other  articles  being  taken  from  the 

"  Journal,  no.  86. 

"Hans  Weis,  captain  in  the  Swedish  navy.  See  Rddspr.,  VHL  103  (July 
13,  1640)  ;  Weis'  letter  (no  date)  enclosed  in  one  of  Fleming's  letters  to 
Oxenstierna  for  1639. 

"Fleming  wrote  on  Le  Thor's  authority:  "at  Blomert  ingen  lust  hafuer  dett 
att  foorsattja,  antingen  han  intet  torss  for  det  Westindiskke  Compagniet,  derofver 
han  Direktor  ar,  eller  han  och  af  dhem  ofnertaalt  sin  mening  att  foranndra,  kann 
iagh  icke  weta."  To  Oxenstierna,  June  8,  1639;  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  July  29, 
1639;  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640,  Ox.  Saml. 

^Fleming  to  Oxenstierna,  June  8,  1639. 

^  Kalmarlan. 

'"Am.  Reg.,  July  8,  1639  (F.A.). 


,^f  .  X.<^«U£.^r.^>-^  \.4.«^U^^^^j,^_».   ^ 


r^L^^u. 


^yKy/.Ji^y'X, 


.'*^-7  wc^c^,  -Iw^f/Sz..,^^  ^.^^  J;2x 


f'^^^^-*y--A-^ — J 


Letter  from  Hans  Weis  to  Klas  Fleming,  August  10,  1640.     Preserved  in  Xdg.  KUis 
p-leming  papper  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware.        125 

Grip.^^  At  three  different  times  the  custom  officer,  Michel 
Vischer,  at  Gothenburg,  supplied  1500  R.D.  to  Schotting  from 
the  "  large  sea  toll  "  with  which  provisions  were  purchased.  The 
bailiff.  Mats  Andersson,  furnished  152  D.  in  cash;  about  three 
barrels  of  butter,  thirty  barrels^^  of  rye,  and  about  150  pounds 
of  cheese.  The  bailiff,  Jan  Larsson,^^  likewise  furnished  some 
cash  and  provisions,  and  Governor  Johan  Hindricksson-"  con- 
tributed oats  for  the  cattle  and  horses.  Over  2,978:38  R.D. 
were  spent  in  Gothenburg  on  supplies,  wages  for  the  men  and 
other  necessaries  before  the  ship  was  ready.^" 

During  the  preparations  a  storm  drove  a  Dutch  convoy 
against  the  Kalmar  Nyckel.  The  convoy  was  badly  damaged, 
but  the  Swedish  ship  escaped  without  injury.  She  broke  loose 
from  her  moorings,  however,  and  went  adrift  and  the  expedi- 
tion was  somewhat  delayed.-^  About  the  middle  of  August  the 
ship  was  almost  ready  and  Weis  wrote  that  Van  Vliet  "  did  his 
best "  in  making  final  arrangements. 

Great  efforts  to  gather  colonists  were  also  made.  As  early 
as  in  February  Marten  Augustinsson  was  instructed  to  look  for 
people  in  Gothenburg,  who  were  willing  to  go  to  New  Sweden. ^^ 
In  July  Fleming  requested  the  chancellor  to  instruct  Governor 
Hindricksson  in  Elfsborgs  lan^*^  to  secure  about  twenty-four 
young  men  to  garrison  the  fort,  as  it  was  advisable  that  the  fort 
be  manned  by  Swedish  people  only  and  the  others  be  sent  home, 
since  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  did  not  get  along  very  well.  Hin- 
dricksson was  to  be  especially  enjoined  upon  to  engage  some 

^Weis  to  Fleming,  July  8,  i8,  1639.  Ndgra  Klas  Fleming  papper  (R.A.)- 
Journal,  nos.  12,  13,  14. 

"^  Swedish  barrels,  see  above,  Chap.  VL 

^Both  Bailiffs  were  at  Gothenburg. 

^  Hindricksson  was  governor  of  Gothenburg  and  Elfsborgs  Ian. 

^"Hennes  Kong.  Maj.  och  Cron.  Reck,  medh  Sod.  Com."  (three  different 
copies)  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.)  ;  Journal,  nos.  9,  10,  11,  12,  13. 

^Hans  Weis  to  Fleming,  August  19,  1639  (K.A.).  Gripen  drifted  onto  a 
sandbank,  although  it  was  secured  by  two  anchors.  The  ballast  and  the  cannon 
were  brought  off  from  the  ship,  but  she  could  not  be  floated  "  before  a  west  wind 
arose."      Cf.  appendix  below. 

^Memorial  for  M.  Augustinsson,  February  28,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.,  among  letters 
from  Fleming. 

^A  district  in  Southwestern  Sweden. 


126      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

artisans,  such  as  blacksmiths,  shoemakers,  carpenters,  brick- 
layers and  others,  three  or  four  of  whom  ought  to  be  married, 
who  should  take  their  wives  along  to  cook,  make  beer  and  wash 
for  the  people. ^^  Hindricksson  tried  to  secure  colonists,  but  he 
did  not  succeed.  In  a  letter  of  July  24  to  the  government  he 
laments  the  fact,  but  proposes  a  plan  that  was  accepted  by  the 
Crown.  Occasionally  soldiers  would  desert  the  army  and  re- 
turn home.  Hindricksson  thought  a  proper  punishment  for 
some  of  these  deserters  and  others  who  had  committed  some 
slight  misdemeanor  would  be  to  send  them  to  America  with  their 
families.  Accordingly  the  government  instructed  Hindricksson 
on  August  7^^  to  capture  any  such  soldiers  that  were  found  in 
his  district  and  have  them  prepare  to  go  to  New  Sweden.  He 
was  advised  to  do  it  as  quietly  as  possible,  so  that  no  insurrec- 
tion or  tumult  would  arise.  A  similar  letter  was  sent  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  (August  8)  to  Olof  Stake,  governor  of  Varmland 
and  Dal,^^  the  two  governors  being  further  instructed  to  corre- 
spond with  one  another  about  the  affair.  The  soldiers  were  to 
be  sent  immediately  to  Gothenburg  to  be  in  readiness  for  depar- 
ture, as  soon  as  possible.  In  addition  to  the  suit  of  clothes  they 
had  already  received  from  the  governments^  each  was  to  be  sup- 
plied with  ten  Daler  copper  money,  and  in  one  or  two  years  they 
were  allowed  to  return,  if  they  so  desired.^^  Several  new  offi- 
cers were  also  sent  out  to  the  colony  on  this  expedition.     Peter 

^ "  Om  fordenskull  E.  Excell.  tacktes  skrifva  Landzhofdingen  Johan  Hind- 
richssen  till,  att  man  kunne  bekomma  antigen  af  landfolket  eller  Stadzsoldaterne 
der  i  Giotenborgh  till  tiugu  fyra  man  til  besettningh  i  Skantzenn,  som  wore  unge 
och  friska  karer  serdeles  at  man  upsokte  deribland  nagre  embetsmann  [sa]som 
smedh,  skomakare,  timmerman,  muurmastare.  .  .  .  Wore  och  gott  att  deribland 
wore  tree  eller  fyra  som  gifte  wore  och  wille  tagha  sine  hustrur  med  sig,  the 
ther  kunne  bryggja,  baka  och  twatta  at  folket."  Fleming  to  Oxenstierna,  July 
I,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^  There  is  some  doubt  in  my  mind  whether  my  copy  is  correct  or  not.  The 
date  is,  perhaps,  August  8. 

^  Varmland  and  Dal,  two  ancient  provinces  in  southwestern  Sweden,  bord- 
ering on  Norway. 

^  They  had  received  a  suit  of  clothes  from  the  government  when  they  were 
drafted,  it  seems. 

^Letter  to  Governor  Hindricksson,  August  7  (8?),  1639,  and  to  Governor 
Olof  Stake,  August  8,  1639,  R.R.  The  last  letter  is  printed  in  Hand.  ror.  Skan, 
Hist.,  XXIX.  210-212. 


Tidi)  palace  from  the  courtyard  (as  it  looks  to  day).     (H.) 


Reception  hall  in  Tido  palace.  (H.) 


The  Second  Expedition.  127 

Hollender  Ridder,^^  who  had  been  in  Swedish  service  for  some 
years,  was  appointed  commander  of  Fort  Christina.  An  in- 
struction was  given  to  him  by  Fleming  dated  July  i,  1639. 
Before  going  to  Gothenburg  he  was  sent  to  Oxenstierna  at  the 
Tido^^  to  obtain  further  orders.  "As  he,  on  behalf  of  our 
most  gracious  Queen,"  says  the  instruction,  "  has  been  accepted 
and  appointed  commander  of  Fort  Christina  in  New  Sweden 
to  rule  the  people  which  are  gathered  there  and  are  yet  to  be 
brought  over,  he  shall  be  under  obligation,  therefore,  to  work 
for  the  good  and  for  the  success  of  the  company  and  the 
Crown,  and  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  try  to  the  utmost  of  his 
ability  to  prevent  any  harm  or  calamity  from  befalling  any  of 
these  parties."  He  should  further  conduct  himself  according 
to  the  special  instruction  which  Captain  Cornelis  van  Vliet 
would  give  him,  as  the  latter  left  the  country,  and  the  people 
were  commanded  to  obey  all  orders  issued  by  him  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  commissioner  of  the  fort.^^  The  Rev.  Reorus 
Torkillus,  went  to  the  colony  with  this  expedition,  but  nothing 
is  known  concerning  his  appointment.^^  Gregorius  van  Dyck, 
whose  name  will  often  be  found  in  the  following  pages,  was  also 
among  the  passengers.  He  was  instructed  to  keep  a  journal 
and  make  a  report  upon  his  arrival  in  the  colony.  Joost  van 
Langdonk  was  sent  out  as  factor  to  take  the  place  of  Hendrick 
Huygen.^^ 

Hindricksson  and  Stake  were  undoubtedly  successful  in  their 
efforts  to  gather  deserted  soldiers  and  other  emigrants,  but  we 
do  not  know  to  what  extent  as  the  exact  number  of  colonists 

**  Cp.  below,  Ridder's  biography  and  the  index. 

^  A  castle  by  that  name  built  by  Oxenstierna  on  a  peninsula  in  Malarcn 
(Vastmanlandslan)  west  of  Stockholm. 

**  Ridder's  letter  to  Oxenstierna  (no  date  but  after  1644).  Inside  of  this  is  a 
copy  of  the  instructions  dated  July  i,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.;  Fleming  to  Oxenstierna, 
July  1,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.  The  instruction  was  given  "  unter  des  sehligen  Hern 
Herren  Claes  Fleramings  Hand  undt  Siegel."      (Ridder.) 

"That  Torkillus  came  here  with  this  expedition  is  certain.  He  died  in  1643 
and  it  was  then  stated  that  he  had  been  in  the  colony  for  four  years.  He  wrote 
to  Sweden,  when  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  returned  and  this  letter  was  read  in  the 
council,  July  21,  1640.     Rddspr.,  VIII.  130. 

"Van  Dyck  to  Fleming,  May  23,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.)  ;  bills  in  N.S.,  I. 
(K.A.),  signed  by  Langdonk. 


128       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sent  over  on  this  expedition  cannot  be  ascertained.  It  was  at 
first  planned  to  send  over  a  large  number  of  horses  and  cattle, 
but  as  the  colonists  had  no  fodder  it  was  later  on  not  thought 
advisable  before  the  following  spring.  "  Only  four  mares  and 
two  young  horses  and  a  number  of  farming  implements  are  now 
sent  over,"  says  Fleming,  "so  that  the  colonists  in  the  autumn 
can  make  a  trial  with  seeding."^^ 

Van  Vliet  did  not  do  his  duty  in  preparing  the  expedition, 
"  but  stayed  continually  in  his  lodgings  "  and  much  unnecessary 
time  was  consumed.  In  the  beginning  of  September,  however, 
the  ship  was  at  last  ready  and  set  sail  "  with  people,  horses, 
fodder  and  provisions."*^  In  the  North  Sea  she  sprang  a  leak 
and  had  to  be  brought  to  Medemblik  for  repairs.  Again  they 
went  to  sea,  but  it  was  soon  found  that  the  vessel  was  leaking 
and  they  were  compelled  to  return.  Spiring  was  informed  of 
the  circumstances  and  determined  to  go  to  Medemblik  in  per- 
son. The  ship  was  unloaded  and  two  master-carpenters  em- 
ployed to  make  necessary  repairs.*^  A  second  time  the  ship 
left  the  harbor,  but  when  she  arrived  at  Texel  she  was  leaking 
as  before.  She  was  now  brought  to  Amsterdam,  and  again 
Spiring  went  in  person  to  inspect  her.  It  was  found  that  the 
carpenters  at  Medemblik  had  not  done  their  work  properly. 
Repairs  were  again  made  and  extra  charges  were  incurred. 
The  captain  was  accused  of  fraud  and  of  disobeying  his  orders 
and  the  sailors  declared  "  that  they  would  go  neither  with  the 
ship  nor  the  captain."  An  examination  was  made  and  it  was 
discovered  that  he  had  sent  in  a  bill  for  two  barrels  of  butter 
which  were  not  in  the  ship.  He  had  also  charged  the  company 
for  two  barrels  of  herring,  which  were  also  not  on  board. 
Thirty-eight  barrels  of  beer  were  reported  as  bought  by  him  at 
Medemblik,  but  only  thirty-one  barrels  were  in  the  cargo.  The 
supply  was  short  of  a  great  many  other  articles.     Consequently 

"  Fleming  to  Oxenstlerna,  July  i,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.  "  Sendes  nu  allenast  fyra 
stodh  och  twa  unge  hastar,  samt  nagre  redskap  till  akerbriiiik  der  medh  the  i 
host  kunna  gora  sin  prof  medh  uthsade." 

"Blommaert  to  Oxenstlerna,  January  28,  1640,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Kernkamp, 
Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  179  ff. 

**  It  was  found  that  the  old  bolts  or  nails  were  rusted. 


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The  Second  Expedition.  129 

Spiring  removed  him  from  his  service,  appointing  Pouwel 
Jansen  to  fill  his  place,  and  hired  some  new  sailors,  who  were 
paid  two  months'  wages  in  advance.  Again  the  vessel  was 
ready  to  sail.  But  other  troubles  were  in  store  for  the  expedi- 
tion. A  great  sorm  swept  over  the  coast  on  December  27 
(n.s.)  and  delayed  the  sailing  for  some  timc*^  Thereby  the 
expenses  were  further  increased  and  the  total  cost  of  the  expe- 
dition reached  the  sum  of  15,840  D.  before  the  ship  went  to 
sea.^^  On  February  7,  however,  the  sails  were  spread.  The 
course  was  taken  through  the  English  Channel  and  from  there 
probably  direct  across  the  ocean.*® 

Fleming  and  Blommaert  were  unfortunate  in  the  selection  of 
the  ofUcers  for  this  expedition.  Joost  van  Langdonk*^  and  the 
skipper  were  particularly  complained  of  by  Van  Dyck.  The 
factor  cared  little  for  the  ship,  and  during  her  stay  in  Holland 
she  was  left  to  the  care  of  Van  Dyck  and  the  lieutenant,  who 
slept  in  the  vessel.  At  Texel  Van  Langdonk  intended  to  pawn 
a  flag  to  raise  money  for  buying  some  water,  but  Ridder  would 
not  allow  this,  and  raised  the  money  himself.  The  skipper  and 
factor  spent  their  time  on  the  voyage  in  smoking  and  drinking 
and  scolding  the  Swedes  and  Van  Dyck."*^  They  were  especially 
bitter  against  the  priest  and  the  Lutheran  religion,  forbidding 
Van  Dyck^^  to  attend  the  Swedish  service  and  when  the  Rev. 
Torkillus  was  ill  in  March,  they  refused  him  a  little  wine,  treat- 
ing him  in  the  most  disrespectful  manner.^"  The  skipper  and 
the  factor  managed  things  to  suit  themselves  and  took  no  coun- 

"  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640;  Ox.  Saml.;  Greg,  van  Dyck 
to  Fleming,  May,  23,  1640,  N.S.,  I    (K.A.). 

*^  Journal,  no.  15. 

**Van  Dyck  to  Fleming,  May  23   (n.s.),  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.). 

"  He  wrote  his  name  Joost,  see  facsimile. 

** "  Wat  wider  van  Schipper  ende  Comijs  gepasseert  is,  die  alle  avonts  met 
brandewijn  en  toebacksmelcander  geselschap  deden,  sal  Harmen  Willemse[n]  I. 
E.  G.  breder  mondelijnck  seggen."  Van  Dyck,  May  23  (n.s.),  1640,  N.S.,  I. 
(K.A.),  Ridder  to  Fleming,  May  13,  1640,  N.S.,  1    (K.A.). 

^  He  seems  to  have  been  a  Lutheran. 

^  "  Als  unsen  Predicant  quam  om  het  gebet  te  doen  Hep  hij  [the  skipper]  ende 
den  comijs  wech  .  .  .  offe  sij  den  duivel  sagen.  .  .  .  Als  den  17  Martij  cen 
Jonge  een  wenich  wijn  begeerde  voor  den  Prijster  die  sieck  was  .  .  .  schame  raij 
sijn  antwoort  te  schriuen."     Van  Dyck  to  Fleming,  May  23,  1640,  N.S.,  I  (K.A.). 


I30      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sel  with  the  other  officers.  The  discipline  was  poor  and  drunk- 
enness was  common,  the  steward  himself  being  intoxicated 
daily.  The  journey  was  rough  and  many  of  the  people  were 
sick,  but  the  ship  arrived  safely  in  New  Sweden  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  April,  1640. 

In  May  the  ship  was  ready  to  return  to  Europe  and  on  or 
shortly  after  May  14  she  set  sail  with  a  large  cargo.  She 
arrived  in  Gothenburg  about  the  beginning  of  July.  Here  she 
was  taken  under  the  command  of  Hans  Weis,  who  made  an 
inventory  of  the  goods,  placed  them  under  lock  and  key  and 
hired  six  of  the  Swedish  sailors  to  watch  the  ship  until  further 
orders  were  received  from  Fleming. ^^ 

Several  people  returned  from  the  colony  on  this  ship,  among 
whom  were  Hendrick  Huygen  and  Mans  Kling  and  these,  to- 
gether with  the  sailors  and  officers  on  the  vessel,  were  paid 
their  salaries  by  Van  Schotting  in  Gothenburg,  the  entire  sum 
2,434:33  D.,  including  some  expenses  on  the  ship,  being  raised 
through  a  draft  on  Johan  le  Thor,  who  in  turn  applied  the 
money  remaining  from  the  sale  of  the  ship,  Tiirturdufvan.^^ 
The  beaver  skins  and  other  cargo  were  brought  to  Stockholm  to 
be  sold  there.^^ 

"Ridder  to  Fleming,  May  13  (with  "memorial,"  May  14),  1640,  N.S.,  I 
(K.A.),  Ridder  to  Oxenstierna,  May  13,  1640,  Ox.  Saml.,  Van  Dyck  to  Fleming, 
May  23  (n.s.),  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).  Van  Dyck's  letter  to  Fleming  was  pre- 
sented in  Stockholm,  July  12.  Allowing  about  ten  days  for  it  to  go  from  Gothen- 
burg to  Stockholm  would  bring  us  to  the  beginning  of  the  month.  H.  Weis  to 
Fleming,  August  17,  1640,  Ndgra  K.  Fleming  papper  (R.A.). 

"^This  ship  had  been  sold  by  Le  Thor.  It  belonged  to  the  South  Company. 
The  sum  of  the  draft  was  2,769:26  D.  Journal,  nos.  18-19.  Some  extra  expenses 
for  provisions,  etc.,  are  also  recorded. 

^Journal,  nos.  17,  26,  27,  40. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

The  Company  Becomes  Entirely  Swedish. 

The  Dutch  members  would  have  withdrawn  from  the  com- 
pany even  when  the  first  expedition  returned,  if  they  could 
have  secured  their  capital  invested  in  the  undertaking,  and  they 
had  in  mind  to  seize  the  cargoes  of  the  returning  ships,  sell 
them  and  thus  obtain  their  money.  They  at  first  refused  to 
contribute  to  the  second  expedition.  Later,  however,  they 
agreed  to  pay  half  of  the  provisions  and  cargo  bought  in  Hol- 
land,^ but  they  would  not  pay  any  of  the  expenses  of  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel,  incurred  on  the  outward  voyage  in  the  winter  of  1639- 
1640.^  They  were  stockholders  in  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company  and  their  membership  in  the  Swedish  company  was 
becoming  uncomfortable  for  them,^  In  1640  an  agreement 
was  arrived  at  according  to  which  the  Swedish  members  should 
buy  them  out.  The  expenses  for  the  first  expedition  were 
divided  equally  between  the  "  Swedish  and  Dutch  participants  " 
and  the  Swedish  members  demanded  one  half  of  the  proceeds 
from  the  peltries  sold  by  Blommaert,  but  the  Dutch  stock- 
holders insisted  that  the  tobacco  lying  at  Gothenburg  would 
balance  this.'*  They  had  furnished  18,649  florins^  above  the 
proceeds  realized  on  the  sale  of  the  cargoes  of  the  first  voyage,, 
but  they  agreed  to  be  satisfied  with  18,000  florins  or  7,200* 
R.D.,  one  half  of  the  original  capital.  On  the  payment  of  this 
sum  they  would  relinquish  all  claims,  and  withdraw  from  the 
company.'^  In  February,  1641,  the  matter  was  discussed  in 
the  treasury  department  at  Stockholm.     "  His  excellency,  the 

^The  cost  was  13,064  florins  and  the  Dutch  members  furnished  one  half  or 
6,532  fl.     Journal,  no.  10. 
'  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XV. 

^Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  July  29   (?),  1639,  Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 
*  "  Die  Schvved.  Part,  in  d.  Flor.  Comp.,  1640,"  Soderk.,  1637-59    (R.A.). 
^Exactly  18,649:13:8,  Journal,  no.  20. 
"Journal,  nos.  20,  21   (1640),  20,  11,  41;  R.R.,  Feb.  20,  1641   (L.). 

131 


132      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

treasurer  {skattmdstaren) ,  said  that  the  government  had  found 
it  expedient  to  release  the  Dutch  participants  from  the  New 
Indian  or  Florida  Company,  since  they  are  a  hindrance  to 
us."^  On  the  same  day  Spiring  was  instructed  to  pay  the 
above  sum  to  the  Dutch  members,  which  was  done  in  the 
autumn  of  1641,  the  money  being  drawn  from  the  Dutch  sub- 
sidies. In  addition  to  the  18,000  florins  Spiring  was  obliged 
to  pay  2%  per  cent,  exchange,  making  the  entire  sum  7,398 
R.D.  or  18,495  florins.^ 

The  government  was  reimbursed  for  this  outlay  through  the 
sale  of  a  ship.  The  Black  Dog,  belonging  to  the  South-Ship 
Company,  although  there  seems  to  have  been  no  formal  decision 
in  the  matter.^  The  company  was  now  run  by  Swedish  capital 
and  it  was  entirely  reorganized. 

Blommaert,  although  no  longer  a  stockholder,  continued  to 
aid  the  expeditions  until  he  severed  his  connections  with  the 
Swedish  Crown,  and  Spiring  and  other  Swedish  agents  in  Hol- 
land served  the  company,  as  before,  in  various  capacities,  while 
new  officers  were  engaged  by  the  company  in  Sweden.  Some 
time  in  1640  Johan  Beier  was  appointed  treasurer  and  a  memo- 
rial was  given  to  him  by  Fleming,  defining  some  of  his  duties.^"^ 

In  the  late  summer  of  the  same  year  Benjamin  BonnelP^  was 
appointed  factor  of  the  company  and  a  memorial  was  given  to 

''  Kam.  Prot.,  February  20,  1641  (K.A.).  The  minutes  go  on  to  say  that 
"  Spiring  was  written  to  this  day  "  that  the  Crown  should  pay  6,000  R.D.  "  But 
the  rest  should  be  paid  through  orders  from  Claes  Fleming  .  .  .  about  which 
he  was  informed."  But  there  is  no  letter  in  Kam.  Kol.  Reg.  to  Spiring  for  Feb. 
20,  or  on  the  following  dates,  concerning  this  affair.  The  letter  of  Feb.  20,  1641, 
in  Kam.  Kol.  Reg.  has  reference  to  certain  goods  he  was  to  buy  in  Holland. 

*R.R.,  February  20,  1641;  Journal,  no.  91  ff. 

*The  ship  {Svarte  Hunden)  was  sold  October  10,  1640,  to  Daniel  Schlegel  in 
Stettin  for  9,500  R.D.  But  the  sails,  anchor,  etc.,  belonged  to  the  government 
and  these  were  valued  at  3,197:20  R.D.  Hence  6,302:28  R.D.  was  due  to  the 
South  Company  and  the  Crown  was  debited  with  that  sum,  leaving  the  company 
in  debt  to  the  government  to  the  amount  of  1095:  R.D.  "  Kongl.  Maj  :s  och 
Cron:s  Rech.  medh.  Sod.  Comp."  (1640-52),  Sdderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.).  In  the 
official  Journal  of  the  company  it  is  stated,  however,  that  the  ship  was  sold  for 
9,000  R.D.  and  that  sails,  etc.,  were  valued  at  3,000  R.D.,  leaving  6,000  R.D.  as 
the  part  due  the  company. 

'""Memorial  fur  den  Secretar.  Johan  Beijer  "  (in  eight  articles),  signed  by 
Fleming.      N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

"  See  biography  below  and  Index. 


Letter  from  J[ohan]  Beier  to  Axel  Oxenstierna,  August  18,  1647,  last  page. 
Preserved  in  O.r.  Sa>/iL  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


Dutch  Members  Withdraw  from  Company.     133 

him  in  November,  undoubtedly  drawn  up  by  Fleming. ^^  He 
was  to  have  a  salary  of  600  D.  a  year,  besides  traveling  ex- 
penses, and  his  duties  were  to  sell  all  cargoes  brought  from 
America  and  to  manage  the  company's  tobacco  trade  in  Swe- 
den.^^  In  January,  the  following  year,  Hans  Kramer  was 
engaged  as  bookkeeper  at  a  salary  of  400  D.  a  year,  and  now 
the  company  was  placed  on  a  business  basis.  Klas  Fleming 
remained  president  or  director. 

About  this  time  one  Robert  Smythe  (an  Englishman?)  had 
a  secret  interview  with  Oxenstierna,  during  which  he  observed 
that  the  chancellor  "was  a  lover  of  the  foreign  trade"  that 
had  been  established  in  America.  Smythe  offered  his  services 
for  the  furtherance  of  this  trade  as  well  as  its  extension  to 
Africa.  He  approached  Fleming  and  De  Geer  on  the  subject 
and  selected  thirty  Swedes,  who  were  willing  to  go  on  an  expedi- 
tion, among  whom  were  two  students  from  Upsala  and  two 
noblemen.  An  old  ship,  the  J  chillis, ^'^  was  to  be  hired  from  the 
government,  at  the  rate  of  one  hundred  R.D.  a  month  and  sent 
under  the  leadership  of  Smythe  to  Africa  and  America.  A  few 
months  later  he  presented  a  memorial  to  the  chancellor,  relat- 
ing the  above  facts  and  stating  his  plans.  Fleming  was  in  favor 
of  the  expedition,  but  on  the  condition  that  De  Geer  insure  the 
ship.  In  passing  Smythe  also  suggests  that  New  Sweden  could  be 
settled  by  foreign  people,  if  good  privileges,  freedom  from  duty 
for  some  years  and  religious  liberty  were  granted,  and  If  the 
chancellor  thought  him  fit,  he  would  gladly  lead  an  expedition 
thither.  He  also  laments  the  facts  that  he  is  in  prison  (prob- 
ably on  account  of  debt),  making  It  difficult  for  him  to  get  a 
hearing,  and  that  he  had  had  to  wait  for  an  answer  for  over 
four  months.  Nothing  seems  to  have  come  out  of  the  proposals, 
however,  but  one  of  his  suggestions  was  soon  to  be  carried  out 

"A  draft  or  copy  of  the  memorial  in  the  R.A.  is  dated  November  17,  1640, 
but  it  is  not  signed.  It  was  undoubtedly  sent  by  Fleming  to  the  chancellor  for 
his  inspection.  It  is  marked  "  Fr.  Tido-Saml."  and  once  belonged  to  the  Ox. 
Saml.     Cf.  Journal,  no.  24  ff. 

"Chap.  XIX.,  below;  Journal,  no.  100  ff. 

"The  ship  A  chillis.  Probably  the  Akilles  mentioned  by  Zettersten,  Sv.  flot. 
hist.,  II.  563.     This  was  a  ship  of  200  lasts  burden  and  carried  22  guns. 


134      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

— a  Dutch  Colony  was  about  to  be  planted  in  New  Sweden 
under  special  privileges.^^ 

"Robert  Smythe  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  no  date,  but  between  1638  and  1643.  Ox. 
Saml.  Smythe  was  a  merchant.  There  are  three  letters  from  him  to  Oxenstierna, 
two  written  from  Danzig  (1646,  1648)  and  one  from  Leipzig  (1649).  Ox.  Saml. 
(R.A.).  Robert  Smythe  was  perhaps  the  same  man  as  Robert  Smith,  who  had 
business  transactions  with  the  New  Sweden  Company.  Cf.  below,  pp.  235,  288, 
642.     Cf.  also  index. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

The  Utrecht  Colony  and  the  Third  Expedition, 

1639-1641. 

It  was  Minuit's  Intention  to  bring  over  colonists  to  New 
Sweden  from  his  home  province,  but  the  plan  died  with  him. 
A  similar  plan,  however,  originated  from  another  direction. 
"  Certain  people  in  Utrecht,  seeing  that  the  burdens  fell  heavier 
on  the  land  for  every  year  and  that  the  farmer  could  hardly 
meet  his  expenses,"  determined  to  go  to  New  Netherland,  but 
satisfactory  arrangements  with  the  Dutch  West  India  Company 
could  not  be  made.  It  was  then  decided  to  apply  for  permission 
to  settle  in  New  Sweden.  The  parties  were  aided  by  several 
influential  members  of  the  above-mentioned  company,  among 
whom  were  "  Godard  van  Reede,  the  Lord  of  Nederhorst"^ 
and  Hendrik  Hooghkamer.  In  the  beginning  of  1639  Blom- 
maert  wrote  to  Fleming  about  it  and  sent  a  "project"  (per- 
haps a  sort  of  charter  of  privileges).  Admiral  Fleming  was 
Interested  In  the  plan  and  seems  to  have  been  willing  to  grant 
the  request.  He  wrote  to  Oxenstlerna  and  desired  him  to  ex- 
press his  opinion  In  the  matter.  It  was  brought  before  the 
council  in  March,  but  it  was  thought  best  not  to  give  any  definite 
promises  at  that  time,  as  a  Dutch  migration  to  New  Sweden 
might  be  a  source  of  danger  to  the  colony  and  the  Swedish 
title,  especially  as  they  wished  to  settle  under  a  commander  of 

*  Godard  van  Reede,  Heer  van  der  Nederhorst  (or  his  son,  Gerard?)  was  one 
of  the  proprietors  of  a  colony  in  New  Netherland  on  the  Hudson.  Doc,  I.  190, 
411;  De  Vries,  Korte  Historiael,  165  ff.  Brodhead  (partly  following  O'Cal- 
laghan)  combines  two  names,  wrongly  speaking  of  van  der  Horst  as  Myndert 
Myndertsen  van  der  Horst,  which  in  turn  has  been  followed  in  Winsor's  Nar.  and 
Crit.  Hist.,  IV.,  p.  450.  The  district  Nederhorst  was  so  named  to  distinguish  it 
from  Hoogerhorst,  both  in  the  province  of  Utrecht.  Cf.  Van  Rensselaer  B.  Mss., 
p.  527;  Kernkamp,  Ziveed.  ArCh.,  p.  191.  For  a  biography  of  van  Reede  see 
Biog.  JVoordenb.  d.  Neder.  Van  Reede's  portrait  with  his  coat  of  arms  is 
reproduced  in  Arend,  III.  5,  p.  793. 


JD 


136      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

their  own.-  Certain  articles  were  later  drawn  up  by  Van  Reede 
and  sent  by  Spiring  to  the  chancellor  in  the  early  spring  of  the 
same  year,  but  they  remained  unanswered  for  some  time. 

In  July  "Herr  van  der  Horst^  with  S.  Blommaert"  visited 
Spiring  at  the  Hague  and  desired  to  know,  if  he  had  order  or 
commission  from  the  Swedish  government,  the  Swedish  mem- 
bers of  the  company  or  from  the  chancellor  to  conclude  the 
articles  which  had  been  presented,  for  he  wished  to  send  a  ship 
with  people  and  cattle  to  plant  a  colony  in  New  Sweden.  He 
was  informed  that  no  resolution  had  been  passed  in  the  matter 
by  the  government  and  "  it  could  not  be  resolved  upon  before 
the  Royal  Council  assembled,"  but  "  Van  der  Horst  with  part- 
ners" demanded  an  answer  in  six  weeks  or  they  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  affair,  and  on  July  23  (o.s.?)  van 
Reede  appeared  again  before  Spiring.  On  the  same  day 
Spiring  wrote  to  the  chancellor,  requesting  that  a  speedy  answer 
be  given,  for  otherwise  the  Dutch  might  withdraw  their  offers. 

The  question,  however,  was  allowed  to  rest.  In  June  Flem- 
ing wrote  to  Oxenstierna  "that  some  parties  in  Holland  ought 
to  be  allowed  to  settle  in  New  Sweden  so  that  the  country 
would  the  sooner  be  occupied,"  but  nothing  was  done  in  the 
matter  for  some  time.^  Van  Reede  made  further  efforts  to  ob- 
tain an  answer  to  his  propositions.  He  requested  Blommaert 
to  write  to  Sweden  about  the  undertaking,  and  the  latter  did  so 
several  times.^     This  led  to  some  result.     Johan  Beler  was  ap- 

"  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640;  Oxenstierna  to  Fleming, 
March  15,  1639.  Ox.  Saml.  (Concepter).  Cf.  Rddspr.,  VH.  485  (March  13, 
1639). 

'  Van  Reede. 

*  "  1st  diesen  Morgen  der  Herr  von  der  Horst  beij  mich  erschienen,  fraegendt 
ob  ich  von  der  Hochloblichen  Konigl.  Regierung,  oder  Ihr  Exeli.  die  H:n. 
Schwedische  Participanten  ordre  oder  Commission  hette  mit  ihm  die  getroffene 
Puncten  zu  schliesen,  dan  er  willens  wehre  ein  Schiff  mit  dem  ehrsten  mit  Volck, 
Viehe,  undt  die  Colonien  zu  pflantzen  gehorige  Sachen  nacher  New  Schweden  zu 
abzuschichen."  Spiring  to  Oxenstierna,  July  23,  1639,  Ox.  Saml.,  Spiring  to 
Oxenstierna,  July  23,  July  29  (?),  1639;  Fleming  to  Oxenstierna,  June  8,  1639, 
Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

"^Van  Reede  was  told  that  since  the  plague  was  raging  in  the  Swedish  capital 
it  was  not  possible  for  the  council  to  meet  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  have 
patience.     Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640,  Ox.  Saml. 


Utrecht  Colony  and  Third  Expedition.         137 

pointed  to  take  charge  of  the  negotiations.  He  should  corre- 
spond with  Blommaert  and  the  other  interested  parties  and  in- 
form them  of  the  situation.^  The  proposed  charter  was  doubt- 
less revised  and  returned  to  Spiring,  and  he  in  turn  made  other 
suggestions.  But  weeks  passed  and  no  arrangements  were 
arrived  at. 

In  the  autumn  the  persons  interested  in  the  scheme  deter- 
mined to  send  an  agent  to  Sweden  to  give  complete  information, 
and  to  try  to  come  to  a  final  decision.  Joost  van  den  Bogaert'^ 
was  selected  for  the  mission.  Spiring  wrote  to  Johan  Beier  in 
his  behalf  and  other  letters  were  doubtless  sent  with  him.  He 
arrived  at  Stockholm  towards  the  end  of  1639,  it  seems,  and 
from  there  he  went  to  Koping®  to  lay  his  commission  and  docu- 
ments before  Oxenstierna.®  He  undoubtedly  brought  with  him 
a  charter  and  other  papers  which  were  presented  to  Fleming  or 
Oxenstierna  who  in  turn  laid  them  before  the  council.  Van 
Bogaert's  presence  in  Sweden  had  the  desired  effect.  The  coun- 
cil, on  Oxenstierna's  and  Fleming's  initiative,  took  up  the  matter 
in  earnest.  The  privileges  that  were  requested  and  the  different 
articles  of  the  charter  were  discussed  and  several  changes  were 
made. 

The  charter  was  originally  made  out  to  Godard  van  Reede, 
Heer  van  der  Nederhorst.^*^  But  it  was  later  stated  that  his 
name  was  used  through  mistake  and  Spiring  was  requested  to 
inform  the  authorities  in  Sweden  that  his  name  should  be  with- 

'  Cf.  Blommaert  to  Oxenstierna,  January  28,  1640;  Ox.  Saml.,  "  Memoric," 
etc.  (1640),  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

'Written  Jost  von  Bogart  in  R.R.  (Lat.),  January  30,  1640,  fol.  8,  9;  but 
Jeost  van  den  Boogeardt  in  the  Memorial,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  In  a  letter  of  1640 
he  signs  his  name,  Joos  van  den  Bogaert.  I  have  adopted  this  spelling  with  the 
addition  of  a  /  in  Joost. 

*K6ping  (an  old  commercial  city)  almost  directly  west  of  Stockholm  on  the 
Kopingsa,  a  little  more  than  a  mile  above  its  entrance  into  Malaren.  The  city  is 
noted  as  the  place  where  the  great  chemist  Von  Scheele  lived  and  died. 

"Blommaert  writes  on  January  28,  1640:  "  I  have  learned  from  Sec.  Jan  Beier 
that  the  man  had  arrived  safely,"  and  "  since  then  I  have  heard  nothing  about 
it."  Hence  Beier's  letter  was  received  by  Blommaert  on  or  some  time  before 
January  28  (n.s.),  1640,  and  this  makes  it  certain  that  Van  den  Bogaert  arrived 
in  Sweden  before  January,  1640. 

^^  See  "  Memorie  "  and  Kernkamp,  Zi-eed.  Arch.,  p.  191. 


138       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

drawn  and  that  of  Hendrik  Hooghkamer  take  its  place. ^^ 
About  the  same  time  a  memorial  was  presented  to  Spiring  by 
Hooghkamer,  suggesting  the  above  change  and  requesting  a 
statement  about  the  location  of  the  colony.  It  was  at  first  pro- 
posed that  the  settlement  should  be  made  about  forty  miles^^ 
above  Fort  Christina  (or  about  ten  miles  above  present  Phila- 
delphia).^^ But  in  that  case  the  ships  of  the  colonists  would 
have  to  pass  Fort  Nassau  and  the  settlers  could  easily  be  cut  off 
from  the  Swedish  stronghold  and  be  left  to  the  mercy  of  the 
Dutch  or  English,  who  could  come  between  them  and  Fort 
Christina,  build  a  fortress  there  and  destroy  their  plans.  An 
answer  or  counter-memorial  was  drafted  later.  The  author  of 
these  Gegenbedenckeri^'^  to  the  memorial  (who  was  probably 
Spiring)  saw  no  danger  in  placing  the  colony  at  such  a  distance 
from  the  Swedish  fortress,  but  in  order  to  insure  its  safety  he 
proposed  that  "  Hooghkamer  and  his  consorts  should  be  allowed 
to  build  a  small  fortress  between  their  colony  and  Christina,  to 
be  garrisoned  by  soldiers,  supported  by  the  Swedish  govern- 
ment." 

A  copy  of  the  "memorial"  and  "counter-memorial"  was 
sent  to  Oxenstierna,^'"^  and  its  contents  were  probably  discussed  in 
the  council.   The  change  of  names  was  made,  but  instead  of  the 

"This  was  undoubtedly  done  in  the  late  autumn  of  1639,  for  on  January 
24,  1640,  the  change  was  known  in  Sweden.  Van  Reede  probably  withdrew  for 
political  reasons  and  on  account  of  his  connection  with  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company. 

"The  original  has  ten  miles. 

"  That  would  have  brought  them  to  about  present  Fitlers  or  Holmesburg  Junc- 
tion, about  ten  miles  above  Ft.  Casimir.  The  "  Memorie "  is  not  clear,  prob- 
ably due  to  the  mistakes  of  a  copyist.  It  states:  "  dat  indien  de  plaets  van  den 
participanten  thein  mylen  aen  de  Noordzyde  van  de  Suytrivier  genomen  raoet 
werden."  That  this  means  ten  miles  above  Fort  Christina  is  clear  from  the 
fact  that  the  colonists  "  would  have  to  pass  the  fort  of  the  [Dutch]  West  India 
Company  in  going  up  and  down  the  said  river "  from  their  settlement — Fort 
Nassau  lying  16  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware.  It  is  further 
corroborated  by  the  "  Gegenbedencken,"  which  says,  "  das  weil  sie  wegen 
lo-meiliger  Ablage  von  der  Fort  Christina  ihre  Einfart  der  Hollen.  Fort  gegen- 
iiber  hetten  und  die  allezeit  pasziren  musten,"  etc.  "  Memorie,"  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ; 
Kernkamp,  Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  189  S. 

"  Counter-considerations. 

"The  copy  in  N.S.,  L  (R.A.),  is  marked  "  Fr.  Tido.  Saml.,"  indicating  that  it 
once  belonged  to  A.  Oxenstierna's  collection. 


Utrecht  Colony  and  Third  Expedition.         139 

erection  of  a  fortress  the  Dutch  colonists  were  permitted  to 
locate  somewhat  nearer  Christina  than  was  at  first  suggested. 
The  charter  was  issued  by  the  government  on  January  24,  1640. 
It  was  decided  that  the  colony  should  be  placed  on  the  west 
side^^  of  the  South  River  at  least  "  four  or  five  common  Ger- 
man miles"  (about  twenty  English  miles),  above  Fort  Chris- 
tina.^''^  The  "patrons"  should  be  granted  as  much  land  as 
they  needed  for  their  settlement,  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  on 
the  condition  that  it  be  improved  within  ten  years.  If  the  lands 
chosen  at  first  were  not  satisfactory,  other  places  could  be 
selected  with  the  consent  of  the  Swedish  governor.  The 
"patrons,"  their  associates  and  their  posterity  should  enjoy  and 
possess  "forever  as  an  allodial  or  hereditary  property"  all 
fisheries,  woods,  minerals,  springs  and  other  natural  resources, 
as  well  as  "windmills  and  other  such  advantages  and  utilities, 
which  are  [already]  found  there  or  may  be  established." 
They  were  granted  the  right  to  establish  all  kinds  of  manufac- 
tories and  trades;  they  could  carry  on  commerce  and,  with 
ships  built  in  New  Sweden,  they  were  free  to  trade  in  the  West 
Indies,  on  the  coasts  of  Africa  and  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
They  were  assured  religious  liberty,  being  admonished,  how- 
ever, to  avoid  all  strife  and  unnecessary  disputes,  and  they 
were  under  obligation  to  support  as  many  ministers  of  the 
gospel  and  school-masters  as  the  number  of  the  Inhabitants 
made  necessary,  especially  such  persons  to  be  appointed,  who 
had  the  conversion  of  the  poor  pagans  to  Christianity  at 
heart.  Their  political  rights  as  well  as  their  relation  to  the 
Swedish  government  were  also  clearly  defined  in  the  charter. 
They  were  granted  the  authority  to  exercise  "  higher  and  lower 
justice  in  their  district,"  to  establish  and  issue  statutes  and 
ordinances,  to  appoint  magistrates  and  officers  and  to  "  use  the 

'*  "  On  the  north  side,"  Charter,  §  i. 

"Hazard,  p.  52  ff.,  has  a  poor  translation  of  this  charter  (also  in  Reg.  of 
Penn.,  IV.  178  ff.).  He  states  that  the  settlement  was  "  beloiv  Fori  Christina," 
p.  51.  The  mistake  has  been  repeated  by  other  historians — Winsor,  Nar. 
and  Crit.  Hist.,  IV.  450;  O'Callaghan  and  others.  Four  or  five  German  miles 
or  18  to  23  English  miles  would  bring  the  settlement  about  four  to  nine  miles 
beloiv  Philadelphia. 


140      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

titles  and  coat  of  arms  of  their  colony"  in  all  official  docu- 
ments, but  they  were  to  acknowledge  the  jurisdiction  and 
sovereignty  of  the  Swedish  Crown  and  of  the  governor  of  New 
Sweden  and  all  statutes  and  laws  passed  by  them  were  to  be 
approved  by  the  aforesaid  governor.  They  were  to  be  under 
the  protection  of  the  royal  government,  but  they  were  to  suffer 
no  encroachment  upon  their  liberties  by  the  same.  They  were 
to  pay  a  tax  of  three  florins  a  year  for  each  family,  as  an 
acknowledgment  of  Swedish  authority,  but  they  were  to  be  free 
for  ten  years  from  duties,  excises  and  all  other  contributions  in 
the  colony;  all  goods  sent  to  Sweden  (or  shipped  from  there  to 
the  colony)  or  other  parts  of  Europe,  however,  being  subject  to 
the  usual  duty.  After  the  period  of  ten  years  a  duty  of  five 
per  cent,  (or  more  if  necessary)  was  to  be  collected  on  all 
imports  and  exports  for  the  support  of  the  government  and  the 
defense  of  the  colony.  The  inhabitants  and  their  descendants 
were  never  to  be  pressed  into  military  service,  but  they  were 
expected  to  aid  in  defending  the  colony  against  attacks. 
Finally,  they  were  guaranteed  exemption  "  from  all  confisca- 
tions of  their  property,"  and  fines  that  were  imposed  for  various 
reasons  were  never  to  exceed  lOO  florins  or  40  R.D.,  but  the 
government  reserved  the  right  to  mete  out  "  all  other  kinds  of 

punishments    (than    fines)     according    to    the    nature    of    the 

offense."i8 

It  was  the  intention  of  the  "patrons"  to  send  over  "two  or 
three  ships  with  people,  cattle  and  other  things  belonging  to 
agriculture,"  so  as  to  establish  a  firm  settlement  which  was  later 
to  be  augmented  by  a  great  number  of  people,  and  on  January 
24  a  pass  was  issued  for  the  ship  Freedenburgh  to  sail  to 
America  under  the  command  of  skipper  Jacob  Powelsen,  a 
similar  pass  being  issued  for  two  other  vessels  on  the  same 
date.19 

""Octroij  und  Privilegium,"  etc.,  January  24,  1640,  R.R.  (Latin).  The 
copy  of  the  charter  in  R.R.  is  signed  by  G[abriel]  0[xenstierna]  G[ustafsson], 
J[acob]  D[e]  L[a]  G[ardie],  C[arl]  C[arlsson]  G[yllenhielm],  A[xel]  0[xen- 
stierna]    and  G[abriel]   0[xenstierna]   B[engtsson]. 

"January  24,  1640,  Octroy,  January  24,  1640,  R.R.   (R.A.). 


Utrecht  Colony  and  Third  Expedition.         141 

Joost  van  Bogaert  was  engaged  as  agent  in  New  Sweden  and 
on  January  30  a  commission  was  given  to  him  by  the  govern- 
ment. For  his  services  he  was  promised  500  florins  a  year  (or 
200  R.D.),  the  salary  to  begin  on  the  date  of  his  appointment 
and  to  be  paid  yearly  to  Bogaert's  representatives  in  Holland 
by  Spiring  or  other  servants  of  the  Swedish  government.  If 
his  services  and  devotion  to  the  interest  of  the  colony  and  the 
company  warranted  it,  his  salary  would  be  raised  to  1,000 
florins  or  more.^*^  On  the  same  day  he  signed  a  bond  or  obliga- 
tion promising  to  fulfill  his  duties  to  the  best  of  his  ability.-^ 
A  letter  was  also  written  to  Peter  Hollender  Ridder,  recom- 
mending the  colonists  to  his  favor  and  requesting  him  to  receive 
them  kindly,  and  on  February  i  a  letter  was  also  written  to 
Spiring  about  the  matter.  With  these  documents  Bogaert 
left  Sweden  in  the  early  spring  of  1640  for  Holland  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Spiring  at  the  Hague,  into  whose  hands  the  papers 
were  delivered. ^^  All  original  letters  and  papers  were  also  in- 
cluded and  a  draft  of  an  obligation  to  be  signed  by  the 
"patrons"  was  enclosed.  Spiring  was  requested  to  go  through 
the  papers  and  make  any  corrections  he  saw  fit,  but  he  was  ad- 
vised not  to  delay  the  expedition  on  account  of  these  changes 
or  on  account  of  any  differences  that  may  arise. -^  These  instruc- 
tions were  undoubtedly  carried  out.  The  "  obligation  "  and 
other  papers  were  revised  and  signed  and  other  necessary 
arrangements  were  made. 

"°  R.R.  (L.),  January  30,  1640,  "  Dass  wir  ihm  darauff  fiir  solche  seine  iiber- 
nohmmene  miihewaltung  zu  einen  jahrlichnen  Tractaraent  von  dato  dieses 
anzurechnen  verordtnet  und  bewilliget  haben  fiinffhundert  Keyssers  Gulden  oder 
zwijhundert  Reichsthlr.  welche  500  fl.  oder  200  Rthlr.  auch  jahrlich  in  Hollandt 
durch  den  Residenten  Spiring  oder  andere  unsere  Bediente  ...  an  seine  hirzu 
gevollmechtigte,  richtig  und  unfehlbahr  erleget  werden  sollen  ..."  Hazard 
has  a  poor  translation  on  p.  55  ff.  He  makes  the  increase  only  icx>  florins.  The 
original  has  "  dass  obbeschriebenes  sein  jahrl.  Salarium  vermehret  und  auff 
tausend  Keyssers  gulden  gerechnet."     R.R.  (L.),  January  30,  1640,  R.R.,  fol.  9. 

^  Bogarts  Revers,  R.R.,  January  30,  1640,  fol.  9   (R.A.). 

^  He  arrived  in  Holland  about  or  a  little  before  March  14  (n.s.),  1640,  for 
the  resolution  "  forbidding  navigation  in  the  Sound "  was  passed  on  that  date 
and  Bogeart  says  that  as  soon  as  the  privileges  were  brought  back  by  him  this 
resolution  was  published.  Aitzema,  V.  81 ;  Bogaert  to  Beier,  Julv  20,  1640, 
N.S.,  I.   (K.A.). 

^"An  Resid.  Peter  Spiring,"  etc.,  Feb.  i,  1640,  R.R.  (L.),  fol.  13-14. 


142       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

But  the  expedition  was  delayed.  In  the  first  place  inter- 
national difficulties  arose.  On  March  14  (n.s.)  a  resolution 
was  passed  by  the  States  General,  forbidding  Dutch  vessels  to 
sail  to  the  Baltic  ports  and  to  Norway,  except  to  certain  harbors 
in  Holstein  and  to  Gothenburg.  Hollanders  were  prohibited 
from  engaging  in  the  service  of  foreign  powers  and  severe 
punishments  were  prescribed  for  the  breaking  of  these  orders. ^^ 
This  made  it  impossible  for  Bogaert  to  carry  out  his  commission 
and  other  Hollanders,  who  were  engaged  to  bring  over  the  ship 
Freedenhtirgh,  likewise  hesitated  to  proceed.  But  Peter  Spiring 
applied  to  the  States  General  for  permission  to  equip  a  ship  in 
Holland  for  the  Swedish  Crown  and  he  undoubtedly  also  en- 
deavored to  obtain  permission  for  Hollanders  to  engage  in 
Swedish  service.^"  The  relations  between  Denmark  and  the 
States  General  were  becoming  strained  and  the  latter  power 
made  approaches  to  Sweden. ^^  Splring's  memorials  were  there- 
fore treated  with  much  respect  and  his  request  seems  to  have 
been  granted. 

But  there  were  other  circumstances  which  occasioned  delay. 
The  Dutch  West  India  Company,  being  Informed  of  the 
Utrecht  plan,  endeavored  to  frustrate  It  without  offending  the 
Swedish  government.  A  report  was  circulated  that  the  garrison 
at  Fort  Christina  had  deserted  the  stronghold  on  account  of 
want  of  sustenance  and  repaired  to  New  Amsterdam.  Later 
it  was  reported  that  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  had  been  captured  by 
the  Turks  on  its  second  voyage.     Finally  letters  arrived  from 

^  This  policy,  if  carried  out,  would  have  been  a  hard  blow  to  Sweden,  in 
whose  service  hundreds  of  Hollanders  were  employed  and  we  find  that  the 
government  took  immediate  steps  to  remedy  the  matter.  A  letter  was  written 
to  Fleming,  April  3,  1640,  stating  that  the  resolution  of  the  States  General  had 
been  received.  Plans  were  to  be  made  by  which  the  Swedes  could  "  secure  their 
own  ships  and  sailors,  which  in  this  case,  will  serve  to  continue  the  navigation." 
Fleming  was  further  instructed  to  present  the  government's  proposition  to  the 
magistrates  of  Stockholm  and  enjoin  them  to  prepare  ships  which  could  be  sent  to 
"  Holland    and   other   foreign    places."      Letter   to   Fleming,   April    3,    1640,   R.R. 

(R.A.). 

^  Vriesland  did  not  join  in  the  resolution  and  it  is  therefore  probable  that 
persons  from  this  province  had  a  right  to  enter  foreign  service.  See  Aitzema, 
V.  81. 

^  See  Arend,  V.  3,  p.  212  if. 


MiBm 


ki^ 


Utrecht  Colony  and  Third  Expedition.         143 

Governor  Kieft  stating  that  he  had  made  an  agreement  with  the 
Swedes  that  if  no  assistance  arrived  within  two  months  from 
April  4,  1640,  they  would  leave  the  fort  and  be  transported  to 
Holland  on  the  ships  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. ^^ 
Another  obstacle  was  the  charter  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  According  to  the  first  article  of  this  document 
nobody  was  allowed  to  sail  to  or  trade  within  the  limits  of  New 
Holland  on  pain  of  confiscation  of  property  and  goods.  Dutch 
skippers  were  therefore  unwilling  to  let  their  ships  for  fear  that 
they  would  be  confiscated.  The  Dutch  West  India  Company 
excepted  the  region  surrounding  Fort  Christina,  however,  out 
of  respect  for  Sweden,  but  "those  who  settled  on  other  places 
of  the  South  River  outside  of  Minquas  Kill  should  be  treated 
as  tresspassers  of  the  Octroy,  and  not  only  have  their  ships  and 
goods  confiscated,  but  they  would  also  be  prosecuted.  ..." 
These  circumstances  naturally  caused  delay  and  uneasiness. 
Bogaert  proposed  that  Sweden  should  send  a  warship  of  340 
tons  burden  to  the  colony  to  guard  the  rights  of  Sweden.  Cer- 
tain knowledge  had  also  been  gained  by  the  "  patrons  "  that  the 
English,  who  had  been  granted  land  on  the  South  River  by 
their  king,  might  settle  on  "  the  south  [east]  side  of  the  river;" 
therefore  it  was  proposed  that  the  Swedish  government  should 
build  a  fort  on  Cape  Henlopen  and  that  a  few  colonists  be 
settled  at  the  Horn  KilP^  and  Swanendael,  where  there  was  a 
dilapidated  fort.  But  it  was  necessary  that  Samuel  Blommaert 
should  know  nothing  about  it,  until  the  place  had  been  occupied, 
so  that  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  would  not  be  in- 
formed.^^ 

The  original  plans  were  modified  before  final  arrangements 
were  made  and  only  one  ship  was  to  be  sent.  The  "patrons" 
Incurred  great  expenses  through  the  delay.  A  ship  carrying 
25  cannon  had  been  prepared  and  about  50  colonists  were  to  be 
sent  over.    These  had  to  be  fed  and  the  salaries  of  the  sailors 

"  Bogaert  to  Beier,  July  20,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.)  ;  cf.  Doc,  I.  592-3  ;  Hazard, 
p.  50  ff.,  and  below,  chap.  XXII. 
^  Bogaert  writes  Hocren  Kil. 
=*  Bogaert  to  Beier,  July  20,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.). 


144      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

paid.  On  July  20  (n.s.?),  1640,  however,  Bogaert  writes 
that  he  had  in  mind  to  leave  in  eight  days  or  as  soon  as  there 
was  a  favorable  wind,  and  it  is  likely  that  he  set  sail  towards 
the  end  of  July  or  in  the  beginning  of  August.  Of  the  voyage 
across  the  ocean  we  know  nothing,  but  the  ship  arrived  safely  in 
New  Sweden  on  the  second  of  November  the  same  year.^*^ 
The  ship  left  the  colony  about  December  3.^^  It  carried  737 
beaver  skins,  29  bear  skins  and  a  small  number  of  other  skins, 
all  belonging  to  the  New  Sweden  Company.^^  The  skins  were 
sold  in  Amsterdam  by  one  Jacque  de  la  Mijne  for  5,360  florins. 
This  money,  after  de  la  Mijne's  commission  (of  467  :8  florins) 
had  been  deducted,  was  turned  over  to  Peter  Spiring  and  used 
for  buying  new  supplies.""  It  is  not  known  whether  or  not  the 
ship  brought  back  a  cargo  of  tobacco  or  other  goods  for  the 
"patrons." 

^Bogaert  to  Beier,  July  20,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.)  ;  Ridder  to  Oxenstierna, 
December  3,  1640,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^'"  On  December  3  Ridder  wrote  to  Oxenstierna  and  the  letter  was  undoubtedly 
sent  to  Europe  with  this  ship. 

^  I  have  not  found  it  expressly  stated  in  the  documents  that  these  skins  were 
brought  to  Holland  in  the  Dutch  ships,  but  the  journal  says:  "  Umb  das 
Nachstehende  Pelltereijen  sein  in  Ao.  1641  aus  Nova  Svecia  in  Holland  ange- 
kommen  "   {Journal,  no.  65)   and  no  other  ship  came  from  New  Sweden  in  1641. 

^Journal,  no.  65.    The  net  proceeds  were  4,892:12  florins  or  2,935:18  D.  s.m. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

The  Fourth  Expedition,   i 641-1642. 

In  the  meantime  activities  were  begun  for  a  new  voyage  from 
Sweden.  We  have  already  seen  that  money  belonging  to  the 
old  South  Company  was  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  New  Sweden 
Company.  A  ship  called  the  Tiirturdufva,^  belonging  to  the 
South-Ship  Company  was  sold  in  Holland  by  Le  Thor.  Later 
he  was  ordered  by  Fleming  to  use  some  of  the  proceeds  for 
buying  a  cargo  for  a  new  expedition  to  the  Delaware.  Accord- 
ingly he  bought  several  "  cases  of  cloth  "  for  4,047  :2  :8  florins. 
Major  Richard  Clerk  was  also  commissioned  to  buy  goods  for 
the  journey  and  through  his  efforts  merchandise  for  3,299:2 
florins  was  purchased.  Hendrick  Huygen,  who  decided  to 
return  to  New  Sweden,  was  sent  to  Holland  at  the  company's 
expense,  where  he  purchased  large  quantities  of  supplies  and 
hired  some  of  the  crew  for  the  ship.  He  was  assisted  by  Le 
Thor  and  money,  probably  raised  through  the  sale  of  tobacco 
and  skins  in  Sweden,  was  furnished  him  by  Spiring.  Part  of 
the  cargo  and  supplies,  being  ready  In  November,  were  Insured 
by  Jacque  de  la  Meijne  and  sent  to  Gothenburg.- 

The  government,  taking  a  lively  interest  In  the  preparations, 
urged  Fleming  to  make  ready  "two  [ships]  which  could  sail 
between  Virginia  or  New  Sweden  and  Gothenburg"  and  re- 
quested him  to  report  the  condition  of  the  ships  that  were 
available  for  commercial  voyages  and  trips  to  the  South  River. 
But  it  was  found  that  most  of  the  ships  that  had  been  mentioned 

^ "  The  Turtle-dove."  Another  ship,  "  Neptunes,"  belonging  to  the  South- 
Ship  Company  was  also  sold  in  Holland  in  1640  by  Le  Thor  and  Blommaert  Le 
Thor  to  Fleming,  February  2,  1640  (K.A.). 

^"Clerks  Rechning,"  etc.,  1640,  Soderkomp.,  1637-59  (R.A.)  ;  Journal,  nos.  22, 
53,  54,  62,  84,  94,  96,  122,  123.  "  Der  Dritte  Viaglo,"  etc.,  Soderkomp.,  1637-59 
(R.A.). 

II  145 


146      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

were  old  and  unfit  for  a  long  sea  voyage  and  it  is  doubtful  that 
they  could  have  been  repaired  in  any  case.^ 

The  Kahnar  Nyckel  brought  letters,  journals  and  reports 
from  New  Sweden^  which  arrived  in  Stockholm  on  July  1 2  and 
a  few  days  later  Huygen  made  an  oral  report  of  the  conditions 
of  the  country.  These  things  naturally  tended  to  increase  the 
interest  in  the  work  and  hurry  on  the  preparations  for  the  new 
expedition.  It  is  likely  that  the  letters  and  reports  of  Ridder 
and  Van  Dyck,  urging  the  necessity  of  sending  colonists,  cattle 
and  new  supplies  to  Christina  at  the  earliest  date,  were  read  in 
the  council  chamber  on  the  day  after  their  arrival,  for  "  it  was 
ordered  that  a  letter  should  be  made  to  Johan  Hindricksson, 
governor  of  Gothenburg,  to  the  effect  that,  since  the  Crown's 
ship  had  returned  from  Nova  Svecia  in  India  with  a  safe 
voyage,  and  [since]  H[er]  R[oyal]  Maj[esty]  intended 
further  to  continue  the  same  trade  to  India,  the  governor  was 
to  be  commanded  to  endeavor  to  collect  people,  with  wives  and 
children,  cattle  and  horses  and  all  goods  and  prevail  upon  them 
to  go  to  that  country."^    The  letter  was  written  the  same  day 

^  In  a  note  on  page  25  of  his  Nya  Sverige  Odhner  says:  "It  is  probable  that 
the  intended  expedition,  which  is  spoken  of  in  the  letters  of  the  government  to 
Fleming,  April  13  and  28,  1640  ["  the  ships  that  go  to  New  Sweden,  which  should 
be  well  preserved  and  commanded  by  Johan  Dufva,"  "  the  5  ships,  which  go  to 
Virginia  "],  did  not  take  place.  As  far  as  I  can  find  there  was  no  intention 
to  send  "  five  ships  to  Virginia  or  New  Sweden  under  the  command  of  Johan 
Dufva."  The  government  decided  to  send  "  four  .  .  .  good  ships  to  Gothenburg 
and  .  .  .  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  made  entirely  ready,  as  well  as  tivo 
others  vj/tich  can  go  betiveen  Virginia  or  Neiv  Siveden  and  Gothenburg."  Flem- 
ing was  ordered  to  prepare  these  ships  and  appoint  some  good  captain,  "  of  sense, 
boldness  and  courage  who  could  command  these  six  ships."  The  six  ships  should 
be  sent  to  Holland  to  carry  merchandise  there.  It  seems  that  one  Bielckenstjarna 
was  at  first  proposed  as  commander  of  the  expedition.  But  Johan  Dufva  was 
found  to  be  "  of  better  experience."  One  of  the  ships  mentioned  in  the  list  was 
to  go  to  Holland  "  on  a  trial  journey."  If  it  proved  good  it  would  be  sent  to 
New  Sweden.  See  R.R.,  April  3,  April  13,  April  14,  April  28,  1640,  fol.  405  ff., 
fol.  423  fl.,  fol.  483  ff.      Fleming's  report  was  made  on  April  21,  1640. 

*  Ridder's  letters  to  Oxenstierna  and  to  Fleming  of  May  13  and  Van  Dyck's 
of  May  23  (n.s.),  together  with  Van  Dyck's  Journal  and  other  documents  were 
sent  over  on  the  ship. 

'"Memorial,"  May  14,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.)  ;  Rddspr.,  VIII.  102  (July  13, 
1640).  The  Swedish  is  condensed  and  difficult  to  translate  "  Befaltes  Stathal- 
laren  att  vinlaggia  sig  ther  om  att  sammanlocka  folk  med  hester  och  alt  bod, 
them  disponera  att  the  och  ville  till  samme  landzort  sig  begiffva." 


The  Fourth  Expedition.  147 

(July  13),  embodying  the  above  instructions.  The  govern- 
ment had  hopes  that  "  New  Sweden  would  in  time  redound  to 
the  service  and  honor  of  the  Swedish  Crown  and  to  the  pros- 
perity and  improvement  of  its  citizens."  Special  privileges 
would  be  granted  in  the  colony,  if  that  would  induce  settlers 
to  migrate  and  for  the  greater  success  of  the  plan  Hindricksson 
was  requested  to  consult  with  Timon  Roloffsson  in  Gothenburg 
and  get  his  views  about  it.^ 

But  other  measures  were  also  taken  to  secure  colonists.  In 
the  previous  century,  especially  during  and  after  the  "  club- 
war"  of  1596-1597,^  a  large  number  of  Finns  had  migrated 
to  northern  and  central  Sweden.  Prince  Carl,  later  Charles 
IX.,  encouraged  these  migrations,  giving  the  Finns  many  privi- 
leges in  his  province  and  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  also  well 
disposed  towards  them.^  These  immigrants  cleared  the  forests 
by  burning  the  trees  and  sowed  the  grain  in  the  ashes.  They 
were  encouraged  by  Prince  Carl  to  do  so,  and  for  years  this 
method  was  employed.*^  But  their  promiscuous  burning  and 
destruction  of  the  forests  soon  lost  favor  with  the  authorities 
and  complaints  were  made  against  them,  during  the  last  years 
of  the  reign  of  Gustavus  Adolphus.^*'  Their  methods  of  hunt- 
ing, also  tended  to  bring  them  into  disrepute  with  the  govern- 
ment officials.  In  1608  an  ordinance  was  published  concerning 
hunting,  prescribing  a  fine  of  40  marks  (for  the  first  offense) 
for  the  shooting  of  a  deer  or  elk;  for  the  second  offense  the  fine 
was  doubled  and  capital  punishment  was  inflicted  for  the  third 
offense.^  ^  But  the  Finns,  living  far  from  civihzation,  cared 
little  for  law  and  order  and  paid  no  attention  to  any  of  these 

*  Letter  to  Johan  Hindricksson,  July  13,  1640,  R.R.,  fol.  673   (R.A.)- 
'Concerning  this  struggle,  caused  by  Clas  E.  Fleming  (not  the  admiral),  see 

Nordisk  Familjebok,  VIII.  pp.  902-3,  and  Yrjo  Koskinen,  Finlands  Historia,  I. 
169  ff.,  especially  175  ff. 

*  See  Nordmann,  p.  8  ff.,  19  ff.,  and  Almquist,  Uddeholmsverhen,  p.  64  ff. 

*  Nordmann,  p.  41  ff.  For  this  method  of  agriculture  see  below,  Chap. 
XLII. 

"  Nordmann,  44  ff. 
"  Nordmann,  64-65. 


148       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

ordinances. ^^  During  the  Thirty  Years'  War  large  numbers 
left  their  native  country  to  escape  conscription,  and  went  to 
Sweden,  where  they  continued  the  practise  of  their  predeces- 
sors. They  burned  the  forests,  shot  elks  for  their  hides  only, 
allowing  the  bodies  to  lie  and  rot,  and  committed  other  crimes 
against  existing  laws.  They  were  difficult  to  reach,  since  they 
moved  about  and  had  no  permanent  home.  As  their  numbers 
increased,  the  complaints  against  them  became  more  numerous. 
From  1636  on,  they  were  the  subject  of  many  ordinances  and 
harsh  treatment  was  often  dealt  out  to  them.^^  In  the  autumn 
of  1636  an  order  was  issued  commanding  all  "Finnish  va- 
grants "  to  leave  Sweden  and  return  to  Finland  before  the 
Walpurgis  night  of  1637  on  pain  of  being  put  in  irons  and 
kept  to  work  on  the  government's  castles  and  farms.  Some  of 
these  Finns,  who  could  give  bonds  and  prove  that  they  were 
honest  and  industrious,  were  given  farms  and  allowed  to  settle 
in  the  country,  "  but  the  wanderers  and  unsettled  ones  must 
return  home."^^ 

In  1640  Governor  Gustaf  Lejonhufvud^^  wrote  to  the  gov- 
ernment that  there  were  a  number  of  such  vagrant  Finns  in  his 
district^^  that  could  not  be  entrusted  with  uncultivated  farms, ^^ 

" "  Ett  stort  misbruk   skeer  esomofftast   medh   Finnerne   i   Finnemarken  .  .  . 
man   ma    nagot   skarpare   med    dem   procedera   an    till    pennlngeboter   alena,    ty 
penninger   achta    de    foga.  ..."    Gust.   Lejonhufvud    till    A.    Oxenstierna.      A. 
Oxenstiernas  Skrifter,  2,  XL  317. 

"  Nordmann,  45  ff.  There  are  instances  on  record  when  their  homes  were 
burnt  and  other  uncivil  treatment  accorded  them.  There  were  even  suggestions 
of  killing  them  off  entirely.  The  reasons  for  the  migrations  of  the  Films  to 
Sweden  were  many:  (i)  Economic,  {2)  political,  (3)  (Stiernman,  11.  55  ff.),  (4) 
desire  to  escape  conscription,  civil  strife  and  the  laying  waste  of  parts  of  Finland 
by  Russian  bands.  Cf.  Nordmann,  p.  i  ff. ;  Almquist,  64  ff.  They  lived  in 
Sweden  very  much  as  they  did  in  Finland  and  we  may  assume  that  they  brought 
some  of  their  customs  with  them  to  America.    Cf.  below.  Chap.  XXXHL 

For  further  literature  concerning  the  Finns  and  their  persecution  in  Sweden 
see  Erik  Fernow,  Beskr.  ofver  Farmland,  and  Nordmann's  references.  As 
to  the  districts  in  Sweden  where  the  Finns  settled  see  Nordmann,  Appendix  IL 
and  in. 

"Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  II.  55  ff. 

"  He  was  governor  of  Orebro,  an  inland  town  west  of  Stockholm. 

^®The  district  of  Nerike,  in  south-central  Sweden,  over  which  Lejonhufund 
was  also  governor. 

"  During  this  period  a  large  number  of  "  odeshemman,"  as  these  farms  were 
called,  were  found  throughout  Sweden.      See  Sillen,  IV.  p.  84  ff. 


5  ^ 


The  Fourth  Expedition.  149 

and  he  desired  to  know  what  to  do  with  them.  His  letter 
arrived  as  the  preparations  for  sending  a  new  expedition  to  the 
Delaware  were  in  progress  and  as  efforts  were  made  to  secure 
colonists,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  July  the  government  answered 
his  missive,  instructing  him  to  endeavor  to  persuade  such  Finns 
"to  migrate  to  New  Sweden  with  wives  and  children."  He 
should  explain  to  them  the  great  advantages  to  be  had  in  this 
country;  that  there  was  an  abundance  of  forests,  and  wild 
animals,  and  that  a  large  number  of  Swedes  were  already  there. 
In  the  same  year  four  Finns,  Eskil  Larsson,  Klement  Jorans- 
son,  Jons  Pafvelsson  and  Bertil  Eskelsson  in  Sundsocken,^^ 
had  been  found  guilty  of  burning  the  forests  and  breaking  the 
mandates  of  the  Crown.  They  were  therefore  ordered  to  the 
army  and  their  property  was  confiscated.  In  July  they  applied 
to  the  government  for  permission  to  go  to  New  Sweden  and  to 
be  released  from  military  service.  The  request  was  granted 
and  Governor  Stake  was  ordered  to  restore  their  property  to 
them  on  the  condition  that  they  give  bonds  and  promise  to 
appear  at  Gothenburg,  as  soon  as  the  government  called  them 
there.^^  But  these  efforts  were  insufficient,  and,  although  some 
Finns  in  Stockholm  on  their  own  accord  presented  themselves 
to  the  authorities,  as  willing  to  take  passage  on  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel,^^  yet  it  was  found  necessary  to  send  a  special  solicitor 
to  induce  people  to  migrate.  Mans  Kling,  who  knew  "what  a 
splendid  and  productive  country  New  Sweden  was,"  accepted 
an  appointment  to  perform  this  mission,  receiving  his  usual 
salary  besides  his  expenses  from  the  company,^^  and  September 
26  he  was  given  an  "  instruction  "  or  commission  by  the  govern- 
ment.    He  should  proceed  to  "  Bergslagen  "^^  and  some  other 

'*A  district  in  southwestern  Sweden,  near  the  Norwegian  boundary  line. 

"Letter  to  Stake,  July  9,  1640,  R.R.,  fol.  707  (R.A.).  Hand.  ror.  Skan.  Hist., 
XXIX.  213  ff.  Letter  to  the  governor  in  Orebro,  G.  Lejonhufund,  July  30,  1640, 
R.R.,  715  flF.  If  the  Finns  refused  to  go  to  New  Sweden  he  was  instructed  to 
carry  out  the  order  published  formerly   (Sept.  4,  1636).      Cf.  above. 

'^Hand.  ror.  Skan.  Hist.,  XXIX.  p.  215. 

'^Journal,  no.  25;  Beier  paid  his  salary  221:19  R.D.  and  6  R.D.  for  expenses 
on  this  journey. 

^A  district  in  Dalarne,  a  province  northwest  of  Stockholm  bordering  on 
Norway.     Dalarne  was  one  of  the  ancient  provinces  of  Sweden.      The  provinces 


I50      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

places  in  order  to  collect  and  hire^^  a  multltude^^  of  roving 
people  .  .  .  who  nowhere  have  a  steady  residence  and  dwel- 
ling," and  especially  the  Finns  who  were  found  there,  and  in- 
struct them  to  proceed  to  Stockholm  before  the  sailing  of  the 
ship. 2^  He  went  to  Kopparberget^^  and  other  places,  and  some 
of  the  colonists  for  this  expedition  were  secured  through  him. 
In  February  the  government  again  wrote  to  Governor  Lejon- 
hufvud,  requesting  him  to  prevail  upon  some  inhabitants  of  his 
province  to  go  to  New  Sweden  for  some  years.  If  he  was  unsuc- 
cessful in  his  endeavor  he  should  capture  "  all  the  forest-de- 
stroyers [Finns]"  found  in  his  district  and  keep  them  in  readi- 
ness for  the  sailing  of  the  ship.  In  the  spring  of  1641  Kling 
was  sent  out  a  second  time  to  gather  soldiers  and  colonists.  He 
was  given  189  D.  26  ore  by  Beier  for  which  he  hired  fourteen 
men. 2^  Johan  Printz,  later  governor  of  the  colony,  was  like- 
wise requested  by  the  chancellor  to  look  for  some  skilled  work- 
men and  young  people  in  Finland,  who  would  be  willing  to  go 
to  America,  and  at  least  one  colonist,  the  bookkeeper  Karl  Jans- 
son,  came  from  there. ^^ 

But  immigrants  for  New  Sweden  were  slow  in  making  their 
appearance,  although  the  authorities  continued  to  interest  them- 
selves in  the  matter.  In  April,  1641,  a  letter  was  sent  to  Gov- 
ernor Stake  in  answer  to  one  of  his  inquiries,  directing  him  to 
permit  all  Finns  he  had  captured,  who  could  not  give  bonds,  to 

are  no  longer  of  importance  from  an  administrative  point  of  view  and  they  are 
not  indicated  on  all  modern  maps.  The  place  of  the  old  provinces  has  been 
taken  by  the  Ian,  in  some  cases  corresponding  in  area  to  the  old  province.  Thus 
Dalarne  is  now  called  Kopparbergs  Idn,  corresponding  exactly  with  the  ancient 
province  of  Dalarne. 

^The  original  has  "  ahntaga,"  which  may  mean  accept,  but  since  we  know 
that  he  really  did  hire  some  men,  I  give  the  word  that  meaning.  R.R.,  Sept.  26, 
1640. 

"The  original  has  "hop,"  not  necessarily  a  large  number  in  this  connection. 

^ "  Fullmacht  for  Mans  Kling,"  etc.,  September  26,  1640,  R.R.,  fol.  1,008-9. 
The  governors  in  the  districts  he  visited  were  requested  to  aid  him  in  his  work. 

^  Kopparberget  in  the  province  of  Dalarne,  west  of  Gefle,  south-central 
Sweden. 

■'  Journal,  no.  39.  Letter  from  the  government  to  Governor  Lejonhufund, 
February  8,  1641,  R.R. 

^In  a  letter  of  1641  (without  date)  he  asks  for  a  "  schriflFtliche  Befehll "  for 
the  "  Werbung."      Ox.  Saml. 


The  Fourth  Expedition.  i  5  ^ 

leave  for  the  colony^^  and  a  young  trooper,  who  had  cut  down 
and  ruined  six  apple  trees  in  the  royal  orchard  at  the  cloister  of 
Varnhem,  was  allowed  to  choose  between  hanging  or  going  to 
America  with  wife  and  children. ^"^ 

During  the  winter  preparations  for  the  expedition  had  been 
made  at  Gothenburg  and  Stockholm.  The  Kalmar  Nyckel  was 
repaired  at  the  former  place  and  Van  Schotting  bought  provisions 
there  and  large  quantities  of  hay  and  oats  for  the  cattle  that 
were  to  be  shipped  over,  while  ammunition  and  various  other 
articles  were  procured  by  Beier,  Kramer  and  Fleming  at  Stock- 
holm, where  a  second  ship,  the  Charitas  was  being  prepared.^^ 
The  colonists  from  the  various  districts  of  the  northern  prov- 
inces were  Instructed  to  assemble  at  the  capital,  before  the  sail- 
ing of  the  vessel  and,  May  3,  1631,  she  left  Stockholm  on  her 
way  to  Gothenburg  with  thirty-five  souls  on  board,  destined  for 
New  Sweden.  A  list  of  these  has  been  preserved.  Being  of 
considerable  interest,  as  It  describes  each  Individual  colonist  and 
gives  us  an  idea  of  the  general  character  of  the  immigrants,  it 
will  be  quoted  in  full : 

List  of  the  persons  who  sailed  from  here  to  Gothenburg  on  the  ship 
Charitas,^^  May  3,  1641,  and  from  where  they  shall  be  brought  over  to 
Nova  Svecia,  namely: 

(1).  Ivert  Hindricksson,  hired  to  serve  as  a  soldier.  He  is  to  have 
a  suit  of  clothes  and  a  salary  of  20  R.D.  a  year  of  which  he  has  received 
20  D.  cop.  money  here. 

( 2 ) .  Olof  Pavelsson'^ 

^  If  they  refused  to  go  they  should  be  punished.  He  had  captured  a  number 
of  the  Finns  and  kept  them  in  prison  awaiting  the  orders  of  the  Government. 
Hand.  ror.  Skan.  Hist.,  XXIX.  pp.  218-19. 

'" "  Dy  ar  war  nadige  willie  och  befallningh,  att  I  honom  uthan  uppehalldh 
tingfohra,  och  domb  effter  bratt  sino  ataga  lathe,  stallandes  honom  sadan  i  skon, 
antingen  han  will  medh  hustru  och  barn  begiffwa  sigh  medh  wartt  Skepp  ifran 
Gotheborgh  oflfwer  till  Nye  Swerige,  eller  hangia."  Hand.  ror.  Skan.  Hist., 
XXIX.  217-8;  R.R.,  April  13,  1641,  fol.  301   (R.A.). 

^^  "  Dritte  wiagio,"  etc.,  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.). 

""Floijte  Charitas."  Flojt  or  "  flot "  was  a  large  freight  vessel  of  from  240 
to  400  tons  burden  and  it  commonly  carried  two  cannon.  It  was  introduced 
into  Sweden  from  Holland  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  See 
Zettersten,  Sv.  flot.  hist.,  I.  323. 

**  Where  omissions  have  been  made,  indicated  by  dots,  the  original  is  simply 
a  repetition  of  the  foregoing.  To  print  the  entire  would  be  a  needless  restate- 
ment of  the  same  thing  for  each  colonist  or  soldier. 


152       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

(3).  Per  Johansson (  ?) 

(4).  Johan  Ericksson 

(5).  Anders  Hansson,  the  brother  of  the  constaple  (gunner) 

(6).  Jacob  Sprint 

(7).  Paul  Joransson    

(8).  Axel  Stille=^* 

(9).  Henrick  Matsson,  a  boy.  He  shall  have  a  salary  of  10  R.A.  a 
year  and  he  received  10  D.  copper  money  on  departing. 

(10).  Johan, a  boy  

(11).  Olof  Erickson,  a  boy 

(12,  13,  14,  15,  16).  Mans  Svensson  (Loom),^^  a  tailor,  who  has 
also  been  a  lieutenant.  He  intends  to  begin  agriculture  in  the  colony. 
He  received  5  R.D.  on  departing  but  otherwise  no  salary  or  monthly 
wage.  Goes  with  his  wife,  two  almost  grown  up  daughters  and  a 
little  son. 

(17,  18,  19,  20).  Olof  Stille,  a  mill-maker,^*  who  will  begin  farming 
there.  He  received  50  R.D.  copper  money,  but  he  seeks  no  pay.  He 
will  be  paid,  however,  for  what  he  does  for  the  company  or  for  what  he 
supplies.  He  has  a  wife,  and  two  children,  one  seven  the  other  one  and 
a  half  years  of  age. 

(21).  Mats  Hansson,  one  of  Fleming's  servants.^^  He  is  to  have  no 
pay,  but  to  be  supplied  only  with  necessary  clothing  [and  food],  because 
he  has  committed  some  oflEense,  and  must  go  along  as  a  punishment.^^ 

(22).  Per  Kock,  an  imprisoned  soldier  from  Smedjegarden.^®  He 
must  serve  as  a  soldier  for  penalty,  and  is  to  receive  necessary  sustenance 
and  clothing. 

(23).  Karl   Johansson,*"    formerly   bookkeeper   at   Kexholm,*^    who 

"  These  eight  vyere  all  to  serve  as  soldiers. 

"The  word  is  written  above  the  name  in  the  original,  showing  that  it  was 
omitted  and  put  in  later.  Such  "  tlllnamn "  ("additional  names")  generally 
have  some  meaning,  as  Matts  skrdddare  (tailor),  etc.,  or  they  indicate  the  dis- 
trict whence  the  man  came.  Lorn  is  a  water- fowl  (loon,  diver).  There  is  also 
a  Lorama  in  southern  Sweden. 

** "  Oloff  Stille  ein  Miiehlen  Macher."  The  expression  undoubtedly  means 
that  he  was  a  mill-wright  ("mill-builder"),  perhaps  a  maker  of  mill-stones  (?). 

^^The  original  has  "  knecht,"  and  from  the  context  it  would  appear  to  have 
the  German  meaning  of  servant;  but  in  no.  i,  2  and  22  "knecht"  seems  to  have 
its  Swedish  meaning  of  soldier. 

^  His  crime  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  was  not  very  grievous,  it  seems.  Cf. 
above. 

*•  Imprisoned  soldiers  in  Stockholm  were  kept  in  Smedjegarden. 

**  In  the  original  the  name  is  first  written  "  Carl  Jonsson,"  then  above  this 
"Johansson"  has  been  inserted. 

*^  A   little   town   in   Finland   on   Lake   Ladoga,    almost    directly   north   of   St. 


The  Fourth  Expedition.  153 

must  go  along  for  punishment  and  he  shall  also  serve  at  times  as  a  soldier. 

(24).  Eskel  Larsson,  a  deserted  soldier  from  the  College  of  War  at 
this  place,  sent  over  as  a  punishment. 

(25).  Herr  ChristofiEer,*^  a  priest,  goes  along  on  the  recommendation 
of  the  Royal  Admiral,**  virho  also  gave  hkn  100  D.  copper  money  for 
this  purpose  from  his  own  means.  Otherwise  he  has  demanded  nothing 
besides  his  board,  because  he  only  vi^ishes  to  gain  some  experience  or  try 
his  luck  through  this  journey. 

(26).  Gustaf  Strahl,  a  young  nobleman,  goes  along  to  try  his  luck 
(or  gain  experience)  on  the  recommendation  of  the  Royal  Admiral,  and 
he  received  nothing  from  the  company  except  his  board. 

(27).  Mickel  Jonsson  (Bolm),**  son  of  the  Mayor  of  Reval(?),  Is 
also  an  adventurer,  seeks  no  pay,  because  he  goes  along  to  try  his  luck. 

(28,  29,  30,  31).  Mans  [Nilsson]  Kling,  with  his  wife,  a  servant 
girl,  and  a  little  child.  His  quality  and  extra  allowances  have  not  yet 
been  agreed  upon.  He  is  to  serve  as  a  lieutenant  at  a  salary  of  40 
florins  a  month,  to  begin  on  May  i,  1641.  Besides  he  was  presented 
with  50  R.D.  through  Fleming  in  lieu  of  his  time  in  waiting  [for  the 
expedition]. 

(32,  33).  Mats  Hansson,  constaple  at  the  new  fort.  He  has  re- 
ceived nothing  on  departing.  His  salary  has  not  been  fixed  as  yet.  He 
also  wishes  to  begin  a  farm  or  tobacco  plantation  together  with  his  wife. 

(34).  Lars  Markusson,  hired  as  a  servant*"^  to  work  on  the  tobacco 
plantations.  He  shall  have  a  salary  of  20  R.D.  and  a  suit,  but  he  re- 
ceived nothing  on  departing. 

(35).  Pafvel  Schal,  a  boy,  the  son  of  a  baker,  in  Norrmalm,*^  re- 
ceives no  pay  from  the  company."*^ 

The  Charitas  probably  arrived  at  Gothenburg  about  the  be- 
ginning of  June,  and  a  number  of  other  colonists  were  undoubt- 

Petersburg.  Also  a  district  in  Finland  by  that  name  acquired  by  Sweden  in  1617. 
Cf.  above,  Chap.  I. 

^  Mr.  Christopher.  In  Beier's  list  the  name  is  written  "  H.  Christoffer  N." 
But  Kramer  omitted  the  N. 

*'  Carl  Carlsson  Gyllenhjelm. 

**  Cf.  no.  12  above. 

*' "  Knecht "  in  its  German  meaning.     Cf.  no.  i,  2  and  22,  note. 

**  A  quarter  in  Stockholm. 

^^The  list  is  in  Kramer's  handwriting.  It  is  found  in  N.S.,  II.  (R.A.).  In 
the  same  bundle  is  the  first  draft  of  the  list  by  Johan  Beier,  but  it  contains  only 
33  persons.  On  the  back  of  it  is  written  in  Kramer's  handwriting:  "  Des  Sec. 
Beijers  Musterrull  auf  die  Persohnen  so  mitt  der  Floijten  Charitas  auf  Gotten- 
burgh  sein  gefahren.  ..." 


154       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

edly  in  readiness  there.  The  cargo  and  provisions  were  brought 
on  board  the  two  ships  as  soon  as  possible.  It  is  probable  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel  carried  the  majority  of  the  settlers  and  that  the 
horses,  goats,  sheep,  cattle  and  farming  implements  were 
loaded  into  the  Charitas.  It  seems  that  some  arrangements  were 
made  for  the  cattle  and  passengers,  perhaps  partitions  or  cabins 
being  built,  but  the  nature  of  these  is  not  known.  The  cost  of 
the  cargo  and  the  expenses  connected  with  the  expedition  were 
very  high.  In  a  bill  "  of  the  third  voyage  to  Nova  Svecia  "  we 
find  the  following  items  :^^ 

Florins. 

Some  thousand  yards  of  cloth  and  other  goods  bought 

by  Johan  Le  Thor  and  Richard  Clerk  in  Holland.     4,047:2:8 

Expenses 1 58  :i  5 :8 

H.  Huygen  was  given  for  expenses  on  Fleming's  order.  75 

Goods  bought  in  Holland  including  various  expenses..   11,675:2 
Supplies    of    various    kinds    secured    by    Schotting    in 

Gothenburg    9.461 :6 

Provisions  and  ammunition  furnished  in  Stockholm  by 

the    admiralty    and    Klas    Fleming 6,793  ^. 

Grain  for  seed   138  :6  :io 

Total 35,647:16:12** 

The  majority  of  the  sailors  and  soldiers  on  the  vessels  were 
Swedes,  but  the  officers,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  were  Dutch- 
men, and  there  was  a  sailor-boy  from  Dublin  among  the  crew.^*^ 
The  ships  probably  left  Gothenburg  in  July.  They  most  likely 
first  touched  some  point  in  Holland  and  from  there  they  went  to 
France.^^ 

**  See  "Specific,  uber  [sic]  der  Dritte  Viagie."  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R-A.)  and 
Journal  (K.A.).  I  have  not  found  who  paid  for  the  horses  and  cattle  sent  over. 
Perhaps  they  were  sent  by  the  government,  or  they  may  have  belonged  to  the 
settlers  who  came  here  to  plant,  as  Stille,  etc. 

"  But  this  sum  does  not  include  the  money  paid  to  the  people  nor  some  other 
expenses,  and  the  entire  cost  of  the  cargo  and  supplies  alone  was  21,765:1  D. 
or  36,2753^  florins  before  the  ships  returned  to  Sweden.     Journal,  no.  229. 

"  Jacob  Evertssen  Sandelin,  who  was  along  on  the  first  expedition,  was  mate 
on  the  Charitas.  Journal,  no.  46 ;  Monatgelderb.  von  d.  Volck  an  d.  Sch.  die 
Charitas.     Soderk.,  1637-59  (R-A.). 

"^  It  seems  that  they  were  ordered  to  go  there  to  make  arrangements  for  bring- 
ing salt  to  Sweden  on  the  return  voyage.  Huygen's  letter  to  Spiring  (copy), 
November  28,  1642  [1641],  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  and  below.  The  copy  of  H.  Huygen's 
letter  to  Spiring  is  dated  November  28,  1642.  But  this  must  be  a  mistake,  for 
the  letter  with  which  this  copy  was  sent  is  dated  April  10,  1642,  and  furthermore 
the  back  of  the  copy  is  marked  "  Pr.  21  Apr.  1642  Stockhl."  Internal  evidence 
also  determines  the  year  as  1641. 


-i^T—^       *.^/jl 


ir^-z;^  yo^^r^   ^^^l^  ^  ,~^/ ^^^^rf^    ,r~^^^^i^^f^ 


^*--     C^i^a^ 


y 


\ 


^yX-^^w-^ -->.-» 


> 


Spiring's  letter  (April  1  (11),  1642)  to  Admiral  Fleming,  signed  b\-  "Petter  Spiering  van 
Noshollem."     Original  in  N.  .S.  I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


The  Fourth  Expedition.  155 

On  August  19  (o.s.?),  1 64 1, -'2  the  two  vessels  left  the 
shores  of  Europe.  The  voyage  was  a  stormy  one.  Two  of  the 
colonists  and  some  cattle  died  on  the  journey  and  when  the 
expedition  arrived  at  Fort  Christina,  November  7  (o.s.?), 
the  people  and  animals  were  very  weak  and  powerless.^^ 

Huygen  tried  his  best  to  obtain  a  cargo  for  the  ships,  but  he 
was  unable  to  buy  furs  from  the  Indians,  as  the  trade  had  been 
ruined  by  the  English,  and  only  a  small  quantity  of  tobacco 
could  be  obtained. ^^ 

The  ships  undoubtedly  left  New  Sweden  about  November 
29,  1641,^^  and  set  course  on  Rochelle  in  France,  where  they 
arrived  in  the  beginning  of  March  or  earlier.  A  quantity  of 
salt  was  bought  and  loaded  into  the  ships,  whereupon  they  set 
sail  for  Holland  and  cast  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Amsterdam 
between  the  twenty-eighth  and  thirty-first  of  March,  1642.  As 
usual  the  provisions  were  almost  exhausted  and  the  men  and 
officers  clamored  for  pay.  The  two  skippers  and  the  commis- 
sioner Langdonk  went  to  Spiring  at  the  Hague  and  made  a 
report,  who  wrote  at  once  to  S.  Blommaert  and  P.  Trotzig, 
requesting  them  to  give  every  possible  assistance  to  the  ships, 
so  that  they  could  proceed  at  once  to  Sweden.  Money  was 
accordingly  supplied  to  pay  off  some  of  the  men  and  for  buying 
necessary  provisions.  Trotzig  hired  two  good  mates,  two  cooks 
and  other  servants  and  made  arrangements  for  paying  the  salt. 
In  April  certificates  were  issued  for  the  ships  to  pass  through 
the  sound  and  in  May  or  early  in  June  they  were  in  Stockholm,^" 

°-New  style  is  probably  used  in  the  letter,  as  Huygen  was  a  Hollander,  but 
he  may  also  have  employed  the  old  style,  since  he  was  in  Swedish  service'  and 
wrote  from  New  Sweden.  When  Van  Dyck  employed  new  st^le  from  New 
Sweden  he  distinctly  says  so.    See  letter  to  Fleming,  May  23,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

^^ "  De  resterende  soo  wel  beesten  als  menschen  waren  seer  swack  hier 
comende  .  .  .  [en]  seer  machteloos."  Huygen  to  Spiring,  November  28,  1642 
(1641). 

**  Huygen  to  Spiring,  November  28,  1643   (1641),  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 
Huygen's   letter   dated   November   28   was   sent   to   Holland   on   one   of  the 
ships,  and  it  was  probably  written  shortly  before  they  sailed. 

""The  letters,  bills,  reports  and  other  documents  were  sent  to  the  capital 
ahead  of  the  ships,  for  Langdonk's  bills  were  presented  at  Stockholm  on  April 
20,  1641,  and  the  copy  of  Huygen's  letter  on  April  21.  See  bills  and  letter 
in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.  and  K.A.). 


156      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

having  entered  the  harbor  of  Gothenburg  about  April  15. 
When  the  ships  returned  the  company  was  compelled  to  borrow 
3000  R.D.  for  six  month  at  10  per  cent,  interest.^'''  Large  sums 
were  now  paid  to  the  returning  men,  and  to  the  wives  of  those 
who  were  in  New  Sweden.^^ 

About  this  time  references  to  Samuel  Blommaert  in  connec- 
tion with  the  company  cease  entirely^^  and  it  is  evident  that  he 
severed  his  connection  with  the  Swedish  government  in  the 
autumn  of  1642,  for  on  the  twenty-first  of  July  the  council 
decided  to  employ  Trotzig  and  Appelbom  in  his  place  at 
Amsterdam,  his  salary  being  divided  between  the  two,  and 
October  7  the  minutes  of  the  council  state  that  Blommaert's 
salary  could  be  used  for  the  paying  of  the  two  proposed  com- 
missaries, "since  he  now  withdraws  [from  the  service]. "^*^ 

"Spiring  to  Fleming,  April  i/ii,  1642;  Spiring  to  Blommaert  (copy),  April 
10,  1642  (in  the  text  of  this  copy,  however,  Trotzig  has  been  written  by  the 
copyist  by  mistake)  ;  Spiring  to  Trotzig  (copy),  April  10,  1642,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ; 
Journal,  no.  122,  143  (June  16,  1642). 

■^The  entire  sum  thus  paid  by  Beier  was  11,172:18  florins  or  6,703:24  D. 
Journal,  no.  146. 

"^  The  last  reference  I  have  found  to  him  in  connection  with  the  company  is 
of  April  10  (n.s.),  1642. 

*^ Rddspr.,  IX.  334,  416.     Cf.  Blommaert's  Biography  below. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

The  Trade  of  the  Company  in  Europe,  1640-1643. 

We  have  seen  that  the  beaver  skins  of  the  first  expedition 
were  sold  in  Holland,  as  well  as  those  carried  over  on  the  Dutch 
vessel  in  1641,  but  it  was  thought  that  all  the  goods  brought  to 
Europe  by  the  company  ought  to  be  sold  in  Sweden  to  encour- 
age Swedish  commerce,  and  arrangements  were  made  accord- 
ingly as  we  have  seen.  When  Bonnell  was  appointed  factor  in 
Stockholm,  he  was  given  instructions  about  the  fur  and  tobacco 
trade. ^  He  should  keep  the  skins  and  the  tobacco  in  good  con- 
dition until  they  were  sold.  The  beaver  skins  were  to  be  sold 
to  Anthony  Bruyn-  at  the  highest  price  possible,  except  300 
skins,  which  should  be  reserved  until  further  orders.  A  large 
quantity  of  tobacco  was  on  hand,  of  which  he  should  try  to  sell 
10,000  lbs.  at  the  earliest  opportunity  and  on  the  best  terms 
obtainable.^  A  storehouse  was  rented  in  Stockholm  and  the 
tobacco  and  skins  were  placed  there  under  Bonnell's  care.  He 
undoubtedly  advertised  the  skins  or  sent  notices  to  fur-dealers 
about  his  supply,  and  the  day  after  his  appointment  he  sold  a 
large  quantity  of  furs  (1,558  beaver  skins)  to  Anthony  Bruyn.^ 
In  March,  the  following  year,  he  sold  10 1  otter  skins  to  Jacob 
Frische  &  Company  and  in  June  he  sold  100  beaver  skins  and 
a  fur  coat  to  the  same  persons.^  A  number  of  smaller  sales  were 
also  made.^  But  the  company's  peltry  trade  in  Sweden  was 
never  large.  The  skins  were  hard  to  sell  and  Sweden  was  not 
the  proper  market  for  this  kind  of  goods."^ 

^  See  above,  Chap.  XVI. 

'Anthony  Brown  (?)  was  probably  an  English  merchant  in  Stockholm. 

*"  Memorial  fiir  B.  Bonnell,"  etc.,  November  17,  1640,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

*The  sale  is  entered  in  the  Journal  for  November  21,  1641.  The  skins  were 
sold  for  6,297:2  D.  They  were  brought  over  on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  on  the 
second  expedition.     Journal,  no.  27. 

^Journal,  nos.  40,  48.  The  101  otter-skins  were  sold  for  227:8  D.  and  tlie 
100  beaver  skins  were  sold  for  450  D. 

^Journal,  no.  133  ff. 

'  Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXIV. 


158       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  tobacco  trade  of  the  company,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
of  great  importance  and  soon  assumed  large  proportions.  The 
tobacco  habit  had  gradually  made  its  way  into  Sweden,  prin- 
cipally in  the  cities,  before  the  New  Sweden  Company  began  the 
trade.  It  had  undoubtedly  been  brought  in  by  Dutch  sailors 
and  laborers,  and  the  soldiers,  who  served  in  the  Thitry  Years' 
War,  also  helped  to  spread  its  use  as  they  returned  home. 
Books  and  pamphlets  presenting  the  virtues  of  the  herb  were 
written  and  circulated  in  various  European  countries,^  and 
even  in  Sweden  a  dissertation  was  published  in  1633  on  the 
medicinal  properties  of  tobacco.^  The  Swedes  soon  acquired  a 
liking  for  it  and  in  1629  smoking  was  a  habit  among  the  stu- 
dents at  Upsala.^^  It  was  imported  without  regulation  and  sold 
by  druggists  and  other  traders." 

In  June,  1639,  tobacco  pipes  are  given  in  an  ordinance  con- 
cerning dutiable  articles,  published  by  the  government  ;^2  b^t  the 
importation  of  tobacco  could  not  have  been  very  large  before 
1 64 1,  as  it  is  not  found  in  the  lists  of  articles  subject  to  duty 
issued  by  the  state  from  time  to  time.^^  In  January,  1641,  the 
government  lamented  the  fact  that  "  the  country  and  kingdom 
was  being  filled  with  tobacco,  ...  an  article  which  some  time 
ago  was  unknown  here  and  which  indeed  in  itself  is  not  very 
useful,  but  which  nevertheless  has  been  bought,  used  to  excess^* 
and  abused  by  the  common  people,  in  many  cases  to  their  great 
injury  and  poverty."^^  The  ground  was  therefore  prepared 
and  a  market  was  ready  for  tobacco,  when  the  New  Sweden 
Company  began  trading  with  this  article.    The  first  large  cargo, 

'  See  Bragge,  Biblio.  Nicoti.  and  the  works  listed  there  for  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries, 

* "  De  Praeclaris  Herbae  Nicotianae  sive  Tobaci  Virtutibus,"  by  Joh.  Franck, 
1633. 

^* Nordisk  Familjebok,  Vol.  XVI.  419  ff.  (old  edition). 

"Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  II.  305;  R.R.,  January  12,  1641   (R.A.). 

"  Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  II.  234.  The  duty  on  "  one  dozen  tobacco 
pipes  [was]   6  p."      "The  Ordning  "  was  published  on  May  31,  1639. 

"Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  II.  120  ff.,  140  ff.,  188  ff.,  224  ff.,  244  ff. 

"  "  Til  missbrunk  och  ofwerflod." 

"  Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  II.  305. 


Trade  of  the  Company  in  Europe.  159 

11,878  Ibs./*^  brought  into  Sweden,  came  on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel 
in  the  spring  of  1640.^''^  It  was  placed  in  the  care  of  Timon 
van  Schotting  and  part  of  it  was  sold  in  Gothenburg.^*  The 
rest  was  shipped  to  Stockholm  to  be  sold  there  by  Bonnell.'® 
The  stalks  were  removed,  whereupon  the  leaves  were  sorted, 
and  packed  away  in  the  store-house.  A  special  room  was  built 
in  the  magazine  and  there  the  tobacco,  ready  for  sale,  was  hung 
upon  hooks  or  rails  and  from  there  it  was  undoubtedly  sold.^^ 

Soon  after  his  appointment  Bonnell  began  his  activities  in  the 
tobacco  trade.  Already  in  November,  1640,  he  made  several 
sales  to  merchants  and  others,  who  in  turn  sold  it  in  small 
quantities  either  to  other  dealers  or  directly  to  the  consumers. 
Thus  Thomas  Blommaert  bought  435  lbs.  in  June,  1641,  and 
in  December  the  same  year  several  hundred  pounds  were  sold 
to  George  Garden, ^^  Jacob  Lyell,^^  Jurgen  Petersson  and 
others.^^  The  tobacco  brought  from  America  by  the  company 
was  not  sufficient  to  supply  the  demand,  and  in  November  and 
December  Bonnell  purchased  about  6,000  lbs.  from  Dutch 
merchants. ^^ 

It  was  found  however  that  tobacco  was  brought  in  "  by  one 
and  another  without  any  distinction  or  order,"  and  thus  the 
company  had  no  protection  against  competitors.  Complaints 
were  undoubtedly  made  to  the  Council  of  State,  perhaps  through 
Fleming,  and  on  the  twelfth  of  January,  1641,  the  New  Sweden 
Company  was  given  sole  right  to  import  tobacco  into  Sweden 

"Its  estimated  value  was  7,423:15  florins.  See  "  Copia  af  den  Ext.  som  Sec. 
J.  Beier  togh  medh,"  etc.     Soderk.,  1637-59   (R.A.). 

"  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XIV. 

"  See  Journal,  no.  2. 

"Total  number  of  pounds  sent  to  Bonnell  was  9,936  (Swedish).  Journal, 
no.  24. 

^The  expenses  connected  with  the  building  of  this  room  were:  Boards,  rails, 
hangers,  and  labor  11:34  R-D-J  other  expenses  were:  3.  R.D.  24^^  st.  Journal, 
no.  100,  119. 

^  Probably  an  Englishman. 

^Journal,  no.  46,  loi. 

^  On  November  18,  1640,  he  bought  583  lbs.  for  84:24  R.D.  and  on  the 
nineteenth  of  the  same  month  526  lbs.  for  96:21  R.D.  On  December  9  he 
bought  1,928  lbs.  for  369:25  D. ;  on  the  eleventh  716  lbs.  for  143:91/4  R.D.; 
on  the  same  date  another  lot  of  3,298  lbs.  for  561:41^2  R.D.    Journal,  nos.  26,  32. 


i6o      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  its  dependencies.  All  who  had  shipped  tobacco  into  the 
kingdom  before  this  ordinance  was  published  were  to  report  the 
same  at  the  custom's  office  and  receive  an  excise-bill.  Tobacco 
shipped  into  Sweden  without  the  knowledge  of  the  New  Sweden 
Company  and  a  bill  of  excise  would  be  confiscated  and  a  fine  of 
forty  marks  would  be  imposed  upon  the  perpetrator.  The  fine 
and  the  confiscated  tobacco  would  be  equally  divided  between 
the  Crown,  the  company  and  the  discoverer  or  the  reporter  of 
the  crime.  All  importation  of  tobacco  was  now  by  special 
privileges  in  the  hands  of  the  company,  and  all  merchants  and 
dealers  were  compelled  by  law  to  buy  their  supply  from  Ben- 
jamin Bonnell.^^ 

For  the  regulation  and  control  of  the  retail  trade  an  ordi- 
nance in  four  articles  was  issued  by  the  government,  February 
8,  1641.-^  "For  the  first,"  says  the  ordinance,  "whoever 
wishes  to  buy  some  tobacco,  little  or  much,  from  the  factor  of 
the  .  .  .  company,  shall  be  obliged  to  present  himself  at  the 
custom  office  and  obtain  a  bill  of  excise  there  on  as  much 
tobacco  as  he  desires  to  buy,  and  shall  immediately  pay  the 
duty,  namely  two  ore  silver  money  for  every  pound.-*^  This 
bill  shall  be  delivered  to  the  factor  of  the  company,  [and  then] 
the  factor  may  sell  tobacco  to  the  presenter  of  the  bill,  accord- 
ing to  its  contents,"  The  first  offense  against  this  ordinance 
was  punished  by  confiscation  of  the  tobacco,  and  the  second 
offense  by  confiscation  and  prosecution.  The  factor  was  strictly 
forbidden  to  sell  any  tobacco  before  such  a  bill  had  been  pre- 
sented and  all  bills  of  excise  were  to  be  delivered  by  him  every 
month  into  the  state-treasury.-'^ 

"The  Privilegium"  forbidding  importation  by  others  than 
the  New  Sweden  Company  undoubtedly  had  good  effect,  but 
relatively  large  quantities  of  tobacco  must  have  been  shipped 

=*  Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  U.  305-7-  I"  ^e  "  Privileges  "  the  company  is 
called  the  "  South  Company." 

^Stiernman,  Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  IL  309-311. 

"  Cf.  Chapter  VI. 

" "  Statsens  Rakne-Cammar."  The  merchants  were  obliged  to  give  a  bill 
to  the  retailers,  stating  the  quantity  sold,  date  and  place  of  sale.  These  bills 
should  be  delivered  to  the  custom  officer  whenever  he  demanded  them.  Stiern- 
man, Kungl.  br.,  etc.,  II.  310,  §  iii. 


Trade  of  the  Company  in  Europe.  i6i 

Into  the  country  after  its  publication,  for  one  third  of  the 
tobacco  confiscated  until  March,  1642,  was  sold  for  1,272  :  19^ 
D.  and  it  is  natural  that  a  great  deal  of  the  tobacco  illegally 
brought  into  the  kingdom  escaped  the  notice  of  the  officers  and 
others. 2^  The  ordinance  governing  the  retail  trade  was  also 
evaded  and  numerous  sales  were  made  without  the  knowledge 
of  Bonnell. 

A  sort  of  tobacco  company  was  formed  in  the  summer  of 
1 64 1  for  the  retailing  of  tobacco.  It  consisted  of  Jacob 
Trotzig,  Johan  Fijrborn,  Jacob  Kallmeter  and  Thomas  Johans- 
son. On  July  10,  they  purchased  14,197  lbs.  from  Bonnell,  to 
be  paid  in  three  instalments.^^ 

In  the  late  summer  of  1641  Bonnell  contracted  with  one 
Claes  Cornelisson  Meckpott(  ?)  in  Holland  for  the  delivery 
of  several  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  and  in  October  326  rolls'** 
of  "  St.  Christopher  tobacco  "  were  sent  to  Sweden.  In  June, 
1642,  another  lot  of  15,302  lbs.  was  shipped  over;  but  it  was 
returned,  since  Bonnell  found  that  the  quality  was  not  as  good 
as  the  contract  called  for.^^  Another  contract  was  made  with 
Peter  Cornelisson  Mollnaer  in  the  summer  or  autumn  of  1642 
and  in  November  Peter  Trotzig  bought  963  lbs.  from  him  and 
sent  to  Stockholm. ^^ 

Until  February  8,  1643,  forty-three  thousand,  three  hundred 
and  sixty-six  lbs.  had  been  shipped  to  Stockholm  and  the  total 
cost  was  18,435  D.  1634  ore.  Three  thousand,  two  hundred 
and  seventy-nine  lbs.  had  been  stored  In  Gothenburg,  and  the 
cost  of  this  was  1,062  D.  125^  ore.  Of  this  quantity  Bonnell 
had  sold  36,485)^  lbs.  for  26,812  D.  jYs  ore  up  to  the  above 
date  and  Schotting  had  sold  943^^  lbs.  for  830  D.  5  ore. 
Hendrick  Huygen's  sales  on  the  journey  to  New  Sweden  and  in 

'^Journal,  no.  115   (March  14,  1642). 

Journal,  no.  56.     The  activities  of  the  company  are  unknown. 
^19,405   (Swedish)   lbs. 

^Journal,  nos.  98,  139.     One  reason  for  returning  it  might  have  been  that  the 
company  had  a  large  supply  of  unsold  tobacco  in  their  store-house  in  Stockholm 
in  June,  1642.     The  company  was  compelled  to  pay  duty  on  the  tobacco  however, 
even  when  they  did  not  keep  it.     Journal,  no.  139. 
^Journal,  nos.  194-5. 
12 


i62       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  colony  amounted  to  6i>4  lbs.  for  92  D.  8.^^  The  expenses 
with  the  tobacco  trade  were  relatively  small.  They  consisted 
of  duty  on  the  tobacco  shipped  from  Holland,  various  small 
charges  occasioned  in  Stockholm  and  the  salary  of  the  factor. 
The  freight  from  Holland  was  paid  by  the  sender,  it  seems. 
But  most  of  the  tobacco  had  to  be  bought  from  Holland,  as 
we  have  seen,  and  hence  the  profits  were  reduced.  Had  all  of 
it  been  brought  from  America  on  the  ships  belonging  to  the 
company  the  result  would  have  been  more  gratifying. ^^     The 

""Extract  der  Gen.  Hand.   Comp.,  etc.,  ultimo  February,   1643."     Tobaksk., 
1643-59   (R.A). 

"  L     Tobacco  sold  in  Szirden  by  the  Neiv  Siveden  Company,  1640-1643. 


Nov., 
June, 

July, 

Oct., 

Nov., 

Dec, 

Jan., 

Feb., 

March, 

May, 

June, 

July, 

Aug., 

Sept., 

Oct., 

Nov., 

Dec, 


1640 
1641 


1642 


A.  By  Benjamin  Bonnell  in  Stockholm. 

i  9,722 lbs. 

I  2,904 " 

I  14,197 " 

I  444 " 

I  1,205 " 

2,345 " 

'  363 " 


2,604  ... 
1,136... 
2,177.... 

1,8873^. 

4,560;^ • 
772.... 
400.... 
421.... 
280.... 


6,602  D. 

10 

2,IQ2    " 

22 

10,366    " 

10 

423    " 

13 

999  " 

31/'^ 

1,801  " 

14 

277  " 

28 

69  " 

13 

1,887  " 

29 

696  " 

31M 

1,557  " 

leyi 

1,506  " 

^'A 

3,247  " 

15 

544  " 

9% 

306  " 

29>^ 

301   «' 

17 

216  " 

3/2 

61  lbs.  were  sent  to  Schotting  in  August  to  be  sold  in  Gothenburg,  but  it  was 
later  returned  on  the  third  voyage  to  be  sold  to  the  people.  A  few  hundred 
pounds  were  sold  by  Schotting  from  December,  1641,  to  July,  1643. 

One  third  of  the  confiscated  tobacco  was  sold  in  March  for  1,272:19%  D.  The 
number  of  pounds  are  not  given. 


H.     Tobacco  purchased  by  Bonnell  for  the  Company,  1641-1643. 

lbs. 


Nov., 

1640 

1,175 

Dec, 

<( 

5.942 

luly, 

1641 

2,187 

Aug., 

'< 

262 

Oct., 

" 

19,405 

Oct., 

1,320 

April, 

1642 

450 

Nov., 

<< 

3,932 

271  D. 
1,611   " 

13     ore 

28      " 

601   " 

403  " 

6,615  " 

8  " 
12      " 

ISO  " 

490  " 

? 

? 

Journal,  no.  24,  46,  49,  56,  99  ff. 


Trade  of  the  Company  in  Europe.  163 

books  of  the  company  showed  a  loss  in  the  beginning  of  1643, 
but  the  tobacco  had  been  sold  with  a  good  profit  and  a  gain 
was  reported  on  the  salt  brought  to  Finland,^^  but  the  heavy 
expenses  of  the  expeditions  overbalanced  this,  leaving  a  loss  of 
over  32,000  D.     In  February  the  account  was  as  follows: 

Debit. 
The  entire  debit  accounts  of  the  company  until  the 

end  of  February,  1643,  was D.  99,745:2 

Credit. 
The  credit  account  of  the  company  until  the  end 

of  February,  1643,  was D.  56,292:241^ 

The  profit  on  tobacco  sold  by  Bonnell  was D.  13,193:2!^ 

The  profit  on  tobacco  sold  by  Schotting  was D.     1,402.2^^ 

Profit  on  tobacco  sold  by  Huygen D.  30:24 

Profit  on   the  salt  at   Borga D.         184:30^ 

Profit  on  the  French  salt D.     2,168  iiji 

Loss    D.  32,472 :2 

D.  99,745:2 

We  have  come  to  the  end  of  the  first  period  of  the  company's 
life  and  we  have  traced  its  growth  and  activity  in  Europe.  We 
are  now  to  see  what  was  done  in  America  and  how  the  colony 
planted  here  grew  and  developed. 

**  For  the  salt-trade  see  below,  Chap.  XXXI.;  "  Tobak  unter  B.  Bonnell," 
February  28,  1643;  Tobaksk.,  1643-1659   (R.A.). 

Documents  made  use  of  in  this  part  but  not  referred  to  are  the  following  r 
"Reck,  iiber  P.  Minuits  Reise  n.  West  Indien";  Hen.  Kong.  Maj.  o.  Kr.  R.  med 
S.  Comp  (several  copies);  "Par.  in  d.  Viagio  mit  P.  Minuit,"  etc.;  "Die  H. 
Schwed.  Part,  in  d.  Viagio  n.  Florida  oder  Nova  Svecia,"  etc.  (three  copies)  ; 
"  Hr.  Maj.  R.  Clercken  seine  uberg.  sp.  Rech.  .  .  .  1640";  "Rob.  Smiths  Rech. 
mitt  d.  Am.  Comp."  (two  copies)  ;  Gamla  Skepsk.  Rech.  med  N.  S.  Comp.,  1634— 
1642";  "Die  Dritte  Viagio,"  etc.  All  to  be  found  in  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R-A.). 
A.  Oxenstiernas  Concepter.  (R.A.),  Pro  memo.  ang.  N.S.,  P.  Saml.,  322,  p. 
325  ff.  (U.B.)  ;  Kompanier,  I.-II.  (K.A.)  ;  Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  1620-30 
(K.A.)  ;  documents  concerning  Skepsk.,  1630,  "  Forteckningsl.  pa  Sve.  handelsk^ 
fr.  1635  till  1636,"  and  other  mss..  Gen.  Hand,  och  Skepsk.,  1620-32  (K.A.)  ; 
"  Om  d.  Afr.  komp."  (three  copies),  1662,  "Pro  memo.,"  etc.,  "Westerw. 
Skepsk.,"  Atskilliga  kolonier,  1650-1808;  unorganized  mss.,  Sjofartsf.,  atskil. 
sjofartsakt.,  1617-1711,  Strodda  handl,  I.  (K.A.)  ;  Strodda  handl.,  II.,  III. 
(K.A.)  ;  Inkomn.  skr.,  1637  ff.    (K.A.)  ;  Journal   (K.A.)  ;  Rikshufvudb.    (K.A.). 


PART    II. 

THE  COLONY,  1638-1643. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

The  Early  History  of  the  Delaware  until  1638. 

The  material  before  us  naturally  falls  into  two  main  divi- 
sions— the  outer  and  inner  history,  or  the  political  history  and 
the  social  and  economic  life  of  the  colony. 

The  life  of  the  colonists  has  hitherto  been  neglected  or  only 
sparingly  treated,  for  the  material  at  the  disposal  of  former 
writers  on  the  subject  has  been  meager,  contemporary  accounts 
giving  mere  glimpses  of  these  things.  "  One  would  gladly 
know  how  the  founders  of  Quebec  spent  the  long  hours  of  their 
first  winter,"  says  Parkman,  "  but  on  this  point  the  only  man 
[Champlain]  among  them,  perhaps,  who  could  write,  has  not 
thought  it  necessary  to  enlarge."^  In  like  manner  Printz  gives 
full  accounts  of  the  quarrels  with  the  Dutch  and  the  English, 
but  how  the  people  lived,  the  kind  of  houses  they  built,  the 
clothes  they  wore  and  other  things  we  should  like  to  know,  he 
does  not  mention.  Lindestrom,  Campanius  and  Rising  describe 
the  country  and  the  Indians  and  they  give  many  facts  of  great 
interest  and  value  for  the  historian  of  the  settlement,  but  again 
we  look  almost  In  vain  for  "social  facts." 

From  other  sources,  however,  account-books,  bills  and  memo- 
rials, we  are  able  to  draw  some  material,  and  from  these,  sup- 
plemented by  our  knowledge  of  conditions  In  Sweden  and  Fin- 
land, we  shall  endeavor  to  construct  a  picture  of  "  social  New 
Sweden,"  imperfect,  it  is  true,  but  as  satisfactory  as  the  ma- 
terials allow. 2     The  government  of  the  colony,  the  trade  and 

^  Pion.  of  Fr.  in  the  New  IForld,  p.  342. 

^  Most  of  these  account  books  were  unknown  to  Odhner,  Sprinchorn  and  other 
writers  on  New  Sweden. 

164 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  165 

commerce  with  the  neighbors  and  Indians,  and  the  political 
relation  with  these  will  also  be  treated  in  their  proper  place. 
Before  we  proceed,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  present  briefly 
the  history  of  the  Delaware  prior  to  the  landing  of  the  Swedes 
on  Christina  Rock  in  1638. 

It  is  not  now  possible  to  determine  who  was  the  first  Euro- 
pean to  visit  the  Delaware.  Perhaps  the  Irish  or  Scotch  saw  its 
water  in  the  early  centuries  of  our  era,  if  the  legends  of  their 
American  voyages  be  true.  Perhaps  some  bold  Viking  in  the 
eleventh  century  ventured  as  far  south  along  the  Vinland  Coast 
as  the  thirty-ninth  degree,  when  the  Norsemen  planted  colonies 
on  this  continent  and,  according  to  tradition,  established 
churches  here.  Possibly  some  lonely  Frenchman  or  Portuguese, 
driven  out  of  his  course  by  accident,  touched  the  "lordly  Dela- 
ware "  years  before  Columbus  set  sail  from  Cadiz,  or  it  may  be 
that  some  Norman,  Briton  or  Basque,  coasting  along  the  North 
American  shores  on  his  way  to  the  cod-fisheries  of  Newfound- 
land, saw  the  famous  river  long  before  Hudson  made  his 
memorable  voyage.^  Cabot,  the  navigator,  might  have  passed 
within  sight  of  Cape  Henlopen  in  1497;  that  Verrazzano*  in 
1524  sailed  by  the  Delaware  on  his  way  up  the  coast  is  quite 
certain.^  It  has  been  stated  "that  the  coast  of  New  York  and 
the  neighboring  districts  "  were  known  to  the  Spaniards  almost 
a  century  before  Hudson  came  here.  Estevan  Gomes  "  is  said 
to  have  visited  the  country  at  latitudes  40°  and  41°  north"  in 
1525^  and  in  1526  Lucas  Vasquez  de  Aillon  and  Matienzo 
made  landings  and  explored  the  country  south  and  east  of  New 
York/  De  Costa  thinks  that  the  French  visited  New  York 
harbor  prior  to  1562,^  and  it  has  been  claimed  that  they  had  a 

^  Cf.  Memoires  pour  servir,  etc.  (Parkman,  190,  etc.).  Stories  of  mariners 
blown  out  of  their  course  and  in  this  accidental  manner  discovering  lands  are 
plentiful.      Cf.  Saga  of  Eric  the  Red. 

*  Verrazzano's  voyage  has  been  doubted,  but  the  negative  evidence  adduced  is 
not  conclusive.  It  can  be  compared  to  the  attempts  of  Aschbach  to  disprove  the 
authenticity  of  Roswitha's  plays  or  the  Baconian   theory  of  Shakespear's  works. 

"  It  seems  that  he  went  ashore,  probably  on  the  New  Jersey  coast.  Sailor's 
Narratives   (Boston,  1905),  p.  10. 

*Fernow  gives  the  date  as  1524  in  Winsor's  Nar.  arid  Crit.  Hist.,  IV.  414. 

'Winsor,  Nar.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  IV.  lo,  414,  429. 

*De  Costa,  Cabo  de  Baxos,  p.  5,  quoting  Divers  -voyages,  114. 


i66       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

fort  upon  Castle  Island  within  the  limits  of  Albany.  If  that 
be  true  may  we  not  also  suppose  that  they  visited  the  Delaware? 
It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Dutch  had  forts  and  trading  houses 
on  the  Hudson  in  1598  and  in  1627  Bradford  wrote  that  "[the 
Dutch]  have  used  trading  there  [on  the  Hudson]  this  six  or 
seven  and  twenty  years  .  .  ."^  If  this  be  true,  may  we  not 
suppose  that  some  Dutch  trader,  eager  for  gain,  would  search 
for  new  customers  and  on  his  way  south  find  the  "  Mighty 
River"?  All  this  merely  goes  to  show  how  utterly  impossible 
it  is  to  determine  who  was  really  the  first  European  to  get  a 
glimpse  of  the  river, ^'^  where  Dutch,  Swedes  and  English  were 
later  to  contend  for  the  mastery. 

In  1609  we  tread  on  firm  and  historic  ground.  Henry  Hud- 
son, an  Englishman  of  London,  entered  the  service  of  the  Dutch 
East  India  Company  and  undertook  to  make  a  voyage  for  that 
body.  To  discover  a  short  route  to  Asia  was  still  the  ambition 
of  many  a  sailor.  Hudson's  one  great  idea,  perhaps  suggested 
by  Sebastian  Cabot,  was  to  discover  this  route  by  the  north,  and, 
led  on  by  his  burning  desire  to  see  its  accomplishment,  he 
achieved  lasting  results — not  as  he  had  thought  but  in  a  greater 
way." 

On  Saturday,  March  25,  1609,^^  he  set  sail  in  the  Half 
Moon,  Robert  Juet  being  second  (?)  mate,^^  and  on  August 
28,  at  seven  in  the  evening,  he  "  anchored  in  eight  fathoms 
water"  in  Delaware  Bay,  "weighing  at  the  break  of  day"  the 

"  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  HL  57;  De  Costa,  Cabo  de  Baxos,  p.  9.  (The  Green- 
land Company  and  others  frequented  the  country  in  1598,  and  built  two  forts,  it 
was  claimed  on  the  North  and  South  Rivers.  Doc,  I.  149.  Myth  and  history  are 
of  course  mixed.) 

Brodhead,  a  careful  scholar,  thought  it  needed  confirmation.  De  Costa 
brought  forth  additional  evidence  but  of  a  circumstantial  kind,  quoting  Brad- 
ford's letter.      See  De  Costa,  Cabo  de  Baxos,  p.  9. 

'*Van  Rensselaer  says  (L  5),  speaking  of  Hudson  and  his  men,  that  they 
"  tarried  briefly  in  Delaware  Bay  ivhicli  no  ivhiie  men  had  seen  before." 

"See  Asher,  Henry  Hudson  (Brooklyn,  1867);  Henry  C.  Murphy,  Henry 
Hudson  in  Holland  (Hague,  1859;  lately  reprinted,  Hague,  1909).  See  Am. 
Hist.  Rev.,  XV.  418-9. 

"Brodhead  uses  new  style  for  the  beginning  of  the  journey,  but  old  style  for 
Hudson's  arrival  at  the  Delaware. 

"A  Dutchman  seems  to  have  been  first  mate.  Cf.  Van  Meteren  in  Nar.  of  N. 
Neth.,  p.  8. 


Henrv  Hudson. 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  167 

next  morning.  In  October  he  returned  to  Europe,  and  arrived 
at  Dartmouth  in  November,  from  whence  he  sent  a  report  to 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company.^'* 

His  report  reached  Holland  in  the  spring  of  16 10,  kindling 
the  interest  of  Dutch  merchants  in  the  regions  he  had  visited. 
Petitions  were  soon  presented  to  the  States  General  for  permis- 
sion to  send  out  other  ships,  and  in  the  same  year  "some  mer- 
chants again  sent  a  ship  thither,"  says  de  Laet. 

The  English  were  also  navigating  these  waters.  In  August, 
1 6 10,  Capt,  Samuel  Argall  anchored  in  the  Delaware  (prob- 
ably) naming  the  southern  point  of  the  bay,  "  Cape  de  La 
Ware,"^°  and,  it  has  been  said,  though  without  foundation,  that 
Lord  Delaware  touched  at  this  bay  in  the  same  year.^^  About 
the  same  time  the  English  of  Virginia  began  to  call  the  bay  in 
honor  of  their  governor  "  Delaware  Bay,"  and  the  name  was 
soon  applied  by  them  to  that  river  also.^^ 

In  the  autumn  of  161 1,  as  a  result  of  a  voyage  by  Hendrick 
Christiaenzen  and  Adriaen  Block,  "  divers  merchants  and  in- 
habitants residing  in  the  United  Provinces"  presented  a  peti- 
tion to  the  States  of  Holland  and  Westvriesland  "  regarding 
certain  new  discovered  navigation,"  and  an  expedition  was  pre- 
pared, which  set  sail  for  the  Hudson  and  neighboring  districts 
in  1 61 2  under  the  command  of  Block  and  Christiaenzen. 

About  the  same  time  or  a  little  later  another  expedition  was 
sent  there,  Cornells  Jacobsen  May,^^  being  skipper  on  one  of 
the  vessels.  Some  of  the  traders  remained  at  Manhattan,  mak- 
ing voyages  of  discovery  southward  along  the  Jersey  coast, 
probably  half  way  to  the  Delaware  and  northward  along  the 

"  For  an  account  of  Hudson's  voyage  see  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  I.  320 
ff. ;  Jameson,  Nar.  of  N.  Neth.,  1609-1664,  p.  16  ff.;  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  XHL 
333  ff- 

^^  Argall  himself  in  his  journal  talks  about  the  cape  as  though  it  was  already 
known  by  that  name  before  he  arrived  there,  but  Strachey  states  that  it  was 
called  "Cape  De  La  Warr "  by  Argall  on  his  voyage  in  1610. 

^'  On  the  authority  of  Governor  Harvey  of  Virginia. 

^''Purchas  His  Pilgrimes  (1906),  XIX.  p.  84;  Verginia  Britannia,  p.  43; 
Brodhead,  Hist.,  I.  51,  754. 

"This  form  of  the  name  is  used  by  De  Laet  and  others.  It  is  adopted  by 
Jameson.  Since  this  form  also  corresponds  to  the  English,  it  seems  best  to 
adopt  it,  rather  than  Mey. 


i68      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

New  England  coast  to  the  forty-second  or  forty-third  degree. 
When  Block  returned  to  Holland  in  the  autumn  of  1614  he 
brought  with  him  sketches  of  the  explored  territory  and  made 
a  report  to  his  superiors.  The  proprietors  of  the  expeditions 
now  "  formed  themselves  into  an  association  called  the  United 
New  Netherland  Company"  and  a  petition  with  a  figurative 
map^^  was  presented  to  the  States  General,  praying  for  an 
octroy  or  charter  for  a  territory  to  be  called  New  Netherland, 
lying  between  the  fortieth  and  forty-fifth  degree,  according  to 
the  Placaat  of  March  27,  16 14.  The  charter  was  granted  and 
activities  for  new  expeditions  were  begun  and  additional  and 
more  favorable  reports  were  soon  received  from  New  Nether- 
land. Cornelis  Hendricksen,  having  been  placed  in  command 
of  the  Onriist-^  when  Block  returned  to  Holland,  was  sent  in  the 
spring  of  161 6  to  explore  the  country  to  the  southward  and 
partly  to  rescue  three  Dutchmen,  captured  by  the  Indians.  He 
discovered  "certain  lands,  a  bay  [the  Delaware  Bay]  and  three 
rivers,"  making  it  probable  that  he  ascended  the  Delaware  up 
to  the  Schuylkill  or  at  least  to  the  Minquas  Kill.  On  his  return 
to  Holland  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  he  presented  a  report 
and  a  figurative  map,  the  first  of  the  Delaware  known  to  exist.-^ 

"  I  find  it  very  improbable  that  the  Figurative  map  published  in  the  New  York 
Documents,  I.  lo-ii,  is  the  one  referred  to  in  the  grant  of  the  States  General 
of  1614,  as  Fernow  states  in  Winsor,  IV.  434,  and  as  lately  Van  Rensselaer  (I. 
26)  thinks  "seems  probable."  The  grant  says:  "the  above  lands  .  .  .  whereof 
the  sea  coasts  lie  between  the  fortieth  and  fory-fifth  degree  of  Latitude,  now 
named  New  Netherland,  as  can  be  seen  by  a  Figurative  Map  hereunto  annexed." 
Now  this  map  extends  from  37°  15'  unto  42°  30'  and  Nenv  Netherland  is  not 
ivritten  upon  it.  (The  map  presented  in  1616  agrees  as  well  or  better  with  the 
above  sentence.  This  map  extends  from  the  35th  to  the  50th  degree  and  has 
Nieu  Nederlandt  written  across  it.)  Fernow's  statement  that  information  ob- 
tained from  the  Dutchmen  captured  by  the  Mohawks  might  have  been  used  or 
consulted  by  the  draughtsman  contradicts  his  other  statement,  for  these  Dutch 
captives  were  released  by  Hendricksen  in  1616  and  hence  could  not  have  given 
information  about  that  journey  in  16 14,  two  years  before  it  was  made.  The 
present  writer  is  therefore  inclined  to  believe  that  the  tiuo  figurative  maps  (pub- 
lished in  Doc.  I.;  O'Callaghan,  I.)  in  their  present  form  at  least,  date  from  1616. 

^Restlessness  or  Trouble. 

"It  is  distinctly  stated  that  one  of  the  maps  published  in  Doc,  I.  12-13,  was 
annexed  to  the  memorial  presented  to  the  States  General  on  the  eighteenth  of 
August,  1616,  by  the  "  Bewindhebers  van  Nieuw  Nederlandt."  It  seems  quite 
clear  that  the  other  map  was  presented  by  Cornelis  Hendricksen  with  his  report 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  i6^ 

The  river  was  soon  after  called  by  the  Dutch  the  South 
River^^  of  New  Netherland  to  distinguish  it  from  the  North 
River,  or  the  Hudson. 

In  1620  Cornelis  May  of  Hoorn  in  the  ship  Blyde  Boot- 
schap^^  sailed  up  the  Delaware,  where  he  discovered  "  some 
new  and  fruitful  lands,"  and  after  him  the  mouth  of  the  river 
was  soon  called  Nieuw  Port  May  by  the  Dutch. 

1 62 1  is  an  eventful  year  in  the  history  of  this  region — the 
Dutch  West  India  Company,^^  organized  by  Willem  Usselinx 
was  chartered  in  June,  and  the  following  year  the  States  Gen- 
eral ratified  the  charter  in  an  amplified  form,  the  organization 
not  being  complete,  however,  before  1623. 

The  same  year  in  which  the  company  was  founded  it  appears 
that  a  vessel  was  sent  direct  to  the  South  River  by  its  permis- 
sion.^^ A  rich  beaver  trade  is  said  to  have  been  carried  on  in 
the  river  by  English,  French  and  Dutch  traders  during  these 
early  years,  and  in  1623  a  French  vessel  sailed  up  the  Delaware 
with  the  intention  of  taking  possession  of  the  same  for  the  King 
of  France,  but  this  was  frustrated  by  the  Dutch  of  New  Amster- 
dam. The  same  year  Captain  May  of  Hoorn  was  again  sent 
to  the  Delaware  with  orders  to  build  a  fort  there.     He  ex- 

on  August  18,  the  same  year.  His  report  stated  that  he  had  discovered  "cer- 
tain lands,  a  bay  and  three  rivers  situate  between  the  38  and  40  degrees."  On 
this  map  there  are  also  three  large  rivers  and  a  bay.  Then  the  interior  is 
indicated  for  a  great  distance  and  Indian  villages  are  located  on  the  western 
river,  which  makes  it  probable  that  the  Dutchmen  who  were  rescued  by  Hen- 
dricksen  (probably  at  the  Schuylkill  or  the  Minquas  Kill)  furnished  this  informa- 
tion, for  they  had  been  inland  for  a  great  many  miles.  Another  thing  in  favor 
of  this  theory  is  the  fact  that  Hendricksen  says  that  he  discovered  three  rivers 
and  a  bay.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  suppose  that  he  could  have  made  such  a  claim 
unchallenged  had  it  been  discovered  and  even  mapped  two  years  before  he  made 
his  report.  It  is  true  that  Cornelis  May  sailed  up  the  Delaware  in  1620  and 
reported  that  he  had  discovered  some  new  lands,  but  he  did  not  claim  the  dis- 
covery of  any  bay  or  river. 

^  There  was  also  a  North  and  a  South  River  in  New  England.  See  Plym. 
Col.  Rec,  Court  Orders,  I.  72,  163-5. 

^  Glad  Tidings. 

^  The  capital  stock  was  7,000,000  florins. 

^Dof.,  I.  I  fl.;  Penn.  Ar.,  V.  11  fl.;  De  Laet  in  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S., 
L  301  if.;  Proc.  of  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  1847,  p.  89  ff.;  Brodhead,  Hist.,  I.  53  ff., 
79  ff. ;  Memorial  Hist,  of  New  York,  I.  p.  55  ff.,  52  ff. ;  Hazard,  p.  1  ff. ;  Jameson, 
Nar.  of  N.  Neth.,  1609-1664,  p.  64-5;  Motley,  Hist,  of  the  U.  Neth.,  IV.  298  ff.; 
Van  Rensselaer,  I.  3  ff. 


I/O      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

plored  the  country,  traded  with  the  natives  and,  after  selecting 
a  suitable  site,  he  erected  a  fortress,  which  was  called  Fort 
Nassau.^*'  "  Four  couples,  married  at  sea  on  their  voyage  from 
Holland,  together  with  eight  seamen,  were  later  sent  in  a  yacht 
to  settle  there  "  and  some  dwellings  were  built,  probably  within 
the  palisades.    In  a  few  years,  however,  the  fort  was  deserted. ^^ 

In  1629  Samuel  Godyn,  president  of  the  Amsterdam  cham- 
ber of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  and  one  of  the  grantees 
of  the  charter  of  16 14,  applied  for  privileges  to  found  a  colony 
on  the  South  River  under  the  Charter  of  Patronage. ^^  As  early 
as  June  a  tract  of  land  was  purchased  on  the  south  comer  of  the 
Bay  of  the  South  River,  "  extending  northwards  about  thirty 
miles  from  Cape  Henlopen  to  the  mouth  of  the  said  river  and 
inland  about  two  miles." 

Minuit,  who  was  director  at  New  Amsterdam,  was  requested 
"to  register  this  colony"  and  on  June  19  (n.s.),  the  West 
India  Company  registered  the  same  in  Amsterdam.  Godyn 
was  later  joined  by  Samuel  Blommaert  and  in  the  patent  for  the 
territory  signed  at  New  Amsterdam  on  July  16  (n.s.),  1630, 
they  are  both  included, ^^  the  Indians  having  appeared  before 
the  council  at  Manhattan  on  the  previous  day  and  ratified  the 
purchase. ^*^  Several  other  members  also  joined  the  company 
the  same  year  and  preparations  were  made  to  send  out  an  expe- 
dition. Two  vessels  were  made  ready.  One  of  these  was  cap- 
tured by  the  Dunkirkers,  but  the  other  ship.  The  fValvis,  com- 
manded by  Capt.  Peter  Heyes,^^  loaded  with  bricks,  provisions, 
a  large  stock  of  cattle  and  twenty-eight  colonists,  said  to  have 
been  Mennonites,^-  arrived  safely  in  the  Delaware  in  the  spring 
of  1 63 1   and  planted  a  colony  on  the  bank  of  the  Horn   (or 

™  For  location  see  map.  For  the  meaning  of  Nassau  cf.  Putnam,  William  the 
Silent,  I.  4. 

''  De  Laet  in  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  zd  S.,  I.  301  ff. ;  Doc.  I.  587  ff. ;  Penn. 
Arch.,  2d  S.,  V.  235  ff. ;  Brodhead,  Hist.,  I.  p.  134  ff. 

^  For  the  Charter  of  Privileges  for  Patrons  see  Brodhead,  Hist.,  I.  187,  194  ff. 
It  was  signed  by  Peter  Minuit  and  six  others. 

"£>of.,  XIL  16  ff. 

"^Doc,  XII.  16  ff.;  Penn.  Arch.,  2d  S.,  V.  4,  25  ff. 

*^  Not  by  Vries  as  stated  by  Hazard  and  others. 

*^See  Maryland  Hist.  Mag.,  I.  344  (from  Journal  of  the  Labadist  Dankers), 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  171 

Hoere)^^  Kill,  naming  it  Swanendael.  "They  engaged  in 
whaling  and  farming  and  made  suitable  fortifications,^*  so  that 
in  July  of  the  same  year  [1631]  their  cows  calved  and  their 
lands  were  seeded  and  covered  with  a  fine  crop."  Five  addi- 
tional colonists  joined  the  settlement,  probably  from  New 
Amsterdam,  making  the  total  number  thirty-three.  More  land 
was  purchased  from  the  savages  on  behalf  of  Blommaert  and 
Godyn,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware,  extending  twelve 
miles  northward  and  twelve  miles  inland, ^^  and  there  seems  to 
have  been  harmony  between  the  aborigines  and  the  little  colony, 
"but  by  an  error  of  their  commiss,  all  the  people  and  the 
animals  were  lamentably  killed  [except TheunisWillemsen]."^^ 
In  the  meantime  another  expedition  was  prepared.  News 
arrived  before  it  sailed  of  the  destruction  of  the  Swanendael 
colony,  but  the  expedition  was  not  detained.  The  vessel,  com- 
manded by  De  Vries,  arrived  before  the  ruined  fort  at  Swanen- 
dael on  December  6  (n.s.)  and  found  the  remains  of  the 
settlement  and  skeletons  of  the  people  and  animals.    He  tarried 

^  The  author  of  the  Besclir.  van  Virginia,  etc.  (Amsterdam,  1651),  p.  38, 
says:  "  waer  cese  naem  [Hoere  Kil]  van  gekomen  is  weten  wij  niet."  The 
Dutch  generally  called  it  Hoere  Kil.  (De  Vries,  Korte  Historiael,  p.  165,  175, 
184,  etc.)  In  Swedish  Documents  it  is  almost  alzuays  called  Horn  Kil.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  the  name  Hoere  Kil  is  a  mistake  for  Hoorn  Kil  (named 
after  Cornells  Jacobsen  May  of  Hoorn  in  Holland),  but  it  is  difficult  to  explain 
why  De  Vries  should  call  it  Hoere  Kil  for  it  would  seem  that  he  had  oppor- 
tunity to  know.  It  seems  unlikely  that  Cornelis  May  should  name  an  insig- 
nificant stream  like  the  Hoorn  Kill  after  his  own  name.  If  he  wished  to  per- 
petuate his  name  he  surely  could  have  done  so  more  effectively  by  naming  some 
large  river,  saj'  the  Schuylkill,  after  himself.  The  writer  has  adopted  the 
Swedish  form  of  the  word  or  name  for  the  river  (Horn),  since  this  form  is 
found  in  almost  all  the  Swedish  records,  referring  to  the  stream  and  since  it 
agrees  with  the  English  form  as  well.  That  the  name  was  well  known  and  that 
questions  concerning  its  origin  arose  as  early  as  1648  to  1651  can  be  seen  from 
the  above  quotation.  If  Hoere  was  a  mistake  for  Horn  it  would  seem  that  the 
author  of  the  Beschr.  would  have  suggested  this  explanation.  Horen  Hook  was 
a  place  near  New  York  {Watson's  Annals,  I.  7).  Concerning  a:i  explanation 
of  the  origin  of  the  name  Hoere  Kil  see  Van  Sweeringen,  Md.  Arch.,  V^  411  ff. 

**They  built  a  brick  house  "inside  of  palisades."  Cf.  Doc,  II.  50;  G. 
Thomas,  W.  Jersey,  p.  14;  Brodhead,  Hist.,  I.  206. 

^  The  bay  was  called  Godyn's  Bay  in  honor  of  Samuel  Godyn. 

^"Who  was  left  over  in  Swanendael."  Van  Renssellaer  B.  Mss.,  p.  223. 
De  Vries  says  that  32  men  were  killed.  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  III.  17. 
Hence  there  must  have  been  33  men  in  the  colony. 


172       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

on  the  river  three  months,  visited  Fort  Nassau  in  January,  1633, 
which  was  occupied  by  Indians,  and  entered  into  communica- 
tion with  the  savages.  After  a  journey  in  his  yacht  to  Virginia 
for  corn  he  rejoined  his  ship  at  the  Swanendael  on  March  29 
and  remained  there  for  about  two  weeks. ^^ 

While  the  Dutch  were  exploring  the  Hudson  and  the  Dela- 
ware rivers  and  making  settlements  there,  the  English  had 
planted  colonies  to  the  north  and  south  of  this  territory,  and 
the  Delaware  region  had  been  granted  to  two  English  com- 
panies^^ in  1606.^^ 

Individual  Englishmen  also  received  grants  and  intended  to 
make  settlements  on  territory  adjoining  the  Delaware.  Lord 
Baltimore,  finding  it  necessary  to  abandon  his  colony  of  Avalon 
in  the  north,  applied  to  King  James  in  August,  1629,  for  a 
grant  of  land  farther  south.  After  visiting  Virginia  he  re- 
turned to  England  and  was  gratified  to  learn  that  the  King  was 
willing  to  accede  to  his  request.  He  presented  a  more  definite 
petition,  defining  the  territory  he  wished  to  settle  and  a  charter 
was  about  to  be  issued,  entries  concerning  the  subject  being 
made  in  March  and  April  in  the  Signet  Office,^"^  when  he  died 
on  April  15,  1632.  His  rights,  however,  were  transferred  to 
his  son  Cecil,  second  Lord  Baltimore,  and  on  the  twentieth  of 
June  the  charter  was  issued,  describing  the  territory  to  be  planted 
in  a  rather  obscure  manner.  It  was  to  include  "  all  that  part 
of  a  peninsula  lying  in  the  parts  of  America  between  the  ocean 
on  the  east,  and  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake  on  the  west,  and 
divided  from  the  other  part  thereof  by  a  right  line  drawn  from 
the  promontory  or  cape  of  land  called  Watkin's  Point  (situate 

"  Van  Renssellaer  B.  Mss.,  ed.  by  Van  Laer,  p.  222  ff. ;  De  Vries,  Korie  His- 
toriael,  165,  175,  184;  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  IIL  16  ff. ;  Jameson,  Nar.  of  N. 
Neth.,  184  ff.;  Brodhead,  Hist.,  I.  204  ff.;  Pusey,  Hist,  of  Leives,  Del.,  Del.  Hist. 
So.,  1903;  Hazard,  Annals. 

^Really  one  company  with  two  divisions. 

*'The  London  company  was  granted  the  district  between  the  34th  and  41st 
degrees,  that  is  between  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  and  the  southern  limit  of  North 
Carolina,  and  the  Plymouth  company  was  to  establish  a  colony  somewhere  be- 
tween the  38th  and  the  45th  degrees  of  latitude,  that  is  between  the  mouth  of 
the  Potomac  and  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

*"  Grants  to  Lord  Baltimore  in  America.  Signet  Office,  March,  April,  June, 
August,  1632.     Pub.  Rec.  Office. 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  173 

in  the  aforesaid  Bay,  near  the  River  Wighco) ,  on  the  west, 
unto  the  main  ocean  on  the  east,  and  between  that  bound  on 
the  south,  unto  that  part  of  the  Delaware  Bay  on  the  north 
which  lieth  under  the  40th  degree  of  north  latitude  from  the 
equinoctial,  where  New  England  ends;  and  all  that  tract  of 
land  between  the  bounds  aforesaid,  i.  e.,  passing  from  the 
aforesaid  Bay  called  Delaware  Bay,  in  a  right  line  by  the 
degrees  aforesaid,  unto  the  true  meridian  of  the  first  fountain 
of  the  River  of  Potomac,  and  from  thence  towards  the  south 
unto  the  further  bank  of  the  aforesaid  river  and  following  the 
west  and  south  side  thereof,  unto  a  certain  place  called  Cin- 
quack,  situate  near  the  mouth  of  said  river,  where  it  falls  into 
the  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  and  from  thence  by  a  straight  line, 
unto  the  aforesaid  promontory  and  place  called  Watkin's 
Point."  That  is  to  say  it  was  limited  on  the  north  by  the 
fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  on  the  east  (beginning  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Schuylkill)  by  the  Delaware  River  and  Bay  and  the 
ocean,  on  the  south  by  a  line  drawn  due  east  from  a  point 
called  Cinquack  at  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac  to  Watkin's 
Point  and  thence  to  the  ocean,  on  the  west  and  southwest  by 
the  Potomac  to  its  head  and  thence  by  a  line  drawn  due  north 
to  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  hence  including  all  of  the 
present  states  of  Delaware  and  Maryland,  the  southern  coun- 
ties of  Pennsylvania  bordering  on  Maryland  and  the  eastern 
half  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  country  was  to  be  called  Maryland  in  honor  of  Queen 
Henrietta  Maria. ^^  The  tract  was  of  course  carved  from  the 
original  grant  of  Virginia  Company,^^  ^nd  in  1631  William 
Clayborne  made  a  settlement  on  the  island  of  Kent  for  the 
purpose  of  trade  with  the  Indians,  but  Lord  Baltimore's  grant 
was  always  put  forth  by  the  English  to  the  south  of  the  Dela- 
ware as  their  strongest  right  to  the  territory  of  New  Sweden.^^ 

"The  charter  is  published  in  Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  I.  327  ff. 

"There  was  much  opposition  to  Lord  Baltimore's  grants.  See  Steiner,  Beg. 
of  Mar.,  p.  9  ff.,  15  ff.;  Bozman,  Sketch  of  the  Hist,  of  Mar.,  p.  264  ff.  Cf. 
Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  I.  621  ff.,  628  ff. ;  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  V.  482  ff. 

^'Latane,  John  H.,  The  Early  Rel.  between  Md.  and  Va.,  p.  8  ff. ;  Steiner, 
Beg.  of  Md.;  Neill,  The  Founders  of  Maryland;  Hart,  .4m.  Hist.  Told  by 
Contemp.,  I.  247  ff.     See  Bibliography.     Cf.  below.  Chap.  XXHL 


174      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Lord  Baltimore  made  a  settlement  on  the  grant  in  1634,  which 
became  the  nearest  neighbor  to  New  Sweden  on  the  south. 

Some  time  before  July,  1632,  Sir  Edmund  Plowden  and 
eight  other  "adventurers"  applied  to  Charles  I.  for  a  grant  of 
a  "  convenient  Isle  .  .  .  called  Manite  or  Long  Isle "  and 
"30  miles  square  of  the  coast  next  adjoining,"  "some  150 
miles  northward  from  .  .  .  James  city^^  .  .  .  near  Delaware 
Bay."  If  this  grant  was  made  they  would  "plant  and  settle 
there  3,000  inhabitants  for  the  making  of  wine,  salt  and  iron, 
fishing  of  sturgeon  and  mullet,  and  for  cattle  and  corn  for  the 
colony  and  for  yearly  building  of  shipping  there."  A  docu- 
ment in  twenty-nine  articles  was  also  drafted  and  probably 
sent  with  the  petition  to  the  King,  giving  a  list  of  commodities 
and  advantages  to  be  found  in  the  region,  and  also  presenting 
suggestions  for  the  government  of  the  colony.  The  company 
was  willing  to  maintain  "  ye  governor  and  two  men  to  wait  on 
him  "  as  well  as  twenty-five  soldiers  and  the  same  number  of 
"mariners  to  truck  and  traffic  by  turn  with  the  savages." 

Some  time  later  another  petition  was  presented  to  His 
Majesty  in  a  modified  form  in  accordance  with  which  the  King 
directed  the  Lord  Justices  of  Ireland  to  issue  a  grant  of  the 
"  Isle  called  the  Isle  of  Plowden  or  Long  Isle  .  .  .  and  forty 
leagues  square  of  the  adjoining  continent  .  .  .  [to  be  called] 
by  the  name  of  New  Albion"  with  Ed.  Plowden  as  the  first 
governor.  "  Corn,  cattle  and  such  other  necessaries  as  they 
should  have  use  of  "  in  the  colony  were  to  be  furnished  out  of 
Ireland  and  the  planters  had  "power  to  carry  artificers  and 
laborers  thence  into  said  colony. "^^  Some  time  elapsed  before 
the  authorities  in  Ireland  acted  on  the  matter,  but  on  June  21, 
1634,  a  charter  was  issued  to  Plowden  and  his  associates  grant- 
ing to  them  Long  Island,  and  a  territory  "  forty  leagues 
square, "'*''   extending   along   shore   southward   to   Cape   May. 

**  Jamestown,  Virginia. 

'"Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.  {i86q),  Pub.  F.  Se.,  U.  213  ff.;  Penn.  Mag.,  VH.; 
Penn.  Mag.,  V.  206  ff.,  424  ff. ;  Winsor,  HL  457  ff. 

*" "  The  Isle  of  Plowden,  or  Long  Island,  lying  near  or  between  the  thirty- 
ninth  and  fortieth  degrees  of  north  latitude,  together  with  part  of  the  continent 
or  Terra    Firma    aforesaid,   near   adjoining,    described   to  begin    from   the   point 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  175 

from  the  cape  on  the  east  shore  of  the  Delaware  to  the  Schuyl- 
kill,^' from  there  In  a  straight  line  due  north  forty  leagues  into 
the  country  (unto  about  Stroudsburg  in  Monroe  County, 
Pennsylvania,  or  the  Delaware  Watergap),  and  from  there 
across  New  Jersey  unto  Sand  Bay  at  the  mouth  of  Rarltan 
River,  hence  including  parts  of  the  five  eastern  counties  of 
Pennsylvania  up  to  the  forty-first  degree  and  almost  all  of  New 
Jersey.^^  Two  of  the  petitioners  having  died  and  the  others 
having  surrendered  their  claims  to  Plowden,  on  December  20, 
1634,  he  became  sole  proprietor  of  the  distrlct,^^  but  some 
years  elapsed  before  he  made  attempts  at  settlement.^*^ 

It  has  been  said  that  King  Charles  I.  transferred  his  rights 
to  the  Delaware  territory  to  Sweden  about  this  time  (1630- 
1634)  and  one  of  the  arguments  used  by  Rising  to  establish 
the  Swedish  title  to  the  river  was  based  on  this  supposition.^^ 
The  transaction  was  affected  through  Johan  Oxenstierna,  the 
Swedish  Ambassador  at  London,  says  Rising,  and  It  was 
repeated  by  Lindestrom,  Campanius  Holm^^  and  Acrelius,  who 

of  an  angle  of  a  certain  promontory  called  Cape  May,  and  from  thence  to  the 
westward  for  a  space  of  forty  leagues,  running  by  the  river  Delaware,  and 
closely  following  its  course  by  the  north  latitude  into  a  certain  rivulet  there, 
arising  from  a  spring  of  Lord  Baltimore's  in  the  lands  of  Maryland,  and  the 
summit  aforesaid  to  the  South,  where  its  touches  joins  and  determines  in  its 
breadth;  from  thence  takes  its  course  into  a  square,  leading  to  the  North  by  a 
right  line,  for  a  space  of  forty  leagues;  and  from  thence  likewise  by  a  square, 
inclining  towards  the  East  in  a  right  line  for  a  space  of  forty  leagues,  to  the 
river  and  part  of  Reacher  Cod,  and  descends  to  a  savannah,  touching  and 
including  the  top  of  Sandbeey,  where  it  determines,  and  from  thence  towards 
the  south,  by  a  square  stretching  to  a  savannah,  which  passes  by,  and  washes 
the  shore  of  the  Island  of  Plowden  aforesaid,  to  a  point  of  the  promontory  of 
Cape  May,  above  mentioned,  and  terminates  where  it  began."  Hazard,  Hist. 
Col.,  I.  161.     The  Latin  original  is  published  by  Keen  in  Penn.  Mag.,  VII.  55  ff. 

"  A  Certain  rivulet  there  arising,  etc.,  must  mean  the  Schuylkill. 

**  Compare  Winsor,  Nar.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  III.  458,  however. 

**  For  his  transactions  at  this  time  see  Winsor,  III.  458. 

•»  See  below.  Chap.  XXIII. 

"  It  was  also  said  that  the  English  king  gave  permission  to  the  Dutch  to  put 
in  at  Manhattan  Island  for  fresh  water  on  their  way  to  Brazil  and  also  to  build 
on  the  island.  Cf.  John  Josselyn,  An  Account  of  Tivo  Voyages,  etc.,  extract 
in  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  I.  383-4.  It  was  also  stated  that  King  James  granted 
Staten  Island  to  the  Dutch.     See  Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  I.  604-5. 

^^Holm  has  the  date  1631  found  in  Rising  and  Lindestrom,  but  Johan  Oxen- 
stierna was  not  in  London  then.  It  is,  however,  not  entirely  necessary  to  suppose 
that  Johan  Oxenstierna  performed  the  transaction. 


1/6      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

stated  that  "  it  was  confirmed  by  Von  Stiernman  out  of  the 
documents, "^^  and  that  the  articles  of  cession  were  found  in  the 
Royal  Archives  before  the  burning  of  the  palace  in  1697.^^ 
In  1876  Dr.  Sprinchorn  made  a  search  in  the  Royal  Archives 
for  further  evidence  and  the  present  writer  made  a  search 
among  the  diplomatic  and  other  papers  likely  to  contain  any 
reference  to  the  transaction  in  the  Public  Record  Office  at  Lon- 
don and  also  in  the  Royal  Archives  at  Stockholm,  but  without 
result. 

In  this  connection.  Rising  makes  another  statement,  also 
repeated  by  Lindestrom  and  Holm.^^  He  says  that  "we  have 
a  pretension  to  a  bono  titilo  from  the  Hollanders,  for  it  was 
bought  for  us  through  one  called  Minuit  from  one  called 
Samuel  Blommaert  in  Amsterdam."  Now  it  is  a  fact  that 
Samuel  Blommaert  and  the  other  Dutch  members  of  the  New 
Sweden  Company  actually  did  sell  their  interest  in  the  Dela- 
ware territory,  bought  by  Minuit  in  1638,^^  to  the  Swedish 
stockholders;  but  not  the  Swanendael  tracts  possessed  by  Blom- 
maert and  Godyn  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  for  these  were 
sold  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  some  time  before. 
Not  knowing  that  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  had  bought 
the  interest  in  the  Delaware  of  Blommaert,  Godyn  and  part- 
ners, Rising  confused  two  different  transactions  and  pushed  the 
date  of  the  one  back  to  that  of  the  other.  In  case  Blommaert 
pretended  to  the  tracts  bought  by  Corsen  in  1633^''^  it  is  likely 
that  Blommaert  resigned  this  right  to  the  Swedish  company. 

"^  That  may  simply  mean,  however,  that  Stiernman  found  the  statement  in 
Rising's  Report.     Acrelius,  Beskrif.,  p.  8  note  (a). 

"Acrelius,  Beskrif.,  p.  8. 

*' Cf.  also  Holm  (transl.),  68-9.  Holm  takes  his  statement  from  Lindestrom, 
which  is  less  correct.  He  says  the  "  Dutch  also  claimed  a  right  to  the  country 
because  they  visited  it  before  the  Swedes.  This  claim  was  also  purchased  from 
the  Hollanders."  Acrelius  wisely  omits  this  statement.  Rising  says  that  he 
found  a  copy  of  an  octroy  from  the  D.  W.  India  Company  dated  October  i, 
1630,  giving  these  West  Indian  lands  to  four  prominent  men  in  Amsterdam,  S. 
Godyn,  A.  Conradus,  Samuel  Blommaert  and  Kilian  van  Rensselaer.  He  further 
states  that  the  upper  part  of  the  river  belonged  to  Blommaert  and  that  this  was 
sold  to  Sweden  for  a  sura  of  money.  The  lower  part  belonged  to  Godyn,  but 
he  says  nothing  about  the  sale  of  this  tract. 

"  Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXI. 

*'  Cf.  below,  pp.  178-179. 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.^^  177 

But  the  probability  Is  that  the  sale  of  1640'^  gave  rise  to  the 
statement,  In  any  case  showing  that  It  has  some  foundation  in 
fact.  The  report  of  the  transaction  between  Count  Oxenstierna 
and  Charles  I.  must  likewise  have  had  some  basis  of  truth.  As 
far  as  the  author  is  aware  there  is  no  other  transaction  between 
the  two  governments  that  could  give  rise  to  such  a  rumor.  It 
Is  true  that  in  March,  1628,  Gustavus  Adolphus  made  a  treaty 
with  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  concerning  a  district,  where  Wal- 
ter Raleigh  was  supposed  to  have  discovered  a  rich  gold  mine;^^ 
but  there  is  nothing  in  the  affair  that  could  give  rise  to  the  sup- 
position that  King  Charles  ceded  any  territory  to  Sweden. 

Circumstances  were  favorable  for  the  transference  of  "Eng- 
lish territorial  rights"  to  Sweden,  if  an  application  was  made. 
King  Charles  was  very  friendly  to  the  latter  nation  and  he 
would  unquestionably  have  been  anxious  to  give  a  donation 
that  was  so  small  a  drain  on  his  treasury,  especially  since  he 
could  or  would  not  at  that  time  comply  with  the  more  serious 
requests  of  the  allies  of  allowing  the  recruiting  of  troops  in  his 
kingdom  and  the  supplying  of  money  for  these  enlistments,  as 
well  as  subsidies  for  the  expense  of  the  war.^*^ 

Usselinx  was  just  now  organizing  the  New  South  Company, 
one  of  whose  objects  was  to  found  colonies.^^  He  knew  that 
England  pretended  to  the  coast  of  North  America,  and  she  had 
protested  against  the  settlement  of  New  Netherland.^-  The 
territorial  restrictions  of  the  old  charter  were  removed  and 
hence  the  Delaware  was  included  in  the  field  of  operation  of 
the  Nem  South  Company. 

Now  It  is  conceivable  that  Oxenstierna,  who  took  great  Inter- 
est In  these  maritime  plans,  at  the  suggestion  of  Usselinx  in- 
structed his  son,  Johan  Oxenstierna,  as  he  sent  him  to  London 

"  Cf.  Chap.  XVI. 

'*  Foothold  was  to  be  secured  by  the  Duke  on  the  Island  of  Jamaica  and 
on  the  American  continent  under  Swedish  protection.  Rydfors,  De  dipl.  for. 
mellan  Sverige  och  Eng.,  p.  iii  ff. ;  Cronholm,  Sv.  hist.,  IV.  373-4,  VII.  85; 
Lingard,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  IX.  392-3,  note  68,  quoting  Clarendon  Papers,  I.  18. 

*°Cf.  Heimer,  De  dipl.  for.,  etc.,  13  ff. ;  Chemnitz,  II.  2,  §19;  Gardiner,  The 
Pers.  Gov.  of  Charles  I.,  I.  207  ff. 

''Cf.  above.  Chap.  X. 

^  Doc,  III.  6  ff.     Usselinx  must  have  known  of  these  protests. 
13 


178       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

in  the  beginning  of  1634,  to  request  permission  for  Swedish 
ships  to  visit  English  territory  in  America  or  even  to  plant 
colonies  unobstructed  on  some  of  the  large  unoccupied  areas 
claimed  by  England  on  this  continent.  The  Delaware  region 
might  especially  have  been  designated  as  unoccupied,  for  no 
English  settlement  had  as  yet  been  made  there  and  the  various 
grants  that  included  this  territory  were  vague  and  not  well 
defined.®^  A  written  promise  from  King  Charles  granting  the 
above  request  might  easily  have  given  rise  to  the  statement  that 
the  English  king  made  a  formal  grant  to  the  Swedish  govern- 
ment,^'* The  writer  is  strongly  inclined  to  believe  that  some 
document  from  King  Charles  existed  (dating  from  this  time  or 
earlier) ,  either  granting  Swedish  vessels  the  right  to  visit  Eng- 
lish colonies  in  America,  or  giving  privileges  to  Sweden  to  erect 
trading  posts  on  unoccupied  territory,  or  both,  for  it  is  extremely 
improbable  that  Rising  invented  the  statement.  He  used  it  in 
his  report  of  1656,  only  twenty-four  years  after  the  transaction 
was  said  to  have  taken  place,  and  he  sent  the  report  to  the  gov- 
ernment at  Stockholm,  where  it  could  be  scrutinized  and  where 
the  exact  facts  could  be  obtained  from  the  documents  in  the 
chancery.  Is  it  conceivable  then  that  he  would  dare  invent  the 
statement?  Whether  Sweden  was  granted  the  right  to  plant 
colonies  on  territory  claimed  by  England  or  not,  can  not  now 
be  actually  determined,  but  one  thing  is  certain,  if  such  per- 
mission was  given  it  was  not  made  use  of.  Sweden  was  yet  to 
wait  for  some  years  before  she  planted  a  colony  in  America. 

But  to  return  to  the  Dutch  on  the  Delaware.  Fort  Nassau, 
which  had  been  deserted  for  some  time,  was  reoccupied  by  the 
Dutch  in  the  summer  of  1633  and  a  house  was  built  and  other 
improvements  were  made.  Several  traders  probably  went  there 
and  Arent  Corsen,  the  new  commissioner,  purchased  a  tract  of 

"Cf.  above. 

"  Johan  Oxenstierna  "  was  outwardly  treated  by  the  King  with  respect,  but 
an  excuse  was  found  in  his  want  of  a  formal  commission  from  his  father  for 
sending  him  back  without  the  promise  which  he  desired,"  says  Gardiner.  The 
Pers.  Gov.  of  Charles  I.,  H.  64.  This  refers  to  aids  of  money,  etc.  Axel 
Oxenstierna  treated  Charles's  message  and  offers  with  scorn.  Gardiner,  The 
Pers.  Gov.,  II.  87. 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  179 

land*'^  on  the  Schuylkill  from  several  Indian  chiefs  and  a  small 
blockhouse  seems  to  have  been  erected  on  a  convenient  place 
for  trade  with  the  savages.*'^  The  fort  was  again  deserted  in 
the  autumn  or  winter  of  1 633-1 634. 

The  English  likewise  visited  the  river  from  time  to  time  and 
in  1632  seven  or  eight  men  from  Virginia  went  to  explore  the 
Delaware,  but  they  were  killed  by  the  Indians.  In  1634  another 
English  vessel  arrived  there.  The  idea  of  finding  a  passage 
through  the  continent  to  a  great  lake  or  even  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean  was  common  in  this  period,  as  we  shall  see.  In  1633 
Thomas  Young,  the  son  of  a  rich(?)  London  merchant,  ap- 
plied for  permission  to  sail  to  America  and  take  possession  of 
lands  not  yet  occupied  by  Christian  people,  his  object  being  to 
discover  "the  Great  Lake  or  Ocean."  In  accordance  with  this 
request  a  commission  for  Young  was  issued  on  September  23, 
the  same  year,  granting  him  the  power  to  establish  trading  posts 
and  vesting  him  with  great  authority  over  the  territory  he  might 
settle.  Young  arrived  in  the  Delaware  (which  he  called 
"  Charles  River,"  in  honor  of  his  King)  about  the  end  of  July. 
He  twice  ascended  the  river  up  to  the  falls^"  in  hope  of  finding 
its  source,  Evelin,  one  of  his  companions  having  made  a  draft 
or  sketch  of  Delaware  Bay,  and  he  erected  the  coat  of  arms  of 
England  on  a  tree,  taking  the  country  into  possession  with  usual 
ceremonies.  It  has  been  said  that  he  built  a  fort  and  remained 
here  for  some  time,**^  but  this  is  very  improbable.^^    The  Dutch 

*  Doc,  I.  588 ;  Hazard,  Annals.      Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXXVH. 

From  a  statement  by  Rising  to  the  effect  that  Blommaert  owned  "  the  upper 
part  of  the  said  River,"  it  might  be  argued  that  Blommaert  furnished  the  means 
for  this  purchase  and  that  it  was  made  in  his  name,  but  since  there  is  no  other 
evidence  on  this  point  it  cannot  be  decided.     Rising's  Journal  {Up.  B.). 

°*  The  location  of  the  blockhouse  is  uncertain,  but  from  a  statement  in  a 
Dutch  document  it  appears  that  it  was  located  on  the  spot  where  Ft.  Korsholm 
was  later  erected.     See  map;  Doc,  XIL  37. 

"  Fort  Nassau  was  deserted  by  the  Dutch,  but  it  is  curious  that  Young  does 
not  mention  Fort  Nassau  in  his  report. 

°*Rymer's  Faedera,  September  23,  1633;  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  4th  S.,  IX. 
8i  ff.;  Penn.  Mag.,  V.  208  ff. ;  Winsor,  III.  p.  457;  Neiv  Albion  (Force,  Repr.), 
p.  22.  A  correct  text  of  Young's  report,  from  the  original  manuscript,  appears 
in  Albert  Cook  Myers's  Original  Narratives  of  Early  Pennsylvania. 

*  In  a  protest  handed  to  the  Swedes  in  March,  1642,  we  read:  "  Queene 
Elizabeth  of  happy  memory  under  the  name  of  Virginea  granted  under  her  greate 


i8o      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

at  Manhattan,  being  informed  by  Indians  of  the  English  expe- 
dition, sent  a  vessel  to  the  river  twice  during  Young's  sojourn 
there  to  inquire  about  his  purpose. 

Some  time  after  Young's  return  to  Virginia,  probably  as  a 
result  of  his  reports,  preparations  were  made  for  sending  a  new 
expedition  to  the  Delaware,  and  in  1635  some  fifteen  or  sixteen 
Englishmen"^*^  from  Point  Comfort  under  the  command  of 
George  Holmes  sailed  up  to  Fort  Nassau.  The  fortress  was 
deserted  and  they  took  it  into  possession.  But  a  Dutch  bark 
soon  recaptured  the  fort  and  brought  the  English  prisoners  to 
New  Amsterdam,  whence  they  were  sent  with  Capt.  De  Vries 
to  Virginia  in  September.  Another  English  bark  with  twenty 
men  was  about  to  join  their  comrades  in  the  South  River  at  this 
time,  but  finding  that  these  returned  as  prisoners  with  De  Vries, 
they  gave  up  their  design.'^  This  experience  seems  to  have 
made  it  clear  to  the  Dutch  that  they  must  either  occupy  the 
fort  themselves  or  lose  it  to  others,  and  it  is  probable  that  a 
small  garrison  and  a  commiss,  perhaps  Jan  Jansen,  were  sent 
there  in  the  spring  of  1636. 

The  English  continued  to  visit  the  river,  however,  and  it 
seems  that  two  prizes  were  taken  from  them  there  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1636.  In  May  De  Vries  was  again  within  sight  of  the 
bay,  but  he  did  not  enter  the  river. '^^ 

The  fur  trade  continued  to  be  considerable;  but  the  "Swan- 
endael  Company"  was  not  a  success,  because  it  was  composed 

Scale  unto  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  Knt.  her  Subiect  all  [t]his  parte  now  called  Vir- 
ginea  and  these  Land[s]  called  Maryland,  new  Albion,  and  New  England  and 
begann  and  planted  Colonies,  and  one  with  30  men  and  some  greate  peaces  of 
ordinances  in  that  river  and  Bay  called  by  us  Delaware  Bay  and  by  you  called 
South  river,  which  said  plantaeon  then  and  there  begunn  was  againe  continued 
by  Sir  Samuell  Argoll  and  Sir  Thomas  Deale  of  Virginea  Knights  and  by  the 
direction  of  the  Baron  of  Delaware  the  then  Governor  of  Virginea  and  by  his 
name  called  Delaware  Bay  about  thirty-seven  years  since  in  y°  time  and  reignc 
of  the  most  renowned  King  James,  King  of  England  and  the  same  river  and 
Bay  possessed,  planted  and  traded  nyne  years  since  by  Captain  Young,  Lieft 
Euelin,  Mr.  Holmes  and  others.  ..."  Copy  of  protest  sent  by  Governor  Berkeley 
to  Commandant  P.  H.  Ridder,  dated  March  18,  1642.      N.S.,  L   (K.A.). 

"  De  Vries  says  "  veerthien  a  vyfthien,"  but  one  deserted. 

"  De  Vries,  Korte  Historiael,  143 ;  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.,  2d  S.,  III.  76  ff. 

'=  De  Vries,  Korte  Historiael,  145 ;  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.,  2d  S.,  HI.  78  S. 


Early  History  of  the  Delaware.  i8i 

of  too  many  members.  Differences  arose  between  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company  and  the  patrons  of  the  Swanendael  con- 
cerning the  beaver  trade  in  the  South  River.  It  was  brought 
into  the  Amsterdam  courts  and  finally  the  company  purchased 
the  title  and  rights  from  the  patrons  (in  February,  1635),  for 
15,600  gulden  to  be  paid  in  three  equal  instalments  (on  May 
27,  1635,  August  27,  1637,  November  27,  1637),  ^he  last  pay- 
ment being  made  as  the  Swedish  expedition  was  on  its  way  to 
Holland. "^^  The  garrison  at  Fort  Nassau  was  maintained, 
with  a  commiss  (Jan  Jansen)  and  an  assistant  commiss  (Peter 
May)  for  the  supervision  of  the  trade. 

"Van  Rensselaer  B.  Mss.,  ed.  by  Van  Laer,  p.  316.  Contract  signed  by  Blom- 
maert,  etc.,  February  17,  1635  (tranl.  by  O'Callaghan,  Hist,  of  N.  Neth.,  I.  479- 
8i;  cf.  also  L  365).    Doc,  I. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

The  Coming  of  the  Swedes  and  their  Occupation  of 
THE  Country,  163  8-1640. 

Such  was  the  history  of  the  Delaware  before  the  Kalmar 
Nyckel  and  the  Fogel  Grip  arrived  in  the  spring  of  1638.  About 
the  fifteenth  of  March  the  two  little  ships  were  in  Delaware  Bay. 
A  sweet-smelling  odor  met  the  pioneers  as  they  turned  ashore, 
the  beauty  of  the  region  impressed  them  as  it  has  impressed 
every  traveller  who  has  passed  up  the  fair  river  ever  since  the 
early  days,  and,  if  the  legend  be  true,  they  gave  the  name  of 
Paradisudden  (Paradise  Point)  to  a  particularly  charming 
spot  and  landed  there. ^ 

Minuit  undoubtedly  proceeded  with  the  first  favorable  wind, 
carrying  out  his  instructions  minutely.-  When  he  arrived  at 
Minquas  Kill,^  he  sailed  up  this  river  some  distance  and  cast 
anchor,  perhaps  in  front  of  the  rock,  where  Fort  Christina  was 
later  built.  Indians  had  pitched  their  wigwams  there  and  it 
was  particularly  suitable  for  a  landing  place.^  The  Swedish 
salute^  was  given  and  Minuit  went  ashore  with  some  of  his 
men.  The  sloop  was  then  made  ready  for  a  journey  up  the 
river  and  the  commander,  in  company  with  Jacob  Evertssen 
Sandelin,  Andres  Lucassen*^  and  probably  Mans  Kling  and  other 
soldiers,  sailed  up  Minquas  Kill  for  several  miles,'^  to  reconnoitre 

^  Perhaps  Minuit  wished  to  consult  the  Indians  about  the  Dutch  settlement 
on  the  river  before  he  proceeded. 

*  See  above,  Chap.  XIV. 

^  Called  so  from  the  fact  that  the  Kill  "  led  into  the  Minquas  country." 

*  Doc,  I.  598.     Cf.  Ferris,  p.  42  ff.     Smith,  Hist,  of  Del.  Co.,  p.  21. 

"A  salute  of  two  guns.  Cf.  Zettersten,  Hist.  Tid.,  XX.  loi,  and  below, 
Chap.  — . 

*  He  was  probably  in  the  company,  since  he  knew  the  Indian  language  and 
acted  as  interpreter. 

'  From  a  statement  in  the  document  it  would  seem  that  Minuit  sailed  up  the 
river  with  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  {"and  they  also  sailed  up  the  same  river  [the 
Minquas  Kill}  a  few  miles");  but  this  is  improbable  for  Jacob  Evertssen 
Sandelin   said   "  that  he   in   company   with   the   often   mentioned   Director   went 

182 


The  landing-place  ot   tlic  .Swedes,  slmw  ing  the  "  wharf  of  stones. 


Landing-place  of  the  Swedes,  showing:  the  stone  in  the  back-ground  erected  by 
the  Delaware  Society  of  Colonial  Dames  of  America  to  mark  the  location  of  Fort 
Christina.     The  above  pictures  were  taken  in  February,  1910. 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  183 

and  establish  connection  with  the  Indians.  They  also  went 
some  distance  into  the  country  but  "  saw  no  sign  of  Christian 
people."  Soon  Minuit  returned  to  his  ship  with  the  sloop. 
His  efforts  and  the  roar  of  his  cannon*^  had  the  desired  effect. 
Several  Indian  chiefs  made  their  appearance,  probably  with  a 
large  following,  and  Minuit  at  once  arranged  a  conference  with 
them  about  the  sale  of  land.  Gifts  were  given  and  the  Indians 
*'were  asked  if  they  would  sell  the  [Minquas]  River  and  as 
many  day's  journey'-*  of  the  land  lying  about  it  as  would  be 
requested.  This  they  [the  chiefs]  agreed  to  with  common  con- 
sent of  the  different  [Indian]  nations."  The  same  or  the  fol- 
lowing day,^**  which  was  the  twenty-ninth^^  of  March,  1638, 
five  sachems,^  ^  Mattahorn,  MitotSchemingh,^^  EruPacken,^^ 
Mahomen  and  Chiton  "appointed  by  the  whole  assembly" 
went  on  board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,^^  and  sold  as  much  "  of  the 

up  the  Minquas  Kill  for  several  miles."  This  last  would  indicate  that  the 
other  witnesses  who  appeared  before  Ruttens  were  not  along  on  the  journey 
'■  some  miles  up  the  Minquas  Kill  "  which  of  course  they  would  have  been,  had 
the  Kalmar  Nyckel  sailed  up  the  river  "  several  Dutch  miles." 

'  It  was  a  common  custom  to  call  together  the  Indians  by  the  report  of 
cannon.      So  Petersen  De  Vries  on  his  first  journey  up  the  Delaware. 

'The  meaning  is  "and  as  much  of  the  land  in  each  direction  as  it  would 
require  a  certain  number  of  days  to  pass  over." 

"  From  the  document  it  is  not  possible  to  say  just  when  the  conference  took 
place.  "  Daruff  [after  the  conference]  wahren  am  neinundzwantzigsten  Marty 
dieses  obbeschriebenen  Jahrs.  ..."  This  might  mean  that  the  conference  took 
place  the  same  day  (March  29),  the  previous  day  (March  28)  or  some  days 
before  the  sale. 

"  It  is  not  possible  to  know  whether  new  or  old  style  is  meant,  but  old  st>lc 
is  probably  used  in  the  document. 

^^  Each  totem  of  the  Lenape  recognized  a  chieftain  called  sakima  (found  in 
most  Algonkin  dialects).  It  is  derived  from  the  root  oki,  signifying  above  in 
space  or  power  (Brinton).  The  Indian  chiefs  or  sachems  were  of  t\vo  kinds, 
the  peace  chiefs  and  the  war  chiefs.  The  office  of  the  peace  sachem  was  heredi- 
tary on  the  mother's  side  in  the  gens  but  elective  among  its  members.  The 
special  duty  of  the  peace  chief  was  to  preserve  peace  as  long  as  possible  and 
he  could  not  on  his  own  authority  begin  or  declare  war,  but  when  the  captains 
or  war  chiefs  and  the  people  decided  for  war  he  must  yield  to  their  wishes  and 
his  rule  ended  until  peace  was  again  made.  The  war  chiefs  or  captains  were 
not  chosen  nor  did  they  come  from  a  particular  gens.  Any  brave  young  Indian 
of  more  than  usual  powers,  who  had  been  successful  in  war  a  number  of  times, 
was  declared  a  captain  or  war  chief.  Peace  was  always  made  by  the  elected 
peace  sachems  and  they  conducted  the  sale  of  land. 

''  Mitatsimint. 

"  Probably  Elupacken. 

"  The  transaction  was  made  in  the  cabin  of  Minuit. 


1 84      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

land  on  all  parts  and  places  of  the  river,  up  the  river  and  on 
both  sides,  as  Minuit  requested."  Andres  Lucassen  was  the 
interpreter  and  he  translated  the  land  deeds,  which  were  writ- 
ten in  Dutch,  and  explained  their  contents  to  the  Indians.  "  For 
value  received  in  merchandise  the  Indians  ceded  and  transferred 
the  title  of  the  land  with  all  its  jurisdiction  and  rights  to  the 
Swedish  Florida  [New  Sweden]  Company  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  great  princess,  virgin,  and  elected  Queen  of  the 
Swedes,  Goths  and  Wends."  The  merchandise  specified  in  the 
deeds  were  then  given  to  them,  the  chiefs  tracing  their  totem 
marks  on  the  documents,  and  Peter  Minuit  and  perhaps  Mans 
Kling,  Hendrick  Huygen,  Jacob  Evertssen  Sandelin  and  Andres 
Lucassen  signed  their  names  below.  Two  contracts  seem  to 
have  been  prepared.  These  are  now  lost,  but  from  other  docu- 
ments it  is  possible  to  determine  the  limits  of  the  purchase. 
Mitatsimint  sold  his  land  lying  below  the  Minquas  Kill  to 
Bomtien's  Point  or  Duck  Creek,  a  distance  of  about  forty 
miles^^  and  the  other  chiefs  sold  the  districts  above  the  river  up 
to  the  Schuylkill,  a  distance  of  twenty-seven  miles  along  the 
bank  of  the  Delaware,  in  both  cases  stretching  westward  indefi- 
nitely. (For  some  reason  Minuit  neglected  to  buy  the  land  up 
to  Trenton  Falls  as  his  instructions  commanded  him  to  do.) 

When  the  purchase  was  concluded  the  sachems  and  Minuit 
with  his  officers  and  soldiers  went  ashore.  A  pole  was  erected 
with  the  coat  of  arms  of  Sweden  upon  it,  "  and  with  the  report 
of  cannon  followed  by  other  solemn  ceremonies  the  land  was 
called  New  Sweden,"  and  Minquas  Kill  was  given  the  name  of 
Elbe.^'^  Minuit  undoubtedly  had  another  conference  with  the 
Indians,  distributed  additional  gifts  and  gained  their  good  will 
and  promise  of  a  large  beaver  trade.  The  location  for  a  fort 
was  then  selected  and  the  men  were  set  to  work  to  prepare  tim- 
ber and  other  materials. 

As  soon  as  circumstances  allowed  Minuit  made  arrangement 

^' See  report  of  court,  1643. 

"Affidavit,  etc.,  December  29,  1638,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.)-  Cf.  facsimile;  Blora- 
maert  to  Oxenstierna,  November  13,  1638;  January  28,  1640.  Ox.  Saml.,  Kern- 
kamp,  p.  162  fl.     The  river  probably  called  Elbe  in  honor  of  Minuit's  home  river. 


t.y  AL  „  /7f  .'vW-M  A/ J**-^  J'/  rr;\-,A- 


% 


P'/^lv **■■<* 9^  uXk'poCUt.J  iU'7;7Cti'-<t*^t^   ^^^'■^'/•n-^**^ 


First  page  of  the  deposition    before  Ruttens    concerning  the  first  coming  of    the 
Swedes.     Original  preserved  in  N.  S.  I.  (K.  A.),  Stockholm. 


1  -  £.-  '  ^.^  >-  *::    --X  "^  ^^  i  ?^  >W  'Si   ^1.^^   5  .^  4  5    --   ^ 


,^ 


*i 


9 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  185 

for  the  sale  of  his  goods.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  sent  the 
ship  Gripen^^  to  Jamestown  in  Virginia  with  instructions  to 
exchange  its  cargo  for  tobacco.  The  vessel  arrived  there  about 
the  middle  of  April/''  but  the  captain  was  denied  the  freedom 
of  trade,  since  the  English  governor  was  not  allowed  to  grant 
such  liberty. ^'^  Governor  Berkeley  proposed,  however,  that  the 
Swedish  government  should  notify  the  King  of  England  that 
a  district  had  been  occupied  on  the  Delaware  by  the  Swedes  and 
apply  for  permission  to  trade  with  the  Virginia  colony,  "  for 
he  thought  that  such  [a  request]  from  Her  Majesty  of  Sweden 
would  not  be  denied  by"  the  English  King.^^  The  ship  re- 
mained at  Jamestown  "  about  ten  days  to  refresh  with  wood  and 
water,"  after  which  time  she  returned  to  the  Christina  River,^^ 
unloaded  her  cargo,  and  set  sail  again  on  the  twentieth  of 
May  to  prey  on  Spanish  vessels,  for  the  purpose  of  increasing 
the  profits  of  the  stockholders  of  the  New  Sweden  Company.^^ 
Minuit  also  endeavored  to  begin  trade  with  the  Indians  and 
sent  his  sloop  up  the  river  for  this  purpose,  probably  also  to 
examine  the  position  and  strength  of  the  Dutch.  It  appears  that 
the  commander  at  Fort  Nassau  did  not  observe  the  sloop  before 
it  returned  on  its  way  down  the  Delaware.  We  may  assume 
that  the  Dutch  were  somewhat  surprised  and  at  once  set  about 
to  see  what  the  newcomers  were  doing  in  the  river.  Shortly 
afterwards  Minuit  again  prepared  the  sloop,  went  on  board  of 
it  himself  and  tried  to  pass  the  Dutch  stronghold.  The  garri- 
son was  now  on  the  alert  and  when  the  Swedish  vessel  appeared 
*'  Peter  Mey  sailed  down  "  to  meet  it.  He  demanded  to  know 
the  reasons  of  its  presence  in  the  river,  wished  to  see  Minuit's 
commission,  and  warned  him  not  to  pass  the  fort.  Minuit, 
refusing  to  exhibit  his  papers,  requested  permission  to  proceed 

"  en  is  the  definite  article  in  Swedish,  hence  Gripen  means  the  Grip. 

^*The  ship  must  have  been  at  Jamestown  not  later  than  the  middle  of  April, 
for  it  remained  there  ten  days,  returned  to  New  Sweden  and  left  there  again 
on  May  20.      See  above,  Chap.  XIV. 

'^  Cal.  of  State  Papers,  Col.  S.   (1574-1660),  pp.  273-274.     Hazard,  p.  42  S. 

^Bloramaert  to  Oxenstierna,  November  13,  1638.  Ox.  Saml.,  Kernkamp, 
Zweed.  Arch.,  p.  166. 

^The  ship  probably  returned  in  the  beginning  of  May. 

*^  Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  September  4,  1638.     Ox.  Saml. 


1 86      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

on  his  journey,  "saying  .  .  .  [that]  his  Queen  had  as  much 
right  there  as  the  company."  He  was  compelled  to  return  to 
his  camp,  however,  and  he  probably  made  no  further  attempts 
to  sail  above  Fort  Nassau. 

The  assistant  commissary  at  the  Dutch  settlement  (Jan  Jan- 
sen  was  now  at  New  Amsterdam)  reported  the  occurrences  to 
Governor  Kieft,  who  ordered  the  commissary  to  return  to  his 
post  and  instructed  him  "  to  protest  against  Minult  in  due 
form."  It  is  probable  that  Jan  Jansen  arrived  on  the  South 
River  about  the  middle  of  April,^^  and  immediately  protested 
in  writing  against  the  Swedish  occupation  of  the  river.  Minuit 
replied  to  the  protest,  styling  himself  "  commander  in  the 
service  of  H.  R,  Majesty  of  Sweden,"  and  the  Indian  trade  and 
the  work  on  the  fort  went  on  as  before.  When  Kieft  was  in- 
formed of  the  situation  and  when  he  found  that  the  protest  of 
the  commissary  had  no  effect,  he  himself  drew  up  a  protest 
*'  against  the  landing  and  settling  of  the  Swedes  on  the  Dela- 
ware," "reminding  Peter  Minult  that  the  whole  South  River 
of  New  Netherland  had  been  many  years  in  their  possession 
and  secured  by  them  above  and  below  by  forts  and  sealed  with 
their  blood,"  and  informing  him  that  the  Dutch  would  not  suffer 
him  to  Intrude  between  their  forts  and  that  the  blame  for  all 
future  mishaps,  damages,  losses,  disturbances  and  bloodshed," 
which  might  arise  as  a  consequence  of  his  actions,  would  fall 
upon  hlm.^^  The  protest  was  read  to  him,  but  he  made  no 
reply  to  it  and  continued  the  erection  of  the  fort  as  well  as 
necessary  buildings.  The  Dutch  were  not  strong  enough  to  use 
more  effective  means  than  words  and  Minult  was  allowed  to  go 
on  with  his  work  unmolested. 

■*  On  April  28,  Kieft  was  expecting  "  news  from  there  "  {Doc,  1.  592)  and 
allowing  about  ten  or  fifteen  days  for  Jansen  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  situa- 
tion, to  protest  against  Minuit  and  send  a  report  to  Manhattan  would  bring  us  to 
April  15  or  thereabout  as  the  probable  time  of  his  arrival  at  Fort  Nassau. 

^  The  protest  is  found  in  the  "Albany  Documents,"  between  May  6  (immedi- 
ately preceding  it)  and  May  17  (directly  following  it)  according  to  Hazard  (p. 
44).  O'Callaghan  dates  the  document,  "Thursday  being  the  6th.  May,  anno 
1638"  {Doc,  Xn.  p.  19),  and  this  is  undoubtedly  the  correct  date.  Jansen's 
report  probably  reached  Governor  Kieft  the  first  days  in  May  and  it  is  not  likely 
that  he  would  defer  the  protest  for  about  two  weeks  or  until  May  17.  (Cf. 
Doc,  L  592,  Hazard,  44  ff.)     The  above  dates  are  all  new  style. 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  187 

Although  he  was  prevented  from  passing  up  the  river  above 
Fort  Nassau,  he  was  successful  In  his  endeavor  to  draw  the 
native  traders  to  his  camp,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  river 
Indians  as  well  as  those  living  at  some  distance  brought  their 
peltries  to  Christina  in  April  and  May. 

The  Indians  with  whom  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  came  in  con- 
tact upon  their  arrival  here  belonged  to  two  large  families,  the 
Algonqulan^"  and  the  Iroquolan.^^  The  Algonquian  tribes 
were  spread  over  a  much  larger  area  than  any  other  family  of 
North  America,  except  the  Athapascans  In  Alaska  and  western 
Canada.  They  occupied  the  eastern  coast  from  Newfound- 
land and  Nova  Scotia  down  to  the  thirty-fifth  degree  in  Caro- 
lina, and  westward  and  northward  to  Hudson  Bay,  except  a 
territory  along  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  Lake  Ontario,  Lake 
Erie  and  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  Ohio,  and  Mary- 
land, which  was  Inhabited  by  tribes  of  the  Iroquolan  family. 

The  Indians  of  the  Delaware  basin.  New  Jersey,  Delaware 
and  part  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  formed  the  most  im- 
portant confederacy  of  the  Algonquian  stock.  They  called 
themselves  Lenape  or  Lenl-lenape,  which  means  "real  men.** 
"  The  Lenape  or  Delawares  proper  "  who  inhabited  New  Swe- 
den were  divided  into  three  tribes — the  Mlnsi,-^  or  Munsee,-^  the 
Unaml^^  and  the  Unalachtigo.^^  The  Swedes  called  them 
Renappi^^    (Lenape),   the  River  Indians  and  Our  Indians.^^ 

They  had  their  villages  on  both  banks  of  the  South  River, 
the  Munsee  occupying  the  northern  limits  of  New  Sweden,  "  the 
headwaters  of  Delaware  River  In  New  York,  New  Jersey  and 

^Algonkln,  meaning  "  at  the  place  of  spearing  fish  and  eels." 

^  Iroquois,  meaning  "  Real  adders." 

^  Brinton's  form,  "  be  scattered  -|-  stone." 

^  Form  used  by  Morgan,  meaning  "  at  the  place  where  stones  are  gathered 
together"    (according  to  Hewitt). 

^°  Unami,  according  to  Brinton,  means  "  people  down  the  river." 

**  Unalachtigs  means,  according  to  Brinton,  "  people  who  live  near  the  ocean." 

^The  R  is  now  extinct,  says  Brinton  {Lenape  and  their  Leg.,  p.  96),  but  I 
have  been  told  that  the  r-sound  or  something  resembling  it  is  to  be  met  with  in 
the  Lenape  dialects. 

'^Lindestrom  says  that  the  Indians  at  the  Hornkill  and  South  to  the  Cape 
were  called  Sironesack,  a  powerful  nation,  rich  in  maize  or  corn  and  plantations. 
Geogr. 


1 88       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Pennsylvania  south  to  Lehigh  River."  The  Swedes  bought 
most  of  their  lands  from  the  Lenape,  and  they  supplied  the 
settlers  with  large  quantities  of  maize,  fish^'*  and  venison,  but 
their  beaver  and  sewant  trade  was  small  "since  they  were  poor 
and  had  nothing  but  corn  to  sell."  West  and  north  about 
seventy-five  miles  from  the  Swedish  settlements,  tribes  of  the 
Iroquoian  stock  had  their  villages  and  forts.  The  Delawares 
applied  the  name  Mingwe'^  (in  various  forms)  to  the  Iroquois 
and  cognate  tribes  as  we  use  Germanic  to  designate  the  Scan- 
dinavians, the  Dutch,  etc.,  and  the  Germans.  This  name  in 
a  modified  form  (Minquas)  was  adopted  by  the  Dutch  and 
applied  by  them  for  the  first  time,  it  seems,  distinctively  to  the 
southeastern  Iroquoian  tribes  with  whom  they  came  in  con- 
tact on  their  trading  expeditions  to  the  South  River.  The  Swedes 
recognized  two  distinct  divisions,  the  Black  and  the  White 
Minquas,^^  and  Van  der  Donck,  writing  about  1 653-1 654,  also 
mentions  the  Black  Minquas.  He  says  they  were  called  the 
Black  Minquas  not  because  of  their  color  but  "  because  they 
carried  a  black  badge  on  their  breast,"^'  It  is  not  known  why 
the  White  Minquas  were  so  called,  probably  simply  to  distin- 
guish them  from  the  black  or  it  may  be  that  they  wore  a  badge 
of  a  light  color. 

It  is  difficult  to  identify  these  two  tribes.  It  seems  probable 
that  the  White  Minquas  were  the  Susquehannas,^^  who  came 
down  to  the  Delaware  along  the  Minquas  (Christina)  Kill 
(hence  the  name)  to  trade  with  the  Dutch,  Swedes  and  Eng- 
lish.    Having  been  at  war  with  the  Five  Nations  they  were 

**  Lindestrom  says  that  they  caught  fish  at  the  Falls  of  the  Delaware  which 
they  sold  to  the  Swedes.      Geogr. 

^  Mingwe  means  "  treacherous,  stealthy,"  various  forms  being  used  by  the 
settlers,  as  Mingo,  Minquaas,  Minqwe,  Minquas,  Minquesser,  Mynkussar,  etc. 
Southern  Minquas  are  also  found,  Doc,  XHL  25. 

^A  branch  of  the  Creeks  in  Mexico  was  called  Black  Muscogees,  and  there 
was  also  a  band  of  Indians  called  White  Indians  ("with  beards").  Du  Simitiere 
Mss.  (965  Fyi.,  Phil.  Lib.  Co.)  ;  Hodge,  Handb.,  I.  153. 

^' "  De  swarte  Minquaes,  alsoo  genaemt  (niet  om  dat  se  in  der  daet  swart  zijn) 
maer  een  swarte  Kuyte  op  de  Bosst  voeren."      Van  der  Donck  {Beschry.,  p.  71). 

"  These  Indians  were  called  Minquas  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes.  They  were 
also  called  Susquehannah  Minquas.      Day,  Penn.,  390   (cf.  also  Hist.  Mag.,  II. 


An  Indian  Family  according  to  I.indestroni.     From  I^indestrom's  Ceographia 
Americae.     (Preserved  in  the  Riksarkiv,  Stockholm.) 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  189 

greatly  reduced  in  strength  during  the  existence  of  New  Sweden, 
but  they  seem  to  have  been  in  alliance  or  at  least  on  friendly 
terms  with  the  Delawares  at  this  time  (1638-1655).  At  a 
treaty  with  the  Swedes  in  1655  four  tribes  of  these  Minquas 
are  mentioned  by  Rising,  the  Skonedidehoga,  the  Serasquacke, 
the  Lower  Quarter  of  the  Minquas  and  the  True  Minquas.  The 
Serasquacke  belonged  to  the  Delawares,  but  whether  the  Sko- 
nedidehogas  were  Minquas  or  a  Lenape  tribe  in  league  with 
them  is  not  clear. 

The  Black  Minquas  are  even  as  difficult  to  identify  or  more 
so.  By  Herrman's  map  (1670)  we  are  informed  that  a  tribe 
called  the  Black  Minquas  lived  beyond  the  mountains  "  on  the 
large  Black  Minquas  Road,"  probably  the  Ohio  River.  Her- 
man says  that  these  Minquas  came  over  as  far  as  the  Delaware 
to  trade,  and  since  he  also  says  that  "the  Sassquahana  and 
Sinnicus  Indians  went  over  and  destroyed  that  very  great 
nation,"  it  has  been  suggested  that  these  Black  Minquas  were 
the  ancient  Eries,  who  occupied  a  territory  "  at  the  end  of  Lake 
Erie  west  and  to  the  west  watershed  of  Lake  Erie  and  Miami 
River  to  the  Ohio  River."  The  Jesuit  Relation  of  1653  says 
that  at  one  time  "  Lake  Erie  was  inhabited  toward  the  south 
by  certain  people  whom  we  call  the  Cat  Nation  [Eries],  but 
they  were  forced  to  proceed  farther  inland  in  order  to  escape 
their  enemies  whom  they  have  toward  the  west."  This  of 
course  means  that  they  went  "  inland  "  away  from  the  shores 
of  Lake  Erie  towards  the  southeast,  hence  in  reality  not  inland 
but  towards  the  ocean.  This  brought  them  closer  to  the  Dela- 
ware region,  and  seems  to  corroborate  the  view  that  they  were 
the  Black  Minquas  mentioned  by  Hernnan,  but  it  does  not  go  to 
prove  that  they  were  the  Black  Minquas  generally  referred  to 
by  the  Swedes  and  Dutch.  In  1662,  when  the  Susquehannas 
were  again  preparing  to  make  war  upon  the  Senecas,  five 
Minquas  Chiefs  (Susquehannas  or  White  Minquas?)  with  their 
suites  arrived  at  Altena  (Fort  Christina)  and  while  there  in- 
formed Beeckman  "  that  they  were  expecting  shortly  for  their 
assistance  800  Black  Minquas  and  that  200  of  this  nation  had 


190       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

already  come  in,  so  that  they  were  fully  resolved  to  go  to  war 
with  the  Sinnecus."^^  These  Black  Minquas  could  not  be  the 
Eries,  for  the  power  of  the  Eries  was  broken  about  the  close  of 
1656,  "and  the  people  were  destroyed  or  dispersed  or  led  Into 
captivity."  The  only  way  out  of  the  difficulty  seems  to  be  to 
suppose  that  there  was  an  Indian  tribe  of  Iroquolan  stock  In 
western  Pennsylvania  also  called  the  Black  Minquas,  west  of 
the  Munsees  and  north  and  west  of  the  Susquehannas,  probably 
extending  to  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  Rivers  or  beyond,  adjoin- 
ing the  Erles.^^  This  also  agrees  with  Lindestrom's  statement 
that  the  Minquas  lived  at  the  Asinplnck  (Trenton)  Falls  and 
above,  that  is  westward.  This  is  further  corroborated  by  the 
fact  that  Indians  still  called  Mingos,  originally  from  western 
Pennsylvania,  are  found  in  Oklahoma,  who  are  probably  the 
descendants  of  these  Black  Minquas),  while  the  Susquehannas 
and  Eries  are  extinct  or  incorporated  into  other  tribes,  having 
lost  their  identity.  These  Indians  of  western  Pennsylvania 
were  probably  called  Black  Minquas  for  the  same  reason  as  those 
mentioned  by  Herrman.  The  path  of  these  Minquas  (and  that 
of  the  Eries?)  was  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Schuylkill  Into  the 
country,  and  It  Is  likely  that  the  Minquas  came  down  that 
river  from  the  interior  to  barter,  as  a  trading  post  was  erected 
by  the  Dutch  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill  as  early  as  1633, 
a  place  "where  the  ships  usually  trade"  being  mentioned  there 
in  1646.^^     It  seems  likely  that  these  Indians  were  the  same  as 

'*Doc.,  Xn.  419. 

^'It  might  also  be  suggested  that  the  Black  Minquas  spoken  of  in  1662  were 
the  Minse  (or  Munsee),  whose  "dialect  differed  so  much"  from  the  other  Dela- 
ware tribes  "  that  they  have  frequently  been  regarded  as  a  distinct  tribe."  But 
this  is  very  improbable,  for  they  seem  to  have  been  clearly  distinguished  from 
the  Minquas  by  the  early  settlers. 

"For  the  above  see  Lindestrom,  Geogr.;  Campanius  Holm.,  Beskrifning; 
Acrelius,  Beskrifn.,  Doc,  L-H.,  XH.-XHL ;  The  Jesuit  Relations,  ed.  by  Thwaites 
(see  index  for  the  Eries,  etc.)  ;  Minutes  of  the  Provincial  Council  of  Penn.,  HL; 
Pennsylvania  Archives,  XH. ;  The  Records  of  Neiv  Amsterdam,  L-H.;  Guss, 
Early  Hist,  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  Hist.  Reg.,  I.  38  ff.,  114  ff.,  161  ff.,  251  ff. ; 
Hodge,  Handbook  of  American  Indians,  L;  Brinton,  The  Lendpe  and  Their 
Legends;  Shea,  The  Identity  of  the  Andastes,  etc.,  in  Hist.  Mag.,  H.  294  ff. ; 
Prince,  Notes  on  Mod.  Minse-Delaivare  Dialect;  Harrington,  Fest.  of  Material 
Culture  among  the  Canadian  Delawares. 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  191 

those  called  Conastogas''^  at  a  later  period/^  for  they  were  also 
called  Minquas.'*'* 

In  his  description  of  the  Indians,  Campanius  Holm,  largely 
using  Lindestrom,  says  that  the  Minquas  lived  "  12  miles  [80 
English  miles]  from  New  Sweden  and  [they]  were  daily  with 
the  Swedes,  bargaining  with  them.  The  way  to  their  country 
was  bad,  stony,  full  of  sharp  granite  rocks  [grastenar],  among 
morasses,  hilly  and  at  some  places  [crossed]  by  streams  (in- 
skrommar!),  so  that  the  Swedes  had  to  walk  and  march  in 
water,  so  that  it  went  up  to  the  armpits  on  them,  when  they 
were  to  go  there,  which  generally  happened  once  or  twice  a 
year,  with  frieze,  kettles,  axes,  hoes,  knives,  mirrors  and  corals, 
to  trade  for  beavers  and  other  valuable  peltries.  They  lived 
on  a  high  mountain  which  was  hard  to  climb.  They  are  strong 
and  hardy,  both  young  and  old,  a  tall  and  brave  people." 
This  description  seems  to  refer  particularly  to  the  White  Min- 
quas. About  1 630-1 636  they  were  at  war  with  the  Delawares, 
who  were  conquered  by  them,  compelled  to  pay  taxes  and  to 
recognize  their  sovereignty  and  supervision  in  matters  of  land 
treaties  and  the  like  with  the  whites.'*^ 

When  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  spoke  of  the  Minquas  country 
generally  they  seem  to  have  thought  of  a  district  north  and  west 
of  New  Sweden  inland  about  50  to  100  miles.  Some  time 
before  February,  1647,  Governor  Printz  bought  certain  lands 
from  the  Black  (?)  Minquas  of  Pennsylvania  for  their  trade 
only  and  he  sent  merchandise  to  them  for  about  145  miles 
northwestv/ard  in  the  same  years.  From  the  Minquas  came 
most  of  the  beaver  skins  and  they  were  always  the  "  special 
friends  and  protectors  of  the  Swedes. "^^ 

It  is  likely  that  bands  of  these  different  Indian  tribes  came  to 
trade  with  Minuit  shortly  after  his  arrival,  for  news  of  the  com- 

*^Kanastoge  means  "at  the  place  of  the  eraersed  pole." 

*^This  view  is  contrary  to  the  earlier  authorities  on  the  subject,  who  identify 
the  Conestogas  with  the  Susquehannas. 

**  "  Present  also  the  Chiefs  and  others  of  the  Conestogoe  or  Mingoe  Indians." 
Minutes  of  the  Pro.  Council,  HI.  19.    Cf.  also  De  Laet's  map,  Proud,  Penn.,  I.  428. 

*"  Campanius  Holm.,  Beskrifn.;  Lindestrom,  Geogr.;  Young's  Report.,  Col. 
of  Mass.  Hist.  So. 

**  Geogr. 


192      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

ing  of  new  expeditions  spead  rapidly  among  the  savages.  A 
large  number  of  small  presents  were  given  to  the  chiefs  as 
they  arrived  at  the  camp  and  cloth,  sewant*''^  and  other  goods 
were  exchanged  for  skins,  but  the  exact  amount  of  this  trade 
is  unknown.  Minuit  was  clearly  monopolizing  the  trade  In  the 
river,  however,  and  Governor  Kleft  complained  bitterly  that  he 
*'  attracted  all  the  peltries  to  himself  by  means  of  liberal  gifts."^^ 
In  the  meantime  every  man  had  been  busily  at  work  on  the 
new  fort.  It  was  built  on  a  cape  about  two  miles  from  the 
mouth  of  Christina  Creek,  where  nature  provided  a  "  wharf  of 
stone."  It  was  "  surrounded  by  marshy  ground,  except  on  the 
northwest  side,  where  it  could  be  approached  by  a  narrow  strip 
of  land "  and  it  was  particularly  well  situated  for  defense 
against  the  Indians.  On  the  south  side  flowed  the  river  and  the 
ships  could  be  moored  within  a  few  steps  of  the  wall,  where  a 
bridge  was  built  for  the  convenience  of  passengers  and  freight. 
The  fort  was  built  in  the  form  of  a  square,  with  sharp  arrow- 
head-like corners, ^^  three  of  which  were  mounted  with  artll- 
|gj.y  50  jj  ^^g  built  with  palisades  and  earth  and  was  considered 
to  be  strong  enough  to  withstand  the  attack  of  a  very  large 
number  of  Indians.  Since  It  was  two  miles  from  the  banks  of 
the  Delaware,  It  could  not  close  that  river  and  It  seems  that 
Minuit  selected  this  spot  so  as  to  avoid  a  collision  with  the 
Dutch  as  much  as  possible,  until  the  colony  was  strong  enough 
to  assert  Its  authority.    About  May  10  the  ramparts  were  com- 

"  The  Indian  money,  or  wannpum,  also  called  roanoke  and  peag.  Servant  is 
from  the  Narraganset  siivdn,  meaning  "  scattered."  The  shell  that  bore  this 
name  among  the  Indians  was  unstrung,  but  the  Swedes  (and  Dutch)  used  it  for 
the  strung  shells  also.  There  were  two  kinds  of  sebant  or  wampum,  the  white 
and  the  black  or  dark  purple.  The  black  was  twice  as  valuable  as  the  white. 
It  seems  that  sewant  of  the  same  color  was  of  different  price,  for  on  April  20, 
1644,  some  was  sold  for  4  florins  a  yard  and  some  for  5 5^  florins  a  yard.  Ace. 
B.,  1643-8. 

''Schuldt  Boeck,  1638-48,  R.S.,  II.   (R.A.)  ;  Doc,  I.  p.  592;  Hazard,  p.  44  ff. 

"The  general  shape  of  the  fort  was  a  common  one  at  this  period.  Broecke 
gives  a  fort  very  similar  to  Christina  in  his  Hist.,  and  in  several  other  works  of 
the  time  we  find  forts  represented  which  resemble  the  Swedish  fortress.  See 
Broecke,  Wonderlijck  Hist.  (Amsterdam,  1648),  fol.  2;  Beschr.  van  V'lrg.,  N. 
Nederland,  etc.,  p.  21 ;  Van  der  Donck,  De  Laet  and  others. 

"The  two  corners  on  the  river  side  and  the  northeast  side  towards  the  land 
were  protected  with  cannon. 


Black  and  white  sezcant  (wampum)  of  the  Delawares  on  strings.  From  the  Hej-e 
Collection,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum.  Photograph  used  by  the  courtesy 
of  Dr.  Gordon. 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  193 

pleted  and  a  short  time  later  the  fort  was  entirely  ready.'^^ 
Guns  were  now  taken  from  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  mounted 
on  the  walls;  the  Swedish  flag  was  raised  on  the  flagpole  and 
"with  the  report  of  cannon  [the  fort]  was  called  Christina. "^^ 
Two  houses  were  erected  inside  of  the  fortress,  one  of  which 
was  probably  used  for  a  magazine  to  store  the  merchandise  in, 
the  other  for  a  dwelling  house.  They  were  built  of  logs,  prob- 
ably unhewn,  and  the  dwelling  had  loopholes  and  probably  two 
or  more  little  windows.  The  roof  was  gabled  and  most  likely 
covered  with  small  timbers  split  in  two.  A  fireplace  and  an 
oven  were  built  in  a  corner  of  bricks  carried  over  on  the  ships. ^^ 
Rough  benches,  chairs  and  tables  were  probably  constructed  from 
split  timber.  It  is  also  likely  that  beds  of  some  sort  were 
made  and  we  may  suppose  that  the  bedroom  and  dining  room 
were  the  same. 

The  country  was  not  "an  entire  wilderness"  when  the  Swe- 
dish settlers  arrived.  The  Delaware  Indians  were  largely 
agricultural  (as  were  almost  all  the  Algonquian  tribes)  and 
they  had  cleared  large  tracts  near  their  villages  where  they 
planted  corn.  In  1654  Lindestrom  says  that  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Delaware  near  Asinpinck  (Trenton)  Falls  the  savages 
had  corn  fields  which  had  been  cultivated  so  long  that  the  soil 
was  too  poor  to  give  good  crops,  and  near  the  Schuylkill,  at  the 
Horn  Kill  and  other  places,  there  were  large  Indian  cornfields. 
The  settlers  adopted  many  practices  from  the  Indians.  Their 
corn,  especially,  often  proved  a  valuable  article  for  the  suste- 
nance of  the  people  and  they  learned  how  to  cultivate  and  use  It.^* 

Minuit  was  expressly  instructed  to  take  along  all  kinds  of 
grain  for  seed  and  he  himself  proposed  that  tobacco  planters  be 

^' The  ship  Grip  left  the  South  River  on  May  10(20),  and  then  "the  fort  and 
a  house  were  made,"  for  a  letter  written  from  the  Grip  on  June  15,  informed 
Blommaert  of  these  facts.  Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  September  4,  1638; 
Kernkamp,  Z-7i;eed.  Arcli.,  pp.  157-8. 

'■""Het  fort  volmaect  sijnde,  hebbent  solemnelijcken  met  lessen  vant  canen 
genaempt  Christina."  Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  November  13,  1638,  January 
28,  1640. 

^^  Minuit  purchased  a  quantity  of  bricks  from  Hans  Macklier  at  Gothenburg 
before  he  sailed.      See  facsimile  of  bill. 

"  Geogr. 


194      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sent  over  and  naturally  also  tobacco  seed.  It  appears,  how- 
ever, that  these  Instructions  were  not  fully  adhered  to.^^  But 
"  two  barrels  of  wheat  and  two  barrels  of  barley  for  seed 
corn "  and  perhaps  other  grains,  such  as  oats  and  rye  were 
loaded  upon  the  ships  at  Gothenburg.  Indian  corn  was  obtained 
from  the  savages  and  plots  of  ground  outside  the  fort  and  in  the 
neighborhood  of  It  were  prepared  and  planted  with  corn  and 
other  grains  to  provide  food  for  the  men.  Large  quantities  of 
fish,  deer,  turkeys,  geese  "  and  all  sorts  of  such  like  provisions  " 
were  laid  up  in  the  storehouse.  Mans  Kling  was  given  com- 
mand of  the  fort  and  of  the  23  men^^  who  remained  in  the 
country,  and  an  Instruction  was  probably  given  to  him  by 
MInuIt.  The  merchandise  and  provisions  were  left  in  the 
charge  of  Hendrick  Huygen.^^ 

When  all  necessarry  arrangements  had  been  made  for  the 
maintenance  and  security  of  the  fort  and  the  garrison,  MInuIt 
began  to  prepare  for  his  return  voyage.  A  few  hundred  skins 
and  the  cargo  Intended  for  the  tobacco  trade  were  loaded  into 
the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  and  about  June  15  he  left  his  little  settle- 
ment.^^ Hendrick  Huygen  continued  the  Indian  trade  after  Min- 
uit's  departure,  and  a  large  number  of  skins  and  a  quantity  of  corn 
were  exchanged  for  merchandise  and  sevant  during  the  autumn, 
winter  and  spring  of  1638-1639.'^^ 

It  seems  that  the  Grip  returned  to  Fort  Christina  early  In 

1639,  having  cruised  about  for  months  In  the  West  Indian 
waters,  looking  for  Spanish  prizes.  In  June  it  was  at  St.  Chris- 
topher; some  time  later  "it  had  spied  the  Spanish  Silver  Fleet 
together  with  one   Peter  Verbruggen,"   and  went  to   Inform 

"*  Blommaert  says:  "  Minuit  was  expres  belast  allerhande  saeycoren  mede  te 
nemen,  maer  het  schijnt  niet  gedaen  heeft."  Letter  to  Oxenstierna,  November 
13,  1638;  Kernkamp,  Ziveed.  Arch.,  p.  163. 

"  Kieft  also  reported  to  the  Dutch  West  Indies  Company  that  twenty-four 
men  were  stationed  in  the  fort.     Doc,  I.  592;  Hazard,  p.  48. 

^Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  September  4,  November  13,  1638,  January  28, 

1640,  Ox.  Saml.  (Kernkamp,  p.  157  ff.,  162  ff.,  176  ff.)  ;  Doc,  I.  593;  Hazard, 
44  ff.;  Journal,  no.  i;  Schuldt  Boeck,  1638-48,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

°*  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XIV. 

**The  skins  brought  to  Europe  on  the  Grip  were  bought  by  Huygen  from 
June  6,  1638,  until  April  10,  1639.     Schuldt  Boeck.,  1638-48,  N.S.,  II.  (R.A.). 


V 


^/?i^  G.^.  /^(i^ 


5^=^  1-*^   ■^■' 


f\r6' 


^—       4|2f' 


*  /J  •; _J : i 


Bill  of  goods  bought  by  Minuit  from  Hans  Macklier,  .showing  that  at  least  450 
bricks  were  brought  to  the  South  River  on  the  first  expedition.  Original  preserved 
in  N.  S.  I.  (K.  A.),  Stockholm.     See  pp.  Ill,  193. 


The  Coming  of  the  Swedes.  195 

Admiral  JoF'*^  about  it  (while  Verbruggen  followed  the  fleet  to 
observe  its  course).  After  some  sailing  it  went  to  Havana  and 
from  there  to  the  South  River." ^  We  know  little  about  this  ex- 
pedition of  the  Grip.  Years  afterwards  the  skipper  was  accused 
of  doing  it  all  for  his  own  benefit,^^  and  the  only  addition  it 
brought  to  the  colony's  wealth,  that  we  have  discovered,  was  a 
negro  slave.*'^  In  April  the  ship  took  on  board  the  skins  pur- 
chased at  Christina  and  preparations  were  made  for  Its  return  to 
Sweden.  The  vessel  seems  to  have  been  ready  to  sail  on  April 
10,  but  contrary  winds  delayed  the  departure  until  the  end  of 
the  month.*^^ 

The  colony  was  now  left  to  itself,  awaiting  supplies  and  re- 
inforcements. Trade  with  the  Indians  continued  and  Kieft  re- 
ported to  his  superiors  that  the  trade  of  the  Dutch  had  "  fallen 
short  full  30,000  [florins]  because  the  Swedes,  by  underselling 
[the  Dutch]  depressed  the  market."^^ 

A  new  ship  was  expected  towards  the  end  of  1639,  but  the 
little  garrison  waited  in  vain.  The  autumn  and  winter  of  1640 
seem  to  have  passed  without  disturbance  and  the  good  relations 
with  the  Indians  were  maintained.  The  Dutch  were  too  weak 
and  Governor  Kieft  had  no  orders  to  oppose  the  Swedes  by 
force,  but  it  appears  that  he  tried  to  persuade  them  to  abandon 
their  fortress  and  leave  the  country.  According  to  his  own 
statements  he  was  successful  In  his  endeavor  and  "  the  Swedes 
.  .  .  were  resolved  to  move  off  "  and  go  to  Manhattan,  but 
"  on  the  day  before  their  departure  a  ship  arrived  with  rein- 
forcements."^^    About  one  year  elapsed  after  the  sailing  of 

•"Admiral  Jol  was  watching  the  Spanish  Silver  Fleet  at  this  time.  Cf.  Kern- 
kamp,  Zixjeed.  Arch.,  p.  i8i. 

*^Blommaert  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  September  4,  1638,  January  28,  1640.  Ox^ 
Saml.  (R.A.). 

^Report,  1644  P-  "S./'Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  36. 

'"'Rulla  der  Volcker  .  .  .  1648,"  N.S.,  H.  (R.A.).  See  below,  Chap. 
XLHI. 

^Schuldt  Boeck,  1638-48,  N.S.,  H.   (R.A.).      Cf.  above,  Chap.  XIV. 

'^ Doc,  I.  592.  Hazard  states  that  "the  Swedes  appear  ...  to  have  been 
very  successful  in  their  beaver  trade,  as  it  is  said  they  exported  30,000  skins  in 
the  first  year  after  their  arrival"  (page  50).  He  probably  based  the  statement 
on  Kieft's  report  that  the  trade  had  "  fallen  short  full  30,000."  Hazard's  state- 
ment is  entirely  incorrect  and  Kieft's  figures  are  much  overestimated. 

''Doc,  I.  593.     Cf.  above,  Chap.  XVH. 


196       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  Grip  and  nearly  two  after  Minuit's  departure  before  the 
next  ship  again  arrived  from  Sweden,  and  the  colonists  had  some 
cause  for  alarm ;  but  it  is  hardly  probable  that  they  decided  to 
leave  the  settlement  and  repair  to  New  Amsterdam.*^^  So  im- 
portant a  fact  would  have  been  mentioned  by  Ridder  or  Van 
Dyck  in  their  letters  to  the  chancellor  and  the  vice  admiral.^* 
At  any  rate,  a  new  expedition  arrived  at  Christina  on  April  17, 
1640,  with  settlers,  a  few  domestic  animals,  large  supplies  for 
the  Indian  trade  and  for  the  continuation  of  the  colony,  addi- 
tional soldiers,  a  new  commander  and  a  minister  of  the  Gospel. 

"  Odhner  rightly  points  out  that  the  several  statements  of  Gov.  Kieft  hardly 
coincide.  If  the  Swedes  had  drawn  "  30,000  [flor.]  in  trade "  from  the  Dutch 
until  October  2,  1639,  and  had  "caused  the  company  great  injury"  to  the 
extent  that  "  the  [Dutch]  trade  was  entirely  ruined  "  on  the  last  of  May,  1640, 
it  shows  that  the  little  settlement  was  in  a  thriving  condition.  We  may  remark, 
however,  that  the  first  statement  refers  to  a  period  before  and  shortly  after  the 
departure  of  the  ship,  the  Grip,  and  the  second  refers  to  the  time  after  the  arrival 
of  Ridder.     Doc,  I.  592-3;  Hazard,  pp.  50,  56-7;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  22. 

"*  Cf.  letters  from  Ridder  to  Oxenstierna.  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  and  from 
Ridder  and  Van  Dyck  to  Fleming,  N.S.,  I  (K.A.). 


CHAFl'ER   XXII. 

The  Colony  Under  Ridder,  i 640-1 643. 

When  Ridder  arrived  in  New  Sweden  in  the  spring  of  1640, 
he  found  the  settlement  well  preserved.  Mans  Kling  surren- 
dered his  command  of  the  fort  to  its  new  master  and  Huygen 
prepared  an  inventory  of  the  goods  on  hand,  delivering  the  keys 
of  the  store-house  and  the  books  into  the  keeping  of  Joost  van 
Langdonk.  As  soon  as  the  horses,  goods  and  people  were 
brought  ashore  and  the  most  urgent  duties  attended  to,  Ridder 
inspected  the  country  for  a  few  miles  around  the  fort.  He 
found  that  it  was  well  suited  for  agriculture  and  cattle  raising, 
but  the  seed  had  been  spoilt  on  the  journey  and  little  new 
ground  could  be  planted  or  sown  before  other  supplies  were 
received.  The  fort  was  in  poor  condition,  the  walls  being 
ready  "  to  fall  down  in  three  places,"  but  the  skipper  forbade 
him  to  do  any  extensive  repairs,  and  he  had  no  orders  from 
Sweden.  He  mended  the  breaks  and  improved  the  ramparts, 
however,  where  necessary,  reporting  that  the  wall  "  on  the 
land  side  ought  to  be  lengthened  and  the  wall  on  the  water-edge 
should  be  raised."^  He  found  that  the  fort  was  not  in  a  loca- 
tion where  it  could  command  the  river  and  he  proposed  that  a 
new  stronghold  be  built  near  the  Delaware,  "so  that  the 
Crown's  fort  would  be  the  key  to  New  Sweden."^  More  can- 
non, powder  and  bullets  were  needed  for  the  defense  of  the  fort 
in  case  of  an  attack.  Ridder  further  asked  that  the  coat  of  arms 
of  Sweden  be  sent  over,  which  should  be  placed  above  the  gates 
of  the  fort.2     Inside  the  fort  three  new  houses  were  built  to 

'  This  could  not  be  done  before  he  received  orders  from  Sweden.  Ridder  to 
A.  Oxenstierna,  May  13,  June  8,  1640,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.),  to  Fleming,  May  13, 
1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).  . 

^  "  So  die  Herren  beliefen  ein  neues  Fort  zu  raachen  lassen,  beneden  m  nauste 
van  die  Revier  op  das  die  Kronens  Fordt  die  Schliissel  von  Neu  Schweden  ist,  so 
als  weir  nun  ligen  konnen  [wir]  nimant  bezwingen.  ..."  Ridder  to  A.  Oxen- 
stierna, Dec.  3,  1640.      Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

*They  could  be  made  of  either  wood  or  stone. 

197 


198       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

make  room  for  the  people  and  the  two  old  ones  were  moved 
to  the  east  side.  A  new  storehouse  was  also  erected  and  a  barn 
was  built  for  the  horses. 

"  Two  horses  and  a  colt,  which  were  now  in  the  colony,  fared 
well,"  but  there  was  need  of  three  more  mares  for  work  and 
breeding.  Since  there  were  enough  meadows  and  pasture  for 
at  least  200  cows,  RIdder  requested  the  company  to  ship  over 
several  of  these  animals,  and  as  oxen  were  the  best  for  work 
on  the  plantations,  he  informs  the  chancellor  that  "two  pair 
of  strong  oxen  ought  to  be  sent "  here  on  the  next  expedition. 
The  colony  lacked  skilled  workmen.  RIdder  complained  that 
he  did  not  have  a  man  who  could  build  a  common  peasant's 
house,  or  saw  a  board  of  lumber,'*  and  it  was  highly  necessary 
that  some  "  carpenters  and  other  workmen  be  sent  over,"  for 
the  general  condition  of  the  colonists  was  such  that  "  it  would 
be  Impossible  to  find  more  stupid  people  In  all  Sweden."  Rid- 
der's  complaints  are  overestimated,  for  we  know  that  he  did 
build  some  houses;  but  they  give  a  fair  Idea  of  the  class  of 
settlers  that  came  here  before  1641.  Besides  the  sawing  of 
lumber  RIdder  also  proposed  to  make  bricks  "  for  there  was 
good  clay  to  be  had."  Various  articles  were  needed  for  the 
use  of  the  colony  which  were  enumerated  in  Ridder's  letters, 
including  some  barrels  of  tar,  "glass  windows,"  a  quantity  of 
steel,  hemp,  salt,  brandy,  provisions  for  a  year,  grain  for  seed, 
such  as  rye,  barley,  beans,  peas,  cabbage,  turnips  and  parsnip 
seed.' 

English  and  Dutch  merchants  began  to  trade  with  the  Swedes 
at  an  early  date,  probably  already  In  1638.  They  brought  all 
kinds  of  supplies  to  the  settlers,  but  the  price  asked  for  them 
was  always  very  high.  The  English  in  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land (?)  offered  to  sell  cattle  and  commercial  relations  were 
established  with  them. 

*  "  Wier  haben  niet  ennen  man  so  en  hauten  baur  Haus  weiss  auf  zu  setzen  od 
ein  Bret  zu  sagen  ...  in  alles  ist  es  schlecht  bestelt  mit  diss  Folck,  man  sol  kein 
dumber  gemenner  Folk  in  gantz  Schweden  finden  alss  die,  so  nur  hier  sein." 
Ridder  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  December  3,  1640,  Ox.  Saml. 

"See  letters  from  Ridder  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  May  13,  June  8,  December  3, 
1640  {Ox.  Saml.),  and  to  Fleming,  May  14  ("memorial"),  N.S.  L  (K.A.)-  C£. 
above,  Chap.  XV.,  XVHL 


/\^fc\       CSrHv'-i'^tnJ    'Ovov-4-  vnUiHCi^  >5*u>iAi 


■>*+.(~ 


^  ..^.„?:5.^:!^..j  ..i-^^^^-./  jS-^-Pis:: 


yf-^    <fc»i 


v.-w^^   ^•»i;»     ♦M-*-^.,-^*^    4,^,     ^v-jJl    j^    ^,<-ti,l/Lv»,  ,    o.*05,   o^O-U    '»^«-»>  .^«  ' 
^^     j^    J,  ^ 

First  page  of  Ridder's  letter  (June  .s,  1640)  to  Axel  Oxenstierna.     Original  in  O.r. 
Sa»il.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


6 


...vHIpv^/w^.u  -44^'  A,^  W^r-r  f^^'d. 
y^  . .1  ^^  v^  ^  ^^  .lu  'f-^-i^  —  t^^-^u 

tj^   v5*i.    ^-^-oiu^iL     \7A4»t>»'    /*^»*-(<_<.<x     fn»»    M^fc^CfT     V3c>j 
^<J.-,    9     ^(t<'(,7      /    6  -f-  c  -^^  ^^"^^ 


'k 


^?fc-j 


Last  page  of  Ridder's  letter  with  Peter  H.  Ridder's  signature. 


The  Colony  Under  Ridder.  199 

The  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians  begun  by  Minuit 
were  continued  by  Ridder,  When  the  latter  arrived  he  dis- 
tributed gifts  among  the  chiefs  and  assured  them  of  his  good 
will  and  kindly  intentions,  which  was  reciprocated  by  the  sav- 
ages in  their  usual  way.  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  Kaltnar 
Nyckel  the  trade  was  renewed  (in  May),  causing  great  injury 
to  the  Dutch,  and  a  big  cargo  of  furs  for  the  return  voyage  of 
the  ship  was  bought  from  the  savages,  largely  through  the 
efforts  of  Huygen.*"'  The  ship  was  quickly  despatched  on  its 
homeward  journey  with  reports,  journals,  memorials  and  lists 
by  Van  Dyck,  the  commander  and  others.  Huygen,  who  had 
been  very  successful  in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians  and  who 
had  shown  himself  to  be  an  honest  and  faithful  servant  of  the 
Swedish  Crown  and  Company,  returned  to  Sweden,  to  make 
an  oral  report.  Mans  Kling  also  left  the  settlement  as  well  as 
a  number  of  the  soldiers,  but  the  colony  was  somewhat  aug- 
mented by  the  late  arrivals,  to  what  extent  is  unknown.  On 
May  14,  1640,  the  little  colony  was  again  left  to  itself.  The 
Kalmar  Nyckel  spread  its  sails  and  pointed  its  prow  towards 
Europe,  bearing  the  blessings  and  hopes  of  the  lonely  pioneers 
for  a  safe  voyage  and  speedy  return  with  new  supplies  and  new 
settlers."^ 

The  harmony  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedish  soldiers 
and  officers  was  not  the  best  before  1640,  and  it  did  not  improve 
after  Ridder's  arrival.  Van  Langdonk  lacked  the  qualities 
necessary  for  a  commissary  in  New  Sweden.  He  was  not  in 
sympathy  with  the  Swedes  nor  was  he  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  commander.  Quarrels  and  strifes  were  common  and  the 
general  discipline  was  bad.  Under  such  conditions  little  could 
be  done.  Provisions  were  low  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1640  and  the  Indian  trade  was  poor.^ 

'  A  quantity  of  skins  was  undoubtedly  bought  before  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  ar- 
rived the  second  time. 

'Instruction  for  Prinz,  August  15,  1642;  Ridder  to  Oxenstierna,  May  13,  16+0 
{Ox.  Saml.)  to  Fleming,  May  13,  14,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.)  ;  Van  Dyck  to  Fleming, 
May  23,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).      Above,  Chap.  XIV.-XVIII. 

*  Over  four  German  miles  above  the  fort.  A  German  mile  equals  25,000  ft. 
"  Das  Landt  angelangende  ist  schon  Grundt  umb  Colonien  zu  stellen,  es  ligt  von 
uns  4  gute  Meihl."    Ridder  to  Oxenstierna,  December  3,  1640.    Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 


200      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

On  November  2  the  Dutch  settlers  from  Utrecht  arrived  at 
Fort  Christina  and  this  probably  improved  the  condition  some- 
what. Van  Bogaert  delivered  his  commissions  and  papers  to 
Ridder  and  the  Dutch  were  settled  "on  beautiful  land"  about 
eighteen  or  twenty  miles  above  Christina.**  They  undoubtedly 
brought  with  them  some  cattle  and  various  supplies  and,  as  soon 
as  land  was  allotted  to  the  individual  colonists,  they  erected 
houses  and  other  necessary  farm  buildings,  being  lodged  in  the 
meantime  in  the  fort  and  in  the  dwellings  of  the  Swedes.  The 
ship  which  carried  these  settlers  to  New  Sweden  was  prepared 
for  its  return  voyage  about  the  beginning  of  December,  Some 
of  the  skins  bought  by  the  Swedish  commissioner  during  the 
summer  were  loaded  into  the  vessel  and  on  December  2  or  3 
she  set  sail  for  Europe. ^^ 

The  limits  of  New  Sweden  were  greatly  extended  in  the 
spring  and  summer  of  1640.  It  seems  that  Van  Langdonk  had 
instructions  to  buy  the  land  above  the  Schuylkill  from  the 
Indians  as  soon  as  possible,  and  on  April  18,  the  day  after  his 
arrival,  he  prepared  the  sloop  and  sailed  up  the  river  in  com- 
pany with  the  skipper  Roelof  Peterssen,  without  informing 
Ridder  about  his  intentions,  however.  Arriving  before  Fort 
Nassau  they  were  refused  permission  to  pass  by,  and  returned 
to  Christina.  They  now  had  in  mind  to  sail  up  the  river  on 
board  the  Kalmar  Nyckel,  but  Ridder  objected  to  this,  saying 
that  he  desired  to  follow  the  instructions  they  had  received  in 
Sweden,  which  required  them  to  begin  no  hostilities  with  the 
Dutch,  and  on  April  21  he  prepared  the  sloop  himself  and 
sailed  up  the  river  past  Fort  Nassau,  not  heeding  the  warnings 
of  the  Dutch.  Perhaps  on  the  following  day  he  had  a  con- 
ference with  the  Indians  and  bought  the  land  from  them  lying 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Delaware  from  the  Schuylkill  up  to  the 
falls  at  Trenton  or  "about  36  or  40  miles"  above  Fort  Nas- 
sau.^ ^     Merchandise  was  given  to  the  savages  for  the  land  and 

*  Ridder  to  Oxenstierna;  Van  Dyck  to  Fleming,  May  23,  1640,  N.S.,  L  (K.A.). 

'"  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XVIL 

"  In  my  opinion  Odhner  is  mistaken  in  saying  that  Hollender  placed  the 
"  limit  poles  8-9  German  miles  above  Christina."  Fort  Nassau  is  undoubtedly 
meant. 


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The  Colony  Under  Ridder.  201 

gifts  were  also  distributed  among  them.  The  usual  ceremonies 
followed  and  four  limit-poles  were  erected,  one  a  short  distance 
below  the  Dutch  fort  and  the  other  three  at  the  upper  limits  of 
the  newly  purchased  land.^^  It  is  also  probable  that  the  land 
lying  south  of  Duck  Creek  down  to  Cape  Henlopen  was  pur- 
chased by  Ridder  about  the  same  time  or  somewhat  later  from 
an  Indian  chief  called  Wickusi,  who  claimed  to  be  the  rightful 
owner.^^  But  little  could  be  effected  in  the  way  of  improve- 
ments before  the  next  ship  arrived. 

The  winter  of  1 640-1 641  passed  and  the  summer  came  and 
went,  but  no  ship  made  its  appearance.  The  colony  suffered 
another  drawback  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1641,  as  the 
English  from  New  Haven  came  into  the  river  and  ruined  the 
Indian  trade.  Ridder  protested  against  them  but  to  no  avail. 
They  continued  their  traffic  and  paid  no  heed  to  either  Swedish 
or  Dutch  complaints.^ ^  In  the  spring  Ridder  secured  a  title  to 
the  land  lying  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  from  Narraticons  or 
Racoon  Creek  southward  to  Cape  May.  An  Indian  chief  by 
the  name  of  Mekopemus,  who  seems  to  have  ruled  over  the 
district  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Delaware  from  Narraticons 
Kill  northward,  came  to  Christina  and  reported  that  the  sachem 
who  sold  the  land  to  the  English  at  Varkens  Kill  was  not  the 
owner  of  these  tracts,  for  the  land  beloned  to  Wickusi,  the 
former  owner  of  the  district  on  the  west  side  of  the  river. 
Ridder  then  prepared  his  sloop  and,  in  company  with  Mekope- 
mus, he  sailed  down  the  Delaware  and  landed  at  a  certain  kill 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Wickusi's  wigwams.  Wickusi  was 
called,  "  a  bargain  was  made  with  him "  and  he  was  given 
*'  good  remuneration  "  for  the  land.  A  pole  with  the  arms  of 
Sweden  upon  it  was  then  put  into  the  ground  in  the  presence 
of  Wickusi  and  Mekopemus,  and  the  Swedish  salute  was  fired 
from  the  sloop.^^     It  seems,  however,  that  the  full  amount, 

"Ridder  to  Oxenstierna,  May  13,  1640,  Ox.  Saml. 

"Report  of  court  1643;  Certificate  1654,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

"  Huygen  to  Spiring,  November  28,  1642  (copy),  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

'^  Certificate,  July  26,  1654,  signed  by  S.  Schute,  Greg,  van  Dyck,  Jacob 
SvFensson,  and  Per  Gunnarsson  Rambo,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)-  Cf.  also  below,  Chap. 
XXXVI. 


202       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

stipulated  in  the  deed,  was  not  paid  at  the  time,  for  in  1647 
claims  were  presented  to  Printz. 

In  October,  1641,  the  long-expected  succor  was  approaching. 
In  the  first  week  of  November  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  the 
Charitas  sailed  up  the  Delaware,  and  on  the  seventh  (n.s.?) 
they  anchored  in  front  of  Christina.  The  first  few  days  were 
occupied  with  nursing  the  sick,  people,  caring  for  the  animals 
and  unloading  goods.  Most  of  the  articles  asked  for  by  Rid- 
der  were  on  the  ships.  A  better  class  of  colonists  had  arrived 
and  a  new  period  of  prosperity  was  in  sight.  Only  six  beaver 
skins  were  in  the  storehouse,  and  Huygen  was  not  able  to  buy 
furs  from  the  Indians.  Consequently  the  ships  returned  almost 
empty. ^^  On  the  fifteenth  of  November  an  inventory  was  made 
and  Langdonk  delivered  the  goods  under  his  charge  into  the 
hands  of  his  successor.  The  store  was  very  small,  only  a  few 
hundred  bushels  of  corn,  some  4,000  fishhooks,  about  600  axes 
and  a  few  other  small  wares  were  on  hand.^^  But  large  sup- 
plies were  now  stored  in  the  fort. 

The  garrison  was  strengthened  by  several  soldiers,  and 
Mans  Kling  arrived  in  the  capacity  of  lieutenant.  Freemen, 
who  intended  to  begin  new  plantations,  came  on  the  ships,  be- 
sides a  preacher,  a  tailor,  a  millwright,  and  perhaps  a  black- 
smith and  other  skilled  workmen.  New  dwellings  were  built 
outside  the  fort,  plots  for  settlements  were  selected  by  the  free- 
men, and  new  land  was  cleared  and  prepared  during  the  winter 
for  farms  and  tobacco  plantations. 

Five  horses,  eight  cows,  five  sheep  and  two  goats  were  landed 
alive,^^  but  two  horses  and  one  cow  died  soon  after  the  arrival 
of  the  ships.  The  pigs  which  had  been  taken  over  on  previous 
voyages  or  bought  from  New  Amsterdam  increased  rapidly, 
and  many  of  them  ran  wild.  They  were  shot  in  the  autumn 
and  the  pork  was  smoked  and  salted  and  preserved  for  winter 
food.^^    Hunting  was  one  of  the  means  of  obtaining  provisions, 

••  Cf .  above,  Chap.  XVHL 

"See  "Invent.  ...  op  t'  Fort  Christina,"  November  15,  1641,  N.S.,  L  (K.A.). 

"  Cf.  above.  Chap.  XVIII. 

"Ridder  himself  shot  a  pig  two  German  miles  from  the  fort  and  eight  pigs 
were  captured  alive  on  the  same  place.  Ridder  to  Oxenstierna,  December  3, 
1640.     Ox.  Saml. 


Castle  at  Viborg,  Finland,  over  which  Peter  H.  Ridder  was  made  commander  in 
1669.     Seep.  692.     (Photographed  by  the  author  in  July,  1909.) 


The  Colony  Under  Ridder.  203 

especially  in  the  autumn  and  winter,  and  the  settlers  always 
carried  their  guns  with  them.  Fishing  was  likewise  an  impor- 
tant means  of  subsistence;  but  Ridder  complained  that  they 
lacked  some  necessary  fishing  implements,  hooks,  nets  (and 
probably  speers) ,  being  the  commonest  fishing  tools.  A  larger 
supply  of  fishing  implements  was  shipped  over  later,  and  then 
the  supply  of  fish  became  more  plentiful.  Great  quantities  of 
hooks  were  sold  to  the  Indians  and  they,  in  turn,  supplied  fish  to 
the  freemen. 

In  the  spring  of  1642  new  cottages  could  be  seen  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Christina,  new  clearings  were  beginning  to  break 
the  monotony  of  the  forest,  and  grain  was  sprouting  from  the 
fresh  furrows.  Tobacco  patches  could  be  found  here  and 
there,  and  vegetables  of  various  kinds  were  growing  for  the 
necessary  supplies  of  the  colony.  We  do  not  know  how  the 
crops  of  New  Sweden  turned  out  in  1642,  but  a  windmill  was 
built  near  the  fort,  perhaps  within  the  walls,  and  the  grain  was 
ground  In  It  in  the  autumn  and  winter. 

"Sickness  and  mortality,"  says  Governor  WInthrop,  "befell 
the  Swedes  In  1642,"-'^  but  there  is  no  mention  of  it  In  the 
extant  Swedish  records,  nor  do  the  preserved  documents  give 
us  any  information  about  other  internal  events  before  Printz 
came  here. 

It  Is  a  curious  fact  that  Joost  van  Bogaert,  with  the  exception 
of  a  single  reference  in  an  English  work,^^  "  disappears  from 
history"  with  his  settlement  after  1642.  It  is  therefore  pos- 
sible that  Bogaert  and  some  of  his  people  died  in  that  year. 
We  may  then  assume  that  the  surviving  Dutch  settlers  gradu- 
ally removed  to  their  countrymen  at  Fort  Nassau  or  in  New 
Amsterdam,  a  few  possibly  settling  among  the  Swedes,  for 
Printz  makes  no  mention  of  them  in  his  letter  In  the  spring  of 
1643,  which  he  surely  would  have  done,  had  they  still  re- 
mained.^- 

^Winthrop,  II. 

'"He  is  mentioned  as  "one  Bogot "  in  Plantagenet's  Neiu  Albion  (1648). 

^  See  Printz'  Instruction;  and  letters  to  Oxenstierna  and  Brahe,  April  12,  14, 
1643.  Ox.  Saml.,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.).  Had  Bogaert  lived  it  is  more  than  likely 
that  he  would  have  been  one  of  the  members  of  the  court  held  July  lo,  1643. 
See  below. 


204      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware, 

"  The  houses  which  the  Swedes  erected  for  themselves,  when 
they  first  came  here,  were  very  poor,"  says  Kalm,  "...  a  little 
cottage  [built  out  of  round  logs],  with  a  door  so  low  that  it 
was  necessary  to  bend  down  when  entering.  As  they  had  no 
windows  with  them,  small  loopholes  served  the  purpose,  covered 
with  a  sliding-board  which  could  be  closed  and  opened.  .  .  . 
Clay  was  plastered  into  the  cracks  between  the  logs  on  both  sides 
of  the  walls.  The  fireplaces  were  made  from  granite  [boulders] 
found  on  the  hills  or,  in  places  where  there  were  no  stones,  out 
of  mere  clay;  the  bake-oven  was  also  made  inside  of  the 
house. "'^"^  This  description,  based  on  the  report  of  an  old 
settler,  gives,  I  think,  a  fairly  accurate  picture  of  the  dwellings 
used  in  New  Sweden  before  the  arrival  of  Governor  Printz. 
As  time  went  on  more  pretentious  buildings  were  erected.-^ 

As  to  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  colony  during  this 
period  we  know  nothing,  but  it  is  probable  that  courts  were 
held  at  Christina  from  1640  to  1643.  Ridder,  Huygen,  Van 
Dyck  and  other  officers  were  given  written  instructions  and 
memorials  before  they  left  Sweden,  but  only  that  of  Ridder  is 
preserved.^^ 

The  commissioner  had  charge  of  the  merchandise;  he  kept 
all  the  accounts,  private  and  public  in  books  which  were  sent  to 
Sweden  at  intervals,  where  they  were  copied  by  Hans  Kramer 
into  the  journals  and  account  books  of  the  company.-^ 

=^Kalni,  Resa,  HL  70. 

^  Cf.  below,  Chaps.  XXXHL,  XLHL 

^  Copy  of  Riddel's  "  Inst."  in  Ox.  Saml.,  Van  Dyck  to  Fleming,  May  13, 
1640;  Huygen  to  P.  Spiring  (copy),  November  28,  1642  [i],  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 
Cf.  above.  Chaps.  XV.,  XVIII. 

°'  Cf.  below.  Chap.  XXIV.  Only  a  few  loose  sheets  are  preserved  of  an 
account  book,  which  dates  from  1638-1639,  N.S.,  II.  (R.A.).  In  a  Schuldt  Boeck 
which  really  covers  the  years  1643-1648,  there  are  also  a  number  of  accounts  in 
Huygen's  handwriting  from  1638-^1639.  The  book  begins  in  1638,  the  last 
account  for  1639  is  in  April,  then  follow  some  blank  pages.  It  is  again  begun 
by  Huygen  in  1643  and  continued  until  May  6,  1648.  It  was  sent  to  Sweden 
on  the  Sivan  and  presented  to  the  bookkeeper  of  the  company  at  Stockholm  on 
June  30,  the  same  year.  It  is  now  preserved  in  the  R.A.  in  N.S.,  II.  The 
book  is  defective,  the  left  hand  corners  of  the  pages  being  moulded  away  and 
other  parts  unreadable.  It  is  written  in  Dutch.  Ohdner  says  that  "  the  accounts 
are  of  the  simplest  kind  and  give  no  information  of  value,"  but  the  book 
contains  several  facts  not  found  elsewhere  and  many  interesting  details  concern- 


windmill  near  Stockholm  in  the  seventeenth  century.     From  Sirci'a  Aiitiqua. 

(See  also  p.  32^.) 


The  Colony  Under  Ridder.  205 

The  facts  about  the  religious  life  are  very  meager  before 
1643.  ^^y-  Reorus  Torkillus,-'  who  arrived  with  Ridder  in 
1640,  conducted  services  in  the  fort,  at  times  prescribed  by  the 
Swedish  church  law.  He  was  abused  by  some  of  the  Dutch, 
who  were  of  the  Reformed  faith,  and  in  his  letters  to  the  council 
he  complained  of  his  troubles  with  "those  who  confessed  the 
Calvanistic  heresy,"  but  harmony  seems  to  have  been  restored 
after  Langdonk's  return  to  Europe.  In  November,  1641, 
Rev.  Christopher  arrived  in  the  colony.  He  was  not  given  a 
commission  to  serve  here  when  he  left  Sweden,  but  it  seems  that 
Torkillus  was  unable  to  perform  all  the  ministerial  duties  and 
Christopher  remained  here  until  1643,  doing  the  duties  of  a 
clergyman,  and  when  he  returned  to  Sweden  he  was  paid  by 
Beier  for  his  labors. ^^  It  is  probable  that  Torkillus  was  sta- 
tioned in  the  fort  and  that  he  conducted  services  there,  while 
Christopher  looked  after  the  religious  needs  of  the  colonists 
who  were  settled  in  the  neighborhood  of  Christina.  The  first 
services  were  undoubtedly  conducted  by  Torkillus  in  one  of  the 
houses  built  by  Minuit;  but  it  seems  quite  certain  that  a  "meet- 
ing-house" or  chapel  was  erected  in  the  years  1641  to  1642, 
when  a  dwelling-house  was  too  small  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  colonists.  It  was  an  age  when  religion  was  taken  with  great 
seriousness  and  when  duties  of  worship  and  piety  were  among 
the  first  requirements  in  any  community,  when  generals  began 
their  reports  and  letters  to  their  superiors  in  the  name  of  God 
and  ended  them  with  blessings,  when  politicians  would  pray  for 
success  and  pirates  would  start  on  their  expeditions  only  after 
the  grace  of  Heaven  had  been  invoked  to  favor  their  intentions, 

ing  the  trade  of  the  colony.  A  number  of  Langdonk's  bills  are  also  preserved. 
They  are  all  dated  at  Fort  Christina,  November  30,  1640,  and  were  presented 
at  Stockholm,  April  20,  1641.  Nov?  in  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).  A  copy  of  the  book  is 
in  the  Hist.  So.  of  Penn. 

"  Torkillus  is  the  first  Lutheran  minister  of  the  Gospel  to  serve  in  America. 
The  first  Lutheran  preacher  to  visit  America  was  probably  Rev.  Rasmus  Jensen, 
a  Dane,  who  came  here  on  Munck's  expedition  to  Hudson  Bay  in  1619.  He  died 
in  Nova  Dania  before  Munck  returned  to  Europe.  Cf.  Munck,  Navigatio 
Septentr.;  Lutheran  Church  Re<vie<w,  XVH.  55  ff. 

^Van  Dyck's  letter  to  Fleming,  May  23,  1640.  N.S.,  L  (K.A.).  Rddspr.. 
Vni.  130  fl. ;  Journal,  nos.  289,  336,  364.  Christopher  was  paid  3:24  R.D.  in 
August,  1643,  and  91  R.D.  in  January,  1644. 


2o6       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  we  may  feel  sure  that  the  authorities  in  Sweden  did  not 
fail  to  instruct  Ridder  to  erect  a  place  of  worship  and  that  he 
obeyed  the  order,  although  we  have  no  records  of  the  same. 
We  know  that  there  was  a  church  here  in  1643,  ^o^  Brahe,  in 
answer  to  Printz's  letter  of  April  12,  admonished  the  governor 
to  decorate  their  "  little  church  in  the  Swedish  custom."  The 
church  could  hardly  have  been  built  in  a  month  and  a  half,  and 
besides  it  is  not  likely  that  Printz  would  begin  the  erection  of  a 
house  of  worship  before  the  country  was  properly  fortified.^® 

*  Brahe   to  Printz,   November  9,    1643.      Skokl.  Saml.    (R.A.).      Cf.  below, 
Chap.  XXXIV. 


Undestriim's  Map  of  "  Wirgiliia,  Nova  Suecia  (New  Sweden),  Nova  Battavia  (New  Netherland)  (and]  Nova  Anglia  (New  England)."     From  Undestriim's  (Seugraphi 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

Relations  with  the  Neighbors,   i 640-1 643. 

The  Swedes  were  on  the  best  terms  with  the  Indians  during 
the  whole  of  this  period,  but  immediately  upon  his  arrival  Rid- 
der  came  into  conflict  with  the  Dutch,  who  informed  the  Swedes 
that  they  would  not  be  allowed  to  sail  up  the  river  above  the 
Dutch  fort;  indeed  that  they  had  no  right  in  the  river  whatever. 

A  few  days  after  his  landing  Ridder  prepared  the  sloop  and 
went  up  the  stream  with  a  favorable  wind,  the  Swedish  com- 
missioner having  been  prevented  from  passing  the  Dutch 
stronghold  some  days  previously.  The  fort  fired  three  cannon 
shots  and  one  musket  ball  at  the  vessel  as  it  passed  by,  but 
Ridder  continued  his  journey.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  April  he 
went  ashore  at  Fort  Nassau,  and  delivered  some  letters  to  the 
Hollanders,  written  by  Blommaert,  but  the  Dutch  commissioner 
was  not  favorably  inclined.  On  May  2  the  sloop  was  sent 
above  the  Dutch  fort  for  the  fourth  time,  "  to  see  what  they 
would  do."  Jan  Jansen  again  pointed  his  cannon  at  the  vessel, 
and  sent  some  bullets  after  it.  He  also  protested  against  "  the 
intruders,"  and  claimed  that  the  whole  river  belonged  to  the 
Dutch  West  India  company.^  Fort  Nassau  was  garrisoned  by 
about  20  men,  and  Ridder  could  well  have  opposed  any  attempts 
of  the  Dutch  to  be  masters  in  the  river,  but  he  preferred  to  fol- 
low his  instruction  and  keep  on  as  good  terms  with  them  as  pos- 
sible. From  time  to  time  Dutch  vessels  from  New  Amsterdam 
and  probably  some  direct  from  Europe  visited  the  Delaware  for 
the  purpose  of  trade,  both  with  the  Swedes  and  savages,-  and 
friendly  intercourse  was  continued  for  some  years.  Other 
events  also  intervened  which  tended  to  draw  the  Swedes  and 

^The  protests  were  answered  and  counter-protests  were  made.  Ridder  to 
Oxenstierna,  May  13,   1640.      Ox.  Saml.    (R.A.). 

'Ci.  De  Vries'  Korte  Historiael,  p.  163  and  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2  S., 
III.  100. 

207 


2o8       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Dutch  closer  together  and  unite  forces  for  the  preservation  of 
their  settlements  against  a  common  foe. 

In  1 64 1  a  third  nation,  the  English,  becomes  more  definitely 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  Delaware.  Merchants  and 
planters  of  New  Haven,  finding  that  their  colony  was  badly 
situated  for  trade  with  the  Indians,  looked  for  other  places 
where  they  could  settle  and  establish  trading  posts.  Some  of 
the  principal  merchants  had  sent  ships  to  the  Delaware  for 
some  years  and,  observing  that  this  vast  territory  was  sparsely 
settled  and  that  the  Swedish  and  Dutch  forts  and  trading-sta- 
tions there  did  not  control  the  river  nor  the  country,  they  deter- 
mined, perhaps  in  the  autumn  of  1640,  to  extend  their  activities 
more  systematically  to  this  place. ^  Theophilus  Eaton,  Stephen 
Goodyear,  John  Dane(?),  Tho.  Gregson,  Richard  Malbon, 
Matthew  Gilbert,  J[oh]n  Tu[rner](?),  Nathaniel  Turner 
and  Geo.  Lamberton  seem  to  have  formed  a  Delaware  Com- 
pany* for  the  purpose  of  colonizing  and  trading  on  the  South 
River.^  Two  agents,  Lamberton  and  Turner,  with  assistants 
were  sent  "to  view  and  purchase  p[ar]t  of  the  Delaware,"  in 
the  spring  of  1641.  They  were  instructed  not  to  interfere  with 
the  Swedes  and  Dutch,  say  the  English  records  of  a  somewhat 
later  date,  but  to  buy  land  from  Indians  not  yet  occupied  by 
any  Christian  nation. 

The  bark  or  sloop  fitted  out  for  the  expedition  arrived  In  the 
Bay  about  April  i.  Turner  and  Lamberton  "sailed  up  the 
[Delaware]  River  In  order  to  select  a  convenient  spot  for  erect- 
ing a  stronghold  and  making  a  settlement  and,  when  a  suitable 
landing  place  was  found,  they  endeavored  to  secure  a  title  to  the 
land."  But  the  Indians  refused  to  deal  with  them,  says  Gov. 
WInthrop.     "It  so  fell  out,  [however],  that  a  Pequod  sachem 

'A^  H.  Col.  Rec,  H.  56;  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VL  439. 

*See  the  two  protests  presented  by  Lamberton  to  the  Swedes,  April  19,  i643(?), 
and  June  22,  1643,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)-  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  U.  13  ff.  The  evidence 
for  the  formation  of  the  company  is  slight.  I  have  found  only  one  direct  refer- 
ence: "It  was  ordered  ...  of  the  Delaware  Co."  N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  124.  Cf. 
The  History  of  the  Delaware  Comp.  of  1753  (?)  and  its  attempts  at  settlement 
in  this  region.      See  Hist,  of  Wyoming,  by  C.  Miner,  p.  69  ff.  and  others. 

°The  reasons  for  their  purchase  and  plantations  on  the  Delaware  are  given 
in  A^.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  56-7. 


Relation  with  the  Neighbors.  209 

(being  fled  his  country  in  our  war  with  them'"'  [the  Indians] 
and  having  seated  himself  with  his  company  upon  that  river 
ever  since)  was  accidentally  there  at  that  time.  He,  taking 
notice  of  the  English  and  their  desire,  persuaded  the  other 
sachem  to  deal  with  them,  and  told  them  that  howsoever 
they  had  killed  his  countrymen  and  driven  him  out,  yet  they 
were  honest  men  and  had  just  cause  to  do  as  they  did,  for  the 
Pequods  had  done  them  wrong,  and  refused  to  give  such  rea- 
sonable satisfaction  as  was  demanded  of  them.  Whereupon 
the  sachem  entertained  them  and  let  them  have  what  land 
they  desired."^  The  accuracy  of  this  statement  cannot  now  be 
ascertained,^  nor  is  it  clear  whether  Winthrop  refers  to  the 
transactions  at  Varkens  Kill  or  to  a  later  purchase  on  the  Schuyl- 
kill. At  any  rate,  Lamberton  and  Turner,  "  in  the  presence  of 
witnesses"  managed  to  obtain  a  title  by  "several  deeds  of  bar- 
gain and  sale  "  to  two  large  tracts  of  land  "  on  both  sides  of  the 
Delaware."  The  land  was  "  purchased  of  Usquata  Sachem 
or  Prince  of  Narrattacus  and  of  Wehensett(  ?)  Sachem  of  Watt- 
sesinge."^  This  is  the  purchase  generally  referred  to  in  the 
English  protests  and  letters  to  the  Swedes  and  Dutch^^  and 
comprised  land  extending  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Delaware 
*'  from  a  small  river  or  creek  called  Chesumquesett^^  northward 
where  the  land  of  the  said  Usquata  Sachem  of  Narratacus 
doth  begin  unto  the  sea-coast  southward,"  and  "from  a  river- 
[l]et  called  by  the  Indians  Tomquncke  unto  another  river[l]et 
called  Papuq  (.   .   .)  ^^  on  the  west  side  of  the  great  river  called 

^  For  the  trouble  with  the  Pequods  and  their  extermination  by  the  English,  see 
Mason,  J.  A.,  A  Brief  Hist,  of  the  Peguot,  etc.;  Tyler,  Eng.  in  Am.,  251  ff. 

^Winthrop,  II.  62.  He  has  this  under  March  27,  1642.  Cf.  also  Hubbard's 
New  Eng.,  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VI.  438  ff. ;  Certif.,  July  26,  1654,  N.S.,  I. 
(R.A.). 

*  It  is  possible  that  Wickusi  was  approached  by  Lamberton,  and  that  this  chief, 
out  of  friendship  for  the  Swedes,  refused  to  sell  land  to  the  English. 

'  In  one  document  he  is  called  "  Printz  Sachem  "  as  "  Mekapemus  Sachem," 
etc.;  in  another  he  is  called  the  "  wilden  prince."  See  Certif.,  July  26,  1654. 
Court  Rec,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).    Sachem  is  written  Sdgdm  in  the  document. 

^"Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  181;  II.  13  ff.,  etc. 

"Probably  Racoon  Creek,  also  called  Narraticons  Kil. 

"This  tract  was  located  south  of  Christina,  but  it  is  impossible  to  give  the 
exact  limits  of  the  purchase. 

15 


2IO      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

by  the  English  Delawa[re]."^^  The  English  claimed  that 
neither  of  these  tracts  had  been  purchased  by  either  the  Swedes 
or  the  Dutch.  But  the  land  on  the  western  bank  had  been  pur- 
chased by  the  Swedes,  as  we  have  seen,  before  Lamberton  and 
Turner  arrived  in  1641,  and  the  district  on  the  eastern  bank  be- 
low Racoon  Creek  was  bought  by  Ridder  "  from  the  rightful 
owner  "  about  the  same  time  or  (probably)  "  three  days  before  " 
the  English  purchase. ^^  As  soon  as  Ridder  was  aware  of  the 
intentions  of  the  English,  he  sailed  down  to  Varkens  Kill  and 
presented  a  protest  to  them,  but  to  no  avail.  When  Ridder  had 
planted  the  limit  poles  of  the  purchase  around  Varkens  Kill  and 
fired  the  Swedish  salute.  Van  Dyck  was  sent  to  Captain  Turner, 
"with  the  information  that  the  land  had  been  purchased  by  the 
Swedes,  and  that  that  was  the  reason  why  the  shots  were  fired." 
But  Turner  and  Lamberton  went  on  as  before  and  a  few  days 
later  the  Indian  chief  who  sold  the  land  to  them,  removed  the 
Swedish  coat  of  arms,  and  carried  it  to  Fort  Christina.  When 
Wickusi  became  aware  of  this,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  the 
Swedes,  and  requested  them  to  "  put  up  the  coat  of  arms  again  " 
as  they  had  bought  the  land  from  the  rightful  owner.  In  the 
meantime  Turner  and  Lamberton  built  a  blockhouse  and  made 

"Protest  June  22,  1643  (copy),  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)-  Trumbull  says  that  the 
purchase  was  made  by  Capt.  Turner,  agent  for  New  Haven.  It  cost  about 
£30  sterling.  (Trumbull,  I.  116,  note  i.)  But  he  gives  no  authority  for  his 
statements. 

"  There  has  been  some  uncertainty  about  the  date  of  the  English  purchase. 
In  the  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  II.  13,  it  is  stated  that  the  transaction  took  place  in  1640, 
but  this  document  is  of  a  later  date  and  hence  has  not  the  value  of  an  "  original." 
Winthrop  is  not  clear  on  the  subject.  He  says  under  Mo.  1.27,  1642:  "Those  at 
New  Haven  intending  a  plantation  at  the  Delaware  sent  some  men  to  purchase 
a  large  portion  of  land  of  the  Indians  there"  (II.  62).  He  most  likely  entered 
the  fact  in  his  journal  when  he  received  definite  information  about  it,  hence 
some  months  after  the  event  took  place.  Under  date  of  Mo.  6,  24,  1642,  he 
says:  "A  plantation  was  begun  last  year  at  Delaware  Bay"  (II.  76).  1640 
has  been  accepted  by  all  writers  as  the  correct  date  of  the  purchase,  but  from 
Swedish  documents  it  Is  clear  that  the  English  did  not  buy  land  nor  settle  on 
the  river  before  the  spring  of  1641.  Kidder's  letters  of  1640  are  silent  on  this 
point,  and  it  is  not  at  all  probable  that  he  would  have  failed  to  mention  s« 
important  a  fact.  See  his  letters  to  Oxenstierna,  1640,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.),  and 
his  letter  to  Fleming,  May  13,  1640,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).  Besides  Huygen  says  that 
the  English  came  into  the  river  "this  summer"  (1641).  The  same  year  is 
given  in  "  Instruc."  for  Printz,  August  15,  1642,  §6,  and  in  Certif.,  July  26, 
1654,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  also  in  the  Report  of  Court,  July  lo,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 


Relation  with  the  Neighbors.  211 

other  arangements  for  a  settlement.  It  is  not  possible  to  know 
whether  the  English  colonists  who  went  to  settle  at  Varkens  Kill 
arrived  with  Lamberton  and  Turner  or  came  some  weeks  later 
in  a  different  ship.  They  numbered  twenty  families,  consisting 
of  about  sixty  persons.  They  were  probably  mostly  traders, 
but  some  of  them  came  there  also  for  the  purpose  of  agricul- 
ture and  tobacco  planting  and  it  is  likely  that  they  laid  out  small 
gardens  and  farms  round  their  log  cabins,  as  soon  as  these  were 
completed. ^^ 

Shortly  after  the  purchase  at  Varkens  Kill,  Lamberton  and 
Turner  bought  certain  lands  from  Mattahorn^^  at  the  Schuyl- 
kill. The  transaction  took  place  on  or  about  April  19,^^  and 
on  the  same  day  a  notice  of  the  purchase  with  a  protest^^  was 
3ent  to  the  Swedes  (and  Dutch?)  describing  the  land  and  warn- 
ing intruders  from  settling  within  its  limits.  The  land  was  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Delaware,  extending  from  a  river  "  Pesto- 
comeco  or  Howskeshocken,  that  li[eth]  next  above  the  Swe- 
dish fort  to  a  place  called  Ecoccym,^^  th[at]    lieth  against 

"Instruct,  to  Printz,  1642,  §6;  Winthrop,  II.  Robert  Martin,  J.  Woollen  and 
Roger  Knapp  are  names  of  English  settlers  that  have  been  preserved  to  us 
besides  those  given  below,  Appendix.  See  protest,  April  19,  1642,  N.S.,  I. 
(R.A.)  ;  A^.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  147. 

"The  same  chief  who  had  sold  land  to  Minuit.     Cf.  above,  Chap.  XVI. 

"  In  a  protest  sent,  presumably,  to  the  Swedes,  it  is  stated  that  the  lands  on 
the  Schuylkill  were  bought  on  April  19,  1642.  But  this  could  not  be  so,  for  in 
the  court  held  July  10,  1643,  Lamberton  states  that  he  bought  this  two  years  ago, 
hence  in  1641.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  copyist  made  a  mistake  in  the 
protest,  writing  1642  for  1641.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  court  records  are  wrong 
in  the  date,  for  it  is  hardly  probable  that  Lamberton  could  have  pushed  the  date 
back  unchallenged,  since  several  of  the  men  present  were  in  the  country  at  the 
time  of  the  purchase,  and  Jan  Jansen  sent  protests  to  him  soon  after  the  sale 
was  made.  Neither  is  it  likely  that  the  clerk  or  copyist  of  the  court  records 
could  have  copied  "two  years"  instead  of  one  year  ago;  for  it  would  have  been 
more  natural  for  Lamberton  to  have  said  "  last  year."  Lamberton  might  have 
answered  in  English  and  it  is  then  conceivable  that  a  mistake  could  have 
occurred  in  the  transcription.  We  may,  however,  I  think,  accept  April  19  as  the 
correct  date  for  the  nineteenth  occurs  twice  in  the  document.  We  may  there- 
fore assume  with  a  fair  degree  of  certainty  that  the  lands  on  the  Schuylkill  were 
bought  on  April  19,  1641.  Court  Rec,  July  10,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  Protest, 
April  19,  1642  (1641?).  (We  have  only  copies  to  judge  from  in  every  case, 
however.) 

"The  protest  was  made  in  the  presence  of  Robert  Martin  and  John  Woollen. 
See  Protest,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

"  Wickquacoingh  (Wicaco)  ? 


212      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  uppermost  part  of  an  Island  that  li[eth]  in  the  great  river 
above  the  Dutch  fort  in  the  gr[eat]  river  called  by  the  English 
Delaware  Bay."-'^  We  may  feel  sure  that  the  English  protest 
was  answered  by  Ridder  and  that  he  presented  the  Swedish 
claim  to  the  district  and  cautioned  "  Lamberton  and  his  men  " 
not  to  build  or  settle  there. 

The  English  were  very  successful  in  their  settlement  and 
trade  in  the  Delaware  in  1641.  Lamberton  and  Turner  re- 
turned to  New  Haven  in  the  late  summer.  They  presented,  as 
we  may  suppose,  a  favorable  report  of  their  labors  and  the 
prospects  for  future  settlements.  The  matter  was  brought  be- 
fore the  "  General  Court  of  New  Haven  "  by  the  members  of 
the  Delaware  Company  and  efforts  were  made  to  gain  the  co- 
operation of  the  town.  At  the  court  held  on  August  30,  1641, 
it  was  proposed  that  the  "  plantations  should  be  settled  in  Dela- 
ware Bay  in  connection  "  with  the  town  of  New  Haven.  "  Upon 
consideration  and  debate  "  the  question  was  decided  in  the  affir- 
mative, "by  the  holding  up  of  hands. "^^  Captain  Turner  was 
given  "  free  liberty  ...  to  go  to  Delaware  Bay  for  his  own 
advantage  and  the  public  good  in  settling  the  affairs  thereof," 
and  preparations  were  made  during  the  winter  to  send  new 
settlers  and  supplies  to  the  South  River.^-  It  is  probable  that 
Turner  and  Lamberton  in  the  early  spring  of  1642  again  set 
sail  for  the  Delaware.  They  found  their  settlement  at  Varkens 
Kill  in  good  condition,  but  it  was  not  favorably  situated  for  the 
Indian  trade,  since  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  had  their  trading 
posts  above  them  and  consequently  were  in  closer  touch  with  the 
savages.  The  Schuylkill  region,  where  land  was  purchased  the 
previous  year,  was  yet  unsettled  and  here  was  a  good  opportunity 

^"Protest,  April  19,  i642(?),  N.S.,  L  (R.A.).  Hence  the  land  bought  by  the 
English,  north  of  Christina  in  1641,  extended  from  a  certain  river  (Chester 
Creek?)  some  distance  above  Fort  Christina  northward  unto  Wickquacoingh 
(Wicaco),  within  Philadelphia.  In  Winsor,  IV.  452,  it  is  stated  that  the  land 
extended  from  Crum  Creek. 

^  As  indicated  above,  the  origin  and  history  of  the  "  Delaware  Company  "  are 
obscure  and  uncertain.  This  may  be  the  origin  of  the  company,  although  I  am 
rather  inclined  to  believe  that  it  was  formed  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  as  indi- 
cated above. 

"'  N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  56-7. 


Relation  with  the  Neighbors.  213 

for  the  erection  of  a  blockhouse  and  the  planting  of  a  settle- 
ment. Soon  after  his  arrival  here  Lamberton  selected  a  location 
for  a  trading  post  "  at  Manaiping^^  and  built  a  blockhouse  on  a 
spot,  where  Fort  Nya  Korsholm  was  later  erected  by  the 
Swedes."-^ 

In  the  meantime  preparations  had  been  completed  at  New 
Haven  for  the  departure  of  a  vessel  with  colonists  and  supplies. 
The  bark  or  catch  which  was  to  be  sent  belonged  to  Lamberton, 
but  it  was  commanded  by  Robert  Coxwell,  the  planter  and  sailor 
from  New  Haven. -^  The  number  of  colonists  that  went  on  the 
expedition  is  unknown,  nor  do  we  know  the  date  when  the 
vessel  left  New  Haven. -^  For  some  unknown  reason  the  ship 
touched  at  New  Amsterdam.  When  Governor  Kieft  became 
aware  that  the  passengers  were  on  an  expedition  of  settlement, 
he  sent  a  protest-^  to  the  commander  of  the  ship,  warning  him 
"not  to  build  or  plant  on  the  South  River,  lying  within  the 
limits  of  New  Netherland,  nor  on  the  lands  ■extending  along 
it,  unless  he  would  settle  under  the  Lords  the  States  and  the 
Honble  West  India  Company  and  swear  allegiance  and  become 
subjects  to  them  as  other  inhabitants  do."  Coxwell  answered 
the  protest  on  April  8  (n.s.?),  affirming  that  he  intended  to 
settle  on  territory  not  already  occupied  by  others,  and  if  such 
could  not  be  found  he  was  willing  to  select  land  within  the 
limits  of  the  Dutch  claims  and  swear  allegiance  to  the  States 
General. ^^    On  this  assurance  Coxwell  was  allowed  to  proceed, 

^  Certif.,  July  26,  1654,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A).  Hence  this  settlement  was  located 
within  the  present  limits  of  Philadelphia.  Cf.  Doc,  XII.,  p.  29.  Cf.  below, 
Chap.  XXXVI. 

"*  If  the  statement  in  the  document  (Certif.,  July  26,  1654)  is  correct  the 
blockhouse  was  erected  on  the  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill,  where  Smith, 
Hist,  of  Del.  Co.,  locates  "  Ft.  Manayunk." 

^  He  had  charge  of  a  boat  in  1640.      Cf.  A^  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  47,  92,  etc. 

^  It  must  have  been  towards  the  end  of  March  or  in  the  beginning  of  April. 
Winthrop  probably  made  the  entry  in  his  journal  already  referred  to  (March 
27  [April  6],  1642)   shortly  after  their  departure. 

="  Dated  April  7-8,  i642(?). 

^Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  II.  213,  265;  Doc,  II.  144.  Authorities  do  not  agree 
on  the  year  of  the  expedition.  The  year  given  in  Doc,  II.  144  (accepted  by 
O'Callaghan,  Hazard  and  others,  Hazard,  58,  etc.)  is  1641.  But  the  document 
referred  to  is  only  a  copy,  as  well  as  the  one  printed  in  the  Hist.  Col.  Proba- 
bility is  in  favor  of  the  date  given  in  the  Hist.  Col.,  for  here  the  event  is  entered 


214      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  English  documents  of  a  somewhat  later  date  state  that 
Governor  Kieft  recommended  the  English  to  the  favor  of  his 
commissary  at  the  Delaware,  by  special  letters. ^^  It  is  likely 
that  Coxwell  sailed  directly  to  Varkens  Kill  and  from  there  to 
the  Schuylkill.^*'  The  work  begun  by  Lamberton  and  Turner  at 
the  latter  place  was  finished  and  the  foundations  for  some  dwel- 
lings were  laid.^^  The  lively  Indian  trade  was  continued  and 
large  damage  was  done  to  the  traffic  of  the  Swedes  and  Dutch. 
Jan  Jansen  and  Peter  Ridder  protested  against  them  but  to  no 
avail;  they  paid  no  attention  to  it  and  went  on  with  their  work 
as  before.  Jan  Jansen  then  informed  the  authorities  at  New 
Amsterdam  about  their  presence  in  the  river  and  complained 

with  other  occurrences  of  the  same  year  (1642)  and  a  mistake  in  the  year  would 
be  less  likely  in  such  a  case.  The  author,  suspecting  that  a  mistake  had  been 
made  in  the  printed  document  {Doc,  H.  144),  examined  the  manuscript  in  the 
archives  at  the  Hague  in  the  autumn  of  1909  and  found  the  year  to  be  correctly 
printed  as  1641.  See  West  Ind.  Comp.  L.  K.  L.,  49.  "  Robbert  Coghwel 
antwoort-niet  van  meeninge  is  onder  eenich  Gouvernement  te  sitten  (ende)  een 
plaets  te  verkiesen  daer  de  Staten  Generael  geen  commando  te  hebben,  (ende) 
ingevalle  soodanige  plaets  nieten  is  te  vinden,  is  van  meeninge  wederora  te 
keeren,  ofFe  soo  inde  Limiten  van  Staten  sich  nederstelt,  sal  hem  onder  deselve 
begeven  ende  aldan  eedt  doen.  Actum  inde  Barckque  von  Mr.  Lammerton 
leggende  opde  reede  voort  Eijlant  Manhattans  den  8  April  Ao.  1641.  Was  undert. 
Robbert  Coghwel,  Cornelia  van  der  Haijkens  fiscael,  Hendrick  van  Dijck  als 
getuijgen,"  etc. 

^^Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  U.  13  ff.,  etc. 

'*  Smith's  statement  that  the  settlement  on  the  Schuylkill  at  this  time  was  made 
by  Marylanders  needs  no  consideration.  See  Smith,  A''.  Y.,  1.  6,  and  Proud,  Hist, 
of  Penn.,  L  no  note;  cf.  Bozman,  L 

^  There  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  date  of  this  settlement.  I  accept  1643 
as  the  correct  year  for  the  following  reasons.  In  the  "  Instruction "  to  Jan 
Jansen,  May  22,  1642  {Doc,  XII.  23),  it  is  stated  that  "the  English  quite  re- 
cently have  taken  possession"  of  the  Schuylkill,  hence  in  the  spring  of  i642(?). 
There  is  nothing  in  Printz's  Instruction,  August  15,  1642,  about  this  colony.  §6 
refers  to  the  English  at  Varkens  Kill  only.  Ridder  had  not  had  time  to  report 
their  presence  when  Printz  left  Sweden,  and  when  Printz  arrived  on  the 
Delaware  they  had  already  been  expelled  by  the  Dutch.  This,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  writer,  is  the  reason  why  so  little  mention  is  made  of  this  settlement.  It 
is  hardly  possible  to  suppose  that  Ridder  would  have  neglected  to  refer  to  this 
settlement  or  that  a  paragraph  about  it  would  not  have  been  included  in  the 
Instruction  to  Printz,  if  the  facts  about  it  had  been  known  in  Sweden,  August 
15,  1642,  for  it  was  located  on  the  same  side  of  the  river  as  Fort  Christina  and 
above  this  stronghold,  and  hence  on  a  tract  of  land  much  more  important  to  the 
Swedish  colony  than  that  at  Varkens  Kill.  Furthermore,  the  date  of  the 
presence  of  Coxwell  at  New  Amsterdam  is  given  as  April  9(8?),  1642,  in 
Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  II.  p.  265.     Cf.  note  28,  above. 


Relation  with  the  Neighbors.  215 

that  they  paid  no  heed  to  his  protests.  Accordingly  the  "  coun- 
cil in  Fort  New  Amsterdam"  decided  on  May  15,  (n.s.)  to 
expel  the  English  in  the  quietest  manner  possible,  and  on  May 
22  (n.s.),  instructions  were  sent  to  the  commissary  at  Fort 
Nassau  with  orders  to  remove  the  English,  by  force  if  neces- 
sary, and  two  sloops,  the  Real  and  St.  Martin,  were  despatched 
to  the  South  River  and  placed  at  his  disposal.^^  j^n  Jansen 
obeyed  his  orders  minutely.  He  went  to  the  settlement  at  the 
Schuylkill  with  armed  men,  probably  assisted  by  Ridder,  and 
since  the  English  could  produce  no  commission  and  were  not 
willing  "  to  depart  immediately  in  peace,"  he  burnt  their  store- 
house and  dwellings,  and  sent  the  settlers  as  prisoners  to  Man- 
hattan. Lamberton,  however,  was  on  his  guard  and  escaped 
with  his  vessel.  The  damages  sustained  by  the  English  were 
estimated  at  £1,000  and,  if  this  is  not  too  much  exaggerated, 
the  settlement  must  have  been  quite  considerable.^^  Some 
private  persons  also  suffered  in  the  affair,  but  it  is  not  quite  clear 
how  the  loss  was  distributed.^^ 

We  have  seen  that  New  Albion,  including  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  Delaware,  was  granted  to  Plowden  in  1634.^^  It  seems 
that  he  began  making  preparations  to  go  there  in  1641.  He 
had  been  informed  "of  the  entry  and  intrusions  of  certain 

^ Doc,  XII.  23-4.  Cf.  Hazard,  p.  6i  ff.  Jan  Jansen  was  ordered  "to  repair 
with  one  or  both  of  the  sloops  to  the  Schuyllcill,  demand  the  commission  of  the 
said  Englishmen  and  by  what  authority  they  had  assumed  to  take  away  the  right, 
ground,  and  trade  of  the  Dutch,  and  in  case  they  had  no  commission  '  or  formal 
copy  thereof  '  he  should  oblige  them  to  depart  immediately  in  peace  so  that  no 
blood  might  be  shed,"  and  on  refusing  he  should  secure  their  persons  and  remove 
them  on  board  the  sloops,  so  that  they  might  be  brought  to  New  Amsterdam. 
He  should  be  careful,  however,  that  the  English  were  not  injured  in  their  per- 
sonal effects,  but  after  their  departure  he  should  lay  waste  the  place. 

^Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  i8i,  189,  211,  II.  13  ff.,  19;  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So., 
2d  S.,  VI.  439;  Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  II.  164,  214;  Perm.  Ar.,  2d  S.,  V.  4;  N.  H. 
Col.  Rec,  I.  147;  cf.  Hazard,  p.  62;  Trumbull,  I.  120,  and  others  (see  bibliogr.). 

"  One  Roger  Knapp,  who  seems  to  have  been  along  on  the  first  expedition  to 
the  Delaware  in  1641,  had  "his  arms  burnt  in  the  Delaware  Bay"  in  1642 
{N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  147).  As  Lamberton  in  the  same  year  passed  New  Amster- 
dam on  his  way  to  New  Haven,  he  was  compelled  to  pay  "  recognition  or 
custom  "  for  the  beavers  he  bought  at  the  South  River.  Protests  were  sent  to 
Gov.  Kieft  but  to  no  avail.  See  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Ads,  I.  181,  II.  14  ff . ;  Hazard, 
p.  62. 

^  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XX. 


2i6       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

aliens  on  His  Majesty's  dominions  and  province  in  Delaware 
Bay  or  South  River,"  and,  in  order  to  clear  the  way  for  his 
settlement  and  gain  the  assistance  of  the  English  colonies,  he 
informed  Parliament  of  the  above  fact,  and  requested  the  House 
to  write  to  Virginia  on  his  behalf.  Accordingly  letters  were 
sent  "to  the  governor  and  council  of  Virginia,"  requiring  them 
"to  give  speedy  and  real  assistance"  to  Sir  Edmond,  who  also 
wrote  to  Governor  Berkeley  about  his  intentions.  On  the  eigh- 
teenth of  March  1642,  Gov.  William  Berkeley  addressed  a 
letter  and  protest  to  "  The  Right  Worthy  Governor  of  the 
Swedes  and  to  Hendrick  Huygen,  in  Charles  or  South  River,"^^ 
giving  a  short  account  of  the  real  and  imaginary  discoveries,  set- 
tlements and  occupations  of  the  English  on  the  Delaware  and 
their  rights  there, ^^  and  admonishing  the  Swedes  to  submit  to  the 
authority  of  the  English  Crown  and  to  "  recognize  the  title  and 
dominion  "  of  Governor  Plowden.  The  letter  goes  on  to  say 
that  Plowden  wished  to  establish  "  friendship  and  good  and 
peaceable  correspondence  "  with  the  Swedes  and  that  he  desired 
that  they  would  "not  sell  or  give  to  the  native  Indians  there 
any  arms  or  ammunition  nor  hinder  the  free  trade,  passage, 
residence  or  commerce  of  his  Majesty's  said  subjects  in  the  said 
South  River."^*  Since  news  had  also  reached  Gov.  Plowden  that 
some  English  subjects  without  "warrant  and  commission"  had 
"unlawfully  entered,  builded  and  settled  them  [selves]  within 
Delaware  Bay  or  Charles  River,"  he  petitioned  the  king  about 
It.  Charles  I.  accordingly  sent  a  document  to  Jamestown,  stat- 
ing that,  as  these  English  without  "commission  or  warrant 
[have]  taken  upon  them  [selves]  our  Royal  Power  and  Sover- 
eignty within  that  our  province  and  dominion  "  to  make  laws 
and  establish  a  government,  the  statutes  and  provisions  made  by 
them  would  be  void  and  the  colonists  would  be  removed  and 

'"The  full  address  is  "To  the  right  worthy,  the  Governor  of  Manatas  and  to 
Jno.  Jackson,  his  commander  in  Ch.  River  and  to  the  righte  worthy  the  Gov- 
er[nor]  of  the  Sweads  and  to  Henrick  Hugo  in  Charles  or  South  River,"  and 
hence  we  may  assume  that  a  copy  of  the  letter  was  sent  to  Governor  Kieft  also. 
March  i8,  1642  (copy),  N.S.,  L  (R.A.  and  K.A.). 

"  Cf.  above.  Chap.  XX. 

^Berkeley  to  Governor  at  Manatas,  etc.,   March   18,   1642.      N.S.,  I.    (K.A.). 


n^^: 


:::z,ir:z^:i.  ;:il^4;,.^fe^■ ;;-%:,  .^^<^^ 


«•»_     In 


;V^'.-#»- 


Copy  of  Governor  Berkeley's  protest  to  the   Dutch  and   Swedes,  March  18,  1642. 
Original  preserved  in  N.  vS.  I.  (K.  A.),  Stockholm. 


Relation  with  the  Neighbors.  217 

*'  declared  as  [public]  enemies."  The  document  was  addressed 
by  the  "  King  of  England,  Scotland  [and]  France  to  all  his 
loving  subjects,  inhabitants  and  other  Christians,  Aliens  and 
Indians  within  the  province  of  New  Albion, "■■'^''  and  a  copy  was 
sent  to  Ridder,  and  to  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan  and  the  English 
at  New  Haven. ^"  The  effect  of  these  papers  is  not  known. 
They  probably  elicited  a  reply  from  Ridder,  but  they  did  not 
keep  the  New  Englanders  out  of  the  Delaware. 

The  settlement  at  Varkens  Kill  was  undisturbed.  It  was 
situated  some  distance  from  the  Dutch  and  Swedish  forts,  far 
from  the  path  of  the  fur  trade,  and  it  was  probably  too  strong 
for  the  weak  forces  at  the  disposal  of  Ridder  and  Jansen.  The 
English  answered  the  protest  of  the  former,  however,  by  saying 
they  would  submit  "  to  the  one  who  was  strongest  and  most  able 
to  give  them  protection,"  and  when  Printz  arrived  they  were 
incorporated  into  the  Swedish  colony,  as  we  shall  see.^^ 

^''".  .  .  by  the  grace  of  God  Kinge  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  .  .  .  and 
defender  of  the  faith,  etc.,  to  all  our  loving  subjects  [in]habitants  and  other 
Christians,  Aliens  and  Indians  within  the  [provin]ce  of  New  Albion,  betweene 
Delaware  Bay  or  South  River,  [Hu]dsons  River  being  and  dwellinge  or  within 
the  Isles  of  the  .  .  .  province,  health,"  etc.      (Copy)   N.S.,  I.   (K.A.). 

*"  From  the  salutation  it  seems  clear  that  copies  were  sent  to  these  parties. 
Copy  (no  date  but  towards  the  end  of  1641,  or  early  in  1642)  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.). 
The  copy  is  defective. 

"Cf.  Huygen  to  Spiring  November  28,  i642[?],  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  below,. 
Chap.  XXXVI. 


BOOK    III. 

oIIyF  ISittit^nnmh  ^ttxi  Bmthm  Qlompantr  aitt»  tta  Artiotig; 

Mortal,  Srotuimtr  anb  PolUiral  Hifj?  in  ti|F  QlaUiny, 

ie42-lB5f3. 


(jiieen  Christina. 


PART    I. 
ACTIVITIES  IN  EUROPE,  1642-1653. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

The  Reorganization  of  the  Company,  1642. 

After  the  second  expedition,  the  New  Sweden  Company  was 
entirely  under  Swedish  control,  and  the  stockholders  were  all 
Swedish  citizens,  born  or  naturalized.^  But  Swedish  capitalists 
were  unable  to  carry  on  so  great  an  undertaking  without  aid 
from  the  Crown,  and  Von  der  Linde  and  De  Geer  were  too 
cautious  to  enter  upon  so  doubtful  an  adventure,  and  besides 
they  were  too  busily  engaged  In  other  fields  of  activity  to  find 
time  for  colonizing  schemes  on  the  Delaware. 

But  something  had  to  be  done  if  the  company  was  to  continue 
Its  work.  Fleming  corresponded  with  Blommaert  on  the  subject. 
Several  plans  were  proposed  and  In  a  letter  to  Oxenstlerna  in 
the  early  part  of  1639  Fleming  made  various  suggestions  as  to 
the  reorganization  of  the  company,  which  were  later  carried 
out.2  Fleming  had  consulted  with  the  magistrates  of  Stock- 
holm about  the  old  South-Ship  Company,  proposing  that  its 
money  be  used  In  the  New  Sweden  Company  and  later  the 
chancellor  at  Fleming's  request  undoubtedly  approached  the 
magistrates  of  Gothenburg  on  the  subject. 

In  the  autumn  of  1641  and  the  spring  of  1642,  it  is  likely 
that  the  stockholders  and  officers  held  meetings  and  discussed 
the  situation,  although  there  are  no  minutes  nor  records  of 
this.  Benjamin  Bonnell,  Johan  Beler,  Hans  Kramer,  Gustaf 
Oxenstlerna,  Gabriel  Oxenstlerna,  Peter  Spiring,  Axel  Oxen- 

^  Spiring  was  a  Dutchman  by  birth,  but  had  entered  Swedish  service. 

^For  the  above  see  Oxenstierna's  letter  to  Fleming,  March  15,  1639.  I  found 
this  letter  in  Biographica  "  F,"  but  it  is  now  in  Ox.  Saml.  Concepter  "  F " 
placed  there  by  Dr.  Sonden  in  1907. 


222      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

stierna  and  perhaps  representatives  from  the  magistrates  of 
Stockholm  were  present.  Fleming  would  naturally  preside. 
The  money  question,  the  needs  of  the  colony,  the  fitting  out  of 
a  new  expedition,  the  problem  of  obtaining  colonists  and  the 
means  for  sending  them  over  to  further  establish  the  work 
begun  in  America — these  things  and  many  others  were  dis- 
cussed and  considered.  It  was  the  result  of  these  conferences 
that  Klas  Fleming  presented  at  the  various  meetings  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  State  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1642.  The  colonial 
affair  was  frequently  considered  by  this  body  and  on  the  after- 
noon of  July  27  the  stockholders,  including  Peter  Spiring  and 
officers  of  the  company  and  perhaps  also  directors  and  stock- 
holders of  the  old  South-Ship  Company  or  representatives  from 
the  magistrates  in  Stockholm  and  Gothenburg,^  were  present. 
Klas  Fleming,  Axel  Oxenstierna  and  Gabriel  Oxenstierna 
Bengtsson  were  the  only  members  of  the  council  in  attendance. 
The  entire  meeting  was  given  over  to  the  consideration  of  the 
company,  Fleming,  Axel  Oxenstierna  and  Spiring  being  the  prin- 
cipal speakers.  In  the  first  place  attention  was  given  to  the  or- 
ganization and  management  of  the  company.  Fleming  proposed 
that  the  capital  should  be  raised  to  60,000  R.D.,  of  which  the 
Crown  should  furnish  one-fifth  or  12,000  R.D.,  the  Old  South- 
Ship  Company  three-fifths  or  36,000  R.D.,  and  private  stock- 
holders the  remainder  or  12,000  R.D.  A  "  good  man  "  should 
be  elected  "to  manage  the  affair";  the  head  office  of  the  com- 
pany and  its  staple  should  be  in  Gothenburg,  to  prevent  the 
ships  from  going  the  long  and  dangerous  journey  through  the 
Baltic  to  and  from  Stockholm ;  Johan  Beier  was  to  be  appointed 
secretary  of  the  company  and  one  of  his  duties  was  to  be  to 
keep  the  council  and  government  well  informed  of  its  activity;^ 

*That  the  officers,  Kramer,  Beier  and  Bonnell,  were  also  present  seems  quite 
certain.  Rddspr.,  IX.,  p.  339,  says:  "On  July  27  in  the  afternoon  assembled 
down  in  the  Rdkne-camtnaren,  the  participants  in  the  West  India  Company,  the 
Chancellor,  Mr.  Claes  Fleming,  Mr.  Peter  Spiring  and  the  Royal  Treasurer." 
All  these  were  also  "  participants "  in  the  company.  By  "  participanter,"  it 
seems  to  me  can  only  be  meant  the  other  concillors  and  the  officers.  It  might  also 
include  the  then  living  directors  and  stockholders  of  the  old  South-Ship  Company 
or  representatives  of  the  magistrates  in  Stockholm  and   Gothenburg. 

*  This  can  be  gathered  from  the  minutes,  but  is  not  clearly  stated. 


'ji'v''!'  1  ■       i;  i    V 


^ 

ti' 


'm 


mm  '<\^ 


Reorganization  of  the  Company.  223 

the  ships  of  the  old  South-Ship  Company  were  to  be  used  on  the 
expeditions,  and  a  special  vessel  was  to  be  kept  in  readiness  at 
all  times  to  bring  provisions  and  goods  from  Holland  to  the 
colony.^  Secondly,  the  trade  of  the  company  in  Europe  was 
discussed.  Spiring  thought  that  the  retail  tobacco  trade  In 
Sweden  should  be  given  over  to  certain  persons  (forming  a 
Tobacco  Company) ,  and  taken  from  the  New  Sweden  Company, 
for  it  was  not  expedient  to  allow  the  confiscated  tobacco  to  be 
sold  by  those  confiscating  it.^  The  fur  trade  did  not  go  well  In 
Sweden,'  and  Fleming  questioned  If  the  skins  brought  over 
from  the  colony  could  not  be  sold  to  better  advantage  in 
Holland.^  In  the  third  place  came  the  colony  and  its  manage- 
ment. Instructions  and  rules  of  conduct  for  the  officers  of  the 
colony  with  Spiring's  recommendations  were  read,  and  It  was 
suggested  that  the  salaries  of  the  governor,  the  officers  and  the 
soldiers  might  be  paid  from  the  excise  of  the  imported  tobacco. 
Tobacco  was  to  be  planted  in  the  colony,  so  as  to  eliminate  the 
necessity  of  buying  it  from  the  Dutch  and  English.  Colonists 
in  large  numbers  were  to  be  sent  over  for  the  development  of 
the  country  and  the  month  of  October  was  considered  the  best 
time  of  the  year  for  the  ships  to  arrive  in  New  Sweden. 

With  this  conference  the  plans  of  reorganizing  the  company 
assumed  more  definite  shape,  and  on  the  basis  of  the  above  dis- 
cussion it  was  decided  to  recommend  to  the  government  the 
following  propositions : 

1.  That  the  company  be  reorganized  and  a  capital  of  36,000 
R.D.  subscribed. 

2.  That  the  Crown  contribute  6,000  R.D.,  the  Old  South- 
Ship  Company  18,000  R.D.  and  a  number  of  private  people 
3,000  R.D.  each. 

"The  meaning  is  not  quite  clear.  The  minutes  read:  "Thought  [that]  they 
should  always  have  a  ship  which  went  out  of  Holland  in  time  with  a  cargo." 
"  Bestalla  i  Hollandh  ett  skep,  som  lupe  ofver  [till  Nya  Sverige]  med  gargason." 
Rddspr.,  IX.  339. 

'See  below,  Chap.  XXXI. 

'  See  above,  Chap.  XIX. 

*  To  this  Spiring  took  exception  and  thought  that  it  would  be  to  the  advantage 
of  Swedish  commerce  and  trade  to  bring  the  colonial  goods  to  Sweden  and  sell 
them  there.     Rddspr.,  IX.  p.  340. 


224      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

3.  That  the  main  office  of  the  company  be  located  in  Gothen- 
burg and  a  bookkeeper  employed  there. 

4.  That  the  governor  and  officers  be  paid  from  the  tobacco 
excise  in  Sweden.^ 

The  council  considered  the  matter  at  subsequent  sessions,  and 
the  above  principles  were  followed  except  that  Stockholm  in- 
stead of  Gothenburg  was  made  the  head  office  with  the  staple 
under  the  charge  of  a  commissary  at  the  latter  place. 

"In  August,  1642,  the  royal  government  and  respective 
stockholders  resolved  to  furnish  a  capital  of  36,000  R.D.  In 
the  New  Sweden  Company,"  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
August  the  accounts  of  the  Crown  and  the  other  stockholders 
were  entered  into  the  Company's  Journal,  completing  the 
organization  of  the  "  New  Trading  Society."^" 

According  to  the  decisions  arrived  at,  the  government  sub- 
scribed 6,000  R.D.  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  1638  Fleming 
proposed  to  Oxenstierna  that  the  Crown  should  participate, 
and  Blommaert  and  perhaps  also  Spiring  had  suggested  the 
same  thing  before.  In  the  council  meetings  of  June  4  and  6 
Fleming  suggested  the  advisability  of  the  Crown's  participation 
and  on  June  1 1  he  maintained  that  it  was  necessary  for  the 
Crown  to  participate,  because  private  persons  were  not  able  to 
keep  it  up.^^  The  Crown  had  assisted  the  company  before,  but 
with  the  reorganization  it  became  a  stockholder  and  as  such, 
more  intimately  connected  with  its  management  and  more 
directly  interested  in  its  welfare  and  success.  In  1639  when  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel  was  being  prepared  for  the  second  expedition, 
1,500  R.D.  were  supplied  in  cash  from  the  "large  custom" 
treasury  in  Gothenburg  and  8  143  R.D.  in  provisions  through 
Governor  Hindricksson.^^  This  sum  was  now  credited  to  the 
government's  stock  account.  In  the  autumn  of  1642,  the  Coun- 
cil of  State  ordered  Spiring  to  turn  over  to  Peter  Trotzig 
11,227:15  florins  or  4,491  :5  R.D.  of  the  money  coming  from 

"See  Rddspr.,  IX.  pp.  339-40. 

"*"  Hen.  K.  Maj  :ts  och  Chr.  Reck,  med  Sod.  Com."  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.). 
See  Journal,  nos.  iSj-ji,  482. 

^^  Rddspr.,  June  4,  6,  ii,  1642   (IX.  pp.  280,  283,  291). 

"See  above,  Chap.  XV.  and  "Reck,  aff  Faurn.,"  etc.    Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.). 


Reorganization  of  the  Company.  225 

Portugal  and  this  completed  the  Crown's  subscription.^'  The 
relation  of  the  Crown  and  the  reorganized  New  Sweden  Com- 
pany stands  forth  in  a  clearer  light  than  did  that  of  the  "  Old 
New  Sweden  Company  "  of  1637.  The  government  now  being 
a  stockholder  in  the  company  had  "a  legal  right"  to  interfere 
with  its  management  and  to  suggest  plans  of  procedure  and 
methods  of  carrying  on  the  work.  Since  the  charter  did  not 
clearly  define  the  principles  to  be  followed,  it  is  evident  that 
many  of  the  decisions  of  the  Crown  should  seem  quite  arbitrary. 
Most  of  the  expeditions  to  the  colony  were  determined  upon  in 
the  Council  of  State  and  the  chancellor  was  the  unappointed 
director  of  the  company  after  Fleming's  death.  The  ships  to 
be  used  in  the  expeditions  were  also  selected  by  the  Crown,  once 
at  the  request  of  the  directors.  But  this  was  only  natural.  We 
need  but  remember  that  all  the  private  stockholders  were  mem- 
bers of  the  council,  except  Spiring  and  he  held  a  high  office  in 
the  service  of  the  government.  The  council  meetings  were  the 
most  convenient  place  to  discuss  the  business  of  the  company. 
It  could  there  be  considered  in  connection  with  other  commercial 
affairs  and  relieve  the  stockholders  from  attending  special  meet- 
ings. Furthermore,  the  suggestions  and  ideas  of  the  other 
members  of  the  council  might  be  of  value,  and  they  were 
entitled  to  be  present  since  the  Crown  owned  shares.^"* 

Nothing  shows  more  clearly  the  intimate  and  peculiar  rela- 
tion of  the  company  and  the  Crown  than  the  position  of  the 
officers  and  servants  in  their  relation  to  each.  In  fact  the  com- 
pany can  almost  be  looked  upon  as  a  branch  of  the  gov-ernment. 
The  officers  who  were  paid  directly  by  the  government  did  not 
receive  any  remuneration  from  the  company  for  their  services. 
Thus  Johan  Beier  was  postmaster  and  "secretary"  and  his 
salary  was  paid  him  by  the  government.^^  He  was  also  treas- 
urer for  the  company  and  was  very  active  in  its  service,  but  he 
had  no  salary   from  the  same.     Likewise  Spiring  did  much 

^' "  Hennes  K.  Maj.  och  Chrs.  Reck.  med.  Sod.  Comp.";  "Reck,  aff  Faur.,"  etc. 
Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.)  ;  Journal,  no.  219. 

'^Rddspr.,  IX.  141  flF. 

"On  March  16,  1642,  it  was  proposed  that  Johan  Beier  be  put  on  '"  kanslie- 
staten,"  to  be  used  in  the  German  correspondence.      Rddspr.,  IX.  505. 
16 


226      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

service  for  the  company  in  negotiating  the  sales  of  ships,  secur- 
ing supplies  and  superintending  the  purchase  of  cargoes  for  the 
New  Sweden  trade,  but  did  not  receive  any  pay  for  the  work. 
Again,  Peter  Trotzig  did  much  and  faithful  work  for  the 
company  without  pay,  and  Anckarhjelm,  Marten  Augustinsson, 
governors  of  the  various  provinces,  and  Fleming  and  Oxen- 
stierna  in  like  manner  received  no  remuneration  for  their 
services.  On  the  other  hand,  the  officers  who  were  given  a 
salary  by  the  company  were  called  upon  to  do  service  for  the 
Crown  without  pay.  Thus  Timon  van  Schotting,  who  was  paid 
a  salary  by  the  company,  was  called  upon  to  assist  in  fitting  out 
the  ships  sent  to  Portugal  in  1643.  I"  ^^e  fall  of  1643  Spiring 
sent  a  horse  to  Gothenburg  for  the  Queen,  Schotting  paid  20 
R.D.  of  the  company's  money  for  passage  and  15:12  R.D.  for 
other  expenses.  These  were  charged  to  the  Crown's  account, 
but  Schotting  was  not  paid  for  his  trouble.  The  company  also 
paid  the  wages  and  expenses  of  some  ship-carpenters  hired  in 
Holland  for  the  Old  Shipbuilding  Company  in  Vastervik, 
which  was  really  for  the  Crown.^*^ 

Some  of  the  expeditions  were  financed  by  the  Crown.  The 
provisioning  of  these  ships  and  the  salary  of  the  sailors  and 
officers  of  the  vessels  were  paid  by  the  Admiralty.  But  the 
provisions  of  the  colonists  and  special  servants  of  the  company 
were  supplied  by  that  body.  The  military  budget  in  the  colony 
was  in  reality  paid  by  the  Crown.  All  salaries  and  accounts 
were  kept  by  Kramer  in  the  books  of  the  company,  but  half  of 
Printz's  salary  was  given  him  in  rents  in  Osterbotten^^  and  the 
other  2,619  R.D.  were  to  come  from  the  tobacco  excise  in 
Sweden.  When  the  tobacco  was  put  on  the  free  list,  in  1649, 
the  sum  to  be  derived  from  this  source  was  annually  charged  to 
the  Crown,^^  Even  Rev.  Campanius  seems  to  have  been  looked 
upon  as  a  military  preacher,  for  his  salary  was  to  come  from  the 
same  source  as  that  of  the  soldiers  and  officers.  All  servants  in 
the   colony   and   all   extra   officers   not   provided    for   by   the 

^'"Hennes  Kon.  Maj:  och  Cron.  Reck.  med.  Sod.  Comp.,"  1640-47.      Siiderk., 

1637-59  (R.A.). 

"  A  district  in  Finland. 

^Journal,  no.  176;  R.R.,  August,  1642.    See  below,  Chap.  XXIV. 


Reorganization  of  the  Company.  227 

"budget  of  1642"  were  paid  by  the  company.  Thus  Israel 
Fluviander  was  paid  10  R.D.  a  month  for  his  services  in  New 
Sweden;  Johan  Papegoja  was  likewise  paid  from  the  company's 
treasury,  and  when  Campanius  was  sent  to  work  at  Upland 
his  services  were  remunerated  by  the  company.^'* 

The  exact  capital  of  the  South-Ship  Company  was  not  known 
at  this  time,  as  it  was  invested  in  ships  whose  value  was  proble- 
matic; but  18,000  R.D.  to  be  raised  by  the  selling  of  vessels, 
were  now  contributed  to  the  stock  of  the  Reorganized  New  Swe- 
den Company  and  the  two  concerns  were  permanently  merged.^*^ 
As  time  went  on,  more  of  South-Ship  Company's  money  was 
used  and  even  in  1647  ^he  original  sum  of  18,000  R.D.  had 
been  increased  to  30,808  :3i  R.D.^^  The  majority  of  the  ships 
were  gradually  either  sold  by  the  government  or  used  in  its 
service.  But  Captain  Boender  continued  to  sail  the  New  King 
David,  a  ship  purchased  or  built  in  Holland  in  1641  to  take 
the  place  of  the  Old  King  David,  and  considerable  sums  were 
added  to  the  treasury  of  the  company  in  this  way.^^  In  Jan- 
uary, 1645,  t:he  New  King  David  was  sold  to  L.  de  Geer  and  no 
new  ship  was  purchased. ^^  At  this  time  nearly  all  of  the  con- 
tributors to  the  South-Ship  Company  were  dead  and  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1646,  the  Queen  gave  an  open  letter  to  Abraham  Cabel- 

"  See  below,  Chap.  XXXIV.,  XXXVIII. 

**  Odhner  thinks  that  Spiring  was  the  first  to  suggest  that  the  capital  of  the 
Old  Ship  Company  be  used  in  the  New  Sweden  Company.  I  am  not  quite 
sure  of  this.  At  any  rate  Fleming  proposed  the  scheme  to  Oxenstierna  and  also 
to  Spiring  early  in  the  year  1639. 

""Rechningh  aflF  Faurn.  uthaf  part,  uthi  Nya  Sweriges  Compagnie  "  (Ger- 
man), no  date,  but  before  1644.  Another  (in  Swedish),  no  date,  but  written  in 
1653.  Soderk.,  1637-59  {R.A.).  Rddspr.,  VIII.  16,  38,  43,  502  ff.;  IX.  141-3- 
"Gen.  Balance  Anno"  1647,  Soderk,  J637-5Q  {R.A.).  In  1655  28,255:27  R.D. 
of  the  South-Ship  Company's  Capital  was  credited  to  the  New  Sweden  Company. 

^Thus  Capt.  Boender  made  3,705  florins  on  freight  carried  from  Amsterdam 
to  Stockholm  from  June  i,  until  November  i,  1642;  from  November  7  until  June 
1,  1643,  he  made  4,923  florins  and  from  August  7  until  June  i,  1644,  he  made 
4,888  florins,  sailing  between  Stockholm  and  Amsterdam.  Several  expenses  were 
of  course  connected  with  the  journeys  and  Boender  owned  one  sixteenth  of  the 
vessel,  giving  him  that  share  of  the  proceeds.     Journal,  nos.  190,  276,  388. 

^  The  government  owed  De  Geer  some  money  and  the  ship  was  given  to  him 
as  payment.  Journal,  no,  430.  "  Hennes  K.  Maj  :ts.  och  Cr.  Rack,  med  Sod. 
Com.  1640-53."     Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.). 


228       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

iau's  widow  and  heirs,  releasing  them  from  all  responsibility 
since  "their  fellow  directors  were  dead." 

The  South-Ship  Company  was  now  practically  dissolved.  Its 
name  is  retained  in  the  documents  of  the  New  Sweden  Company 
and  in  1647  it  is  mentioned  in  the  minutes  of  the  council.  In 
1655  it  was  proposed  that  the  Crown  should  buy  its  capital 
stock  from  the  New  Sweden  Company,  but  apparently  nothing 
came  out  of  it.-^ 

The  five  private  stockholders  subscribed  12,000  R.D.  or 
one-third  of  the  capital  stock  of  the  Reorganized  New  Sweden 
Company.  Axel  Oxenstierna,  Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxenstierna 
and  Peter  Spiring  subscribed  each  3,000  R.D.,  Klas  Fleming 
and  Gabriel  Bengtsson  Oxenstierna  promised  to  furnish  1,500 
R.D.  each  (these  sums  including  what  had  already  been  sub- 
scribed in  the  New  Sweden  Company  of  1637).  Peter  Spiring 
was  the  only  one  to  pay  up  in  full.  Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxen- 
stierna paid  1,600  in  two  installments,  1,200  R.D.  through 
Spiring  in  Holland  and  400  R.D.  through  Lejonskold;  hence 
he  was  1,400  R.D.  short  of  his  promised  subscription.  After 
his  death  his  account  was  transferred  to  his  heirs,  but  the  deficit 
was  never  paid.  Axel  Oxenstierna  also  failed  to  pay  up  in  full. 
He  paid  2,453:10  R.D.  in  two  installments,  but  the  remaining 
546:38  R.D.  do  not  seem  to  have  been  furnished.  Gabriel 
Bengtsson  Oxenstierna  furnished  only  600  R.D.  on  his  share 
and  September  15,  1645,  he  withdrew  this  sum,  thus  severing 
all  connection  with  the  company.  Klas  Fleming  furnished 
1,348:10^  R.D.  in  various  sums  before  his  death  and  his 
account  was  therefore  151 :37>^  short  of  his  promised  share. ^'^ 

No  new  charter  seems  to  have  been  given,  and  no  laws  or 
articles  defining  the  manner  of  conducting  the  company,  the 
duty  of  the  officers  and  the  like  appear  to  have  been  formulated, 
at  least  the  writer  has  found  no  trace  of  such  documents.     The 

'^Journal,  nos.  190,  278,  388-9,  548;  Rddspr.,  X\l.  175,  177.  Cf.  below,  Chap. 
XLVIIL  625. 

^  For  the  above  see  "  Rechning  aff  Faurn.  uthaf  participanterne  uthi  Nya 
Sweriges  Compagnie "  (Swedish,  about  1653),  and  the  German  "  Rechningh," 
etc.,  about  the  summer  of  1644,  Sbderk.,  1637-59  (R-A.)  ;  Journal,  nos.  169,  170, 
171,  172,  173,  482. 


Reorganization  of  the  Company.  229 

company  continued,  however,  to  enjoy  special  privileges  from 
the  Crown.  All  goods  sent  from  Holland  to  Gothenburg  for 
the  New  Sweden  trade  or  for  victualling  the  ships  were  allowed 
to  enter  the  port  duty-free,  and  all  goods  such  as  pelts  and 
tobacco  coming  from  the  colony  or  from  any  part  of  America 
on  the  ships  of  the  company  could  be  brought  into  Sweden  free 
of  duty;  but  all  goods  bought  by  the  company  in  Holland  or 
other  European  countries  for  trade  in  Sweden  or  its  provinces 
were  subject  to  the  usual  duty  except  by  special  permission. ^''^ 
Since  these  privileges  were  not  now  embodied  in  a  special  char- 
ter, some  of  them  were  forgotten  by  the  royal  officials  and  duty 
was  sometimes  demanded  on  goods  that  were  free,  giving  rise 
to  complaints.-'^ 

The  directorship  was  undetermined,  it  seems,  both  as  to  the 
duties  connected  with  the  office  and  as  to  who  should  act  in  that 
capacity,  but  Fleming  continued  to  be  the  director.  Ships  were 
prepared  at  his  command  or  through  his  initiative;  he,  in  the 
"name  of  the  other  participants,"  ordered  goods  to  be  bought 
and  he  supervised  the  preparations.  Documents,  relations  and 
other  papers  from  the  colony  were  sent  to  him  through  Spiring 
and  he,  in  turn,  sent  them  to  Kramer  or  reported  their  contents 
to  the  latter.  He  probably  called  meetings  of  the  officers  and 
stockholders  to  consider  the  need  of  the  colony  and  how  to 
promote  the  interest  of  the  company.  No  traces  of  such  meet- 
ings have  been  found,  however.  If  they  were  held,  either  no 
minutes  were  kept  or  the  minutes  have  been  lost. 

Fleming  was  the  connecting  link  between  the  company  and 
the  government.  He  kept  himself  well  Informed  of  the  com- 
pany's needs  and  of  the  condition  of  the  colony  and  was  Its 
spokesman  in  the  council  chamber.  As  Vice-Admiral  and  reor- 
ganizer  of  the  Swedish  navy  and  governor  or  mayor-^  of  Stock- 
holm he  was  In  a  position  to  be  of  the  greatest  assistance  to  the 
company.  He  continued  to  issue  the  instructions  for  the  officers 
in  the  employment  of  the  company  and  made  contracts  for  the 

"  In  1643,  when  the  ship  from  the  colony  brought  salt  to  Sweden,   Fleming 
ordered  M.  Augustinsson  to  let  the  salt  be  shipped  in  without  duty. 
*  Cf.  below. 
"  StSthallare. 


230      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

same  with  other  bodies.  No  salary,  as  already  stated,  was 
connected  with  the  directorship;  it  seems  to  have  been  con- 
sidered part  of  the  duty  of  Fleming  in  the  government  service. 

When  Sweden  was  about  to  enter  upon  a  war  with  Denmark, 
Fleming  was  the  leading  spirit  in  the  naval  preparations  and  he 
was  forced  to  neglect  the  colony  to  some  extent.  He  was  killed 
in  that  struggle  and  in  him  the  company  and  the  colony  lost 
their  best  friend  and  most  enthusiastic  promotor.-^ 

After  Fleming's  death  A.  Oxenstierna  was  his  logical  suc- 
cessor as  head  of  the  company,  but  he  found  little  time  to  look 
after  its  business  on  account  of  the  Danish  war.^"  After  the 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed  with  Denmark  in  1645  the  chancel- 
lor was  more  at  liberty  to  think  of  commercial  affairs  and  the 
New  Sweden  Company.  The  colonial  matters  were  often 
brought  up  in  the  council  meetings  by  him  and  discussed  there. 
But  he  was  now  growing  old.  Besides  private  troubles  and 
sorrows  weighed  heavily  upon  him.  Queen  Christina  lost  con- 
fidence in  him  and  in  the  summer  of  1647  he  withdrew  to  his 
country  seat  Tidon,  for  rest,  recreation  and  private  business. 
"Age  and  sickness  began  to  wear  on  his  powers"  and  he  was 
not  as  active  as  formerly.  But  he  still  continued  to  be  the  lead- 
ing force  in  the  company  in  Sweden.  He  settled  all  questions 
of  salaries  of  officers  and  men  who  served  in  New  Sweden  and 
whose  salaries  and  offices  were  not  determined  in  the  instructions 
and  budget  for  the  colony.  Ships  were  bought  by  his  orders 
and  goods  were  purchased  through  his  instructions.  He  was 
not,  however,  able  to  pay  such  close  attention  to  these  matters 
as  Fleming  had  done,  and  in  consequence  the  colony  suffered 
neglect.  In  1653  the  directorship  of  the  company  was  put  into 
the  hands  of  the  Commercial  College,  and  the  history  of  the 
company  enters  into  a  new  phase. ^"^ 

John  Beier  continued  to  act  as  treasurer.  Most  of  the  cash 
money  went  through  his  hands;  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
tobacco  and  skins  were  gradually  turned  over  to  him;  he  trans- 
acted loans  of  money  for  the  company,  paid  interests  and  per- 

^  See  below,  Chap.  XXVH. 

""  See  below,  Chaps.  XXX.,  XXXIX. 


I 


Reorganization  of  the  Company.  231 

formed  other  duties  of  a  treasurer.  He  sometimes  bought 
goods  for  the  colonial  trade,  and  reports  and  documents  were 
at  times  sent  to  him.  Beier  also  informed  Governor  Printz  of 
the  safe  arrival  in  Europe  of  ships  from  the  colony  and  other 
matters  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  the  company  and  its  com- 
merce. He  was  occasionally  called  upon  to  give  reports  in  the 
council  about  the  colonial  affairs  and  to  correspond  with  parties 
interested  in  the  colony.^^ 

Hans  Kramer  remained  as  bookkeeper  of  the  company  until 
its  dissolution.^-  His  salary  450  D.  a  year,  was  paid  in 
installments  for  the  first  two  years,  but  afterwards  almost 
always  at  the  end  of  each  year.  He  took  a  lively  interest 
in  the  company,  and  often  bought  goods  for  the  colonial 
trade  and  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  fitting  out  of  some 
expeditions.  In  certain  instances  he  also  paid  returning  sailors 
and  soldiers;  he  presented  the  case  of  needy  supplicants,  in 
the  company's  service,  to  the  government  and  he  was  often 
called  into  the  council  to  report  on  the  condition  of  the  colony. 
The  journal  in  which  he  entered  the  company's  business  trans- 
actions is  a  large  folio,  bound  in  leather  containing  1,615 
entries. ^^  It  is  In  German  and  kept  in  a  beautiful  hand.  Some 
of  the  entries  give  short  accounts  of  the  journeys  to  America. 
Itemized  bills  of  all  goods  sent  over  are  copied  into  the  book 
and  a  great  deal  of  other  valuable  information  is  often  found 
in  connection  with  the  payments  of  salaries,  the  buying  of  goods 
and  other  transactions.  Kramer  also  kept  the  monthly  account 
books  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  and  other  servants  in  America. 
The  verified  salary-rolls  and  expense-accounts  sent  over  from 
the  colony  were  copied  Into  these  "  Monatgelder "  books  by 
Kramer  and  they  are  now  a  great  source  of  Information.^^     A 

"' Printz's  Report,  1647,  §14. 

^-Journal,  nos.  213,  240,  319,  346,  398,  511,  580,  777,  882,  976,  1035,  1083, 
1167,  1206,  etc. 

""It  is  well  preserved.      N.S.,  III.   (K.A.). 

^  The  Monatgelder  Buck  (1642-1656)  in  which  the  officers  and  servants  to 
be  paid  by  the  Crown  were  entered  is  a  large  quarto  bound  in  leather.  It  gives 
itemized  bills  of  all  articles  and  moneys  received  by  the  persons  entered  in  the 
book,  often  the  place  where  they  came  from,  the  time  of  their  arrival  in  America 
and  of  their  leaving  the  service,  as  well  as  other  interesting  information.  It 
is  now  preserved  in  N.S.,  II.   (R.A.). 


232       The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

great  many  of  the  documents,  accounts,  lists  of  colonists,  offi- 
cers, sailors  and  soldiers  are  written  in  his  hand.  In  June, 
1 64 1,  all  books  and  documents  were  brought  into  a  room  in 
Kramer's  dwelling,  which  was  used  as  an  office  until  July,  1644, 
when  the  office  was  removed  to  the  Royal  Palace.  The  office 
remained  in  the  palace  until  January  30,  1645,  ^^^  then  again 
it  was  moved  to  Kramer's  house.  Here  it  remained  until  1656. 
It  was  then  transferred  to  the  "  home  of  Mr.  Louis  de  Geer," 
where  it  was  kept  for  two  years  or  more.^^ 

The  old  factors  were  retained  and  commercial  agents  were 
at  times  employed  to  sell  the  company's  goods  in  Holland.  In 
Stockholm  Benjamin  Bonnell  continued  to  be  the  salesman.  He 
stood  in  closer  relation  to  the  company  than  the  other  factors, 
Trotzig  and  Schotting,  and  his  salary  was  600  D.  a  year,  hence 
larger  than  that  of  any  of  the  other  officers.^*^  He  handled 
most  of  the  tobacco  which  was  brought  into  Sweden  on  behalf 
of  the  company  and  sold  it  in  large  and  small  quantities,  until 
the  Tobacco  Company  was  organized  in  1643.  From  that 
time  until  1652  he  sold  only  in  wholesale  to  the  members  of  the 
Tobacco  Company.  The  peltries  brought  from  America  were 
also  sold  by  him,  except  in  cases  where  they  were  sent  to  Hol- 
land. He  made  contracts  with  Dutch  merchants  and  large 
quantities  of  tobacco  were  brought  to  Sweden  under  these  agree- 
ments. All  expenses  connected  with  the  tobacco  trade  were 
paid  by  him,  such  as  duty  on  the  tobacco  shipped  from  Holland 
to  Sweden,  freight,  warehouse-rent  and  other  items  and  charged 
to  the  company.  In  some  cases  he  also  paid  out  money  directly 
to  the  company's  creditors,  from  the  proceeds  of  his  sales,  but 
he  generally  sent  the  money  to  Beier.  There  seem  to  have  been 
no  strict  rules  about  it,  and  the  most  convenient  way  was  per- 
haps adopted.  His  services  for  the  company  came  to  an  end 
in  1652.^^    Timon  van  Schotting  remained  as  factor  in  Gothen- 

^  Kramer  charged  the  company  25  D.  a  year  for  rent;  wood  (about  5  cords) 
and  light  (about  2  lbs.  of  candles)  averaged  about  25  D.  a  year.  Some  years  the 
total  was  only  about  35  D.,  at  others  75  D.  a  year.  While  the  office  was  kept  at 
De  Geer's  house  80  D.  a  year  were  paid  for  rent.  Journal,  no.  345,  443,  510, 
670,  776,  881,  977,  1036,  1083,  1 168,  1430,  etc. 

^Journal,  nos.  209,  511,  580,  669,  777,  882,  976,  1035,  etc. 

*  Cf .  below,  biography  and  Journal,  nos.  209,  211,  etc. 


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Reorganization  of  the  Company.  233 

burg,  and  his  salary  was  unchanged.  He  occupied  a  responsible 
position.  The  merchandise  sent  from  Holland  to  Gothenburg 
for  the  colonial  trade  and  for  the  victualling  of  the  ships  was 
placed  in  his  care  and  he  often  settled  the  bills.  He  also  made 
large  purchases  of  goods  in  Gothenburg  for  some  of  the  expe- 
ditions. The  returning  sailors  were  often  paid  by  him,  and 
Beier  generally  sent  him  the  money  used  in  fitting  out  the  ships 
and  in  supplying  the  ready  cash  on  the  journey  as  well  as  the 
money  paid  to  the  sailors  in  advance  on  their  monthly  wages. 
He  sold  tobacco  for  the  company  at  Gothenburg;  he  confiscated 
tobacco  unlawfully  shipped  in ;  he  collected  the  fines  from  the 
smugglers  and  brought  a  suit  against  Clas  Hemming  to  compel 
him  to  disclose  where  a  certain  quantity  of  tobacco  was  con- 
cealed. He  often  looked  after  the  repairing  of  ships  and  was 
very  active  in  preparing  the  Fifth  Expedition.  But  he  does  not 
seem  to  have  performed  his  trust  to  entire  satisfaction.  He 
allowed  some  of  the  articles  to  go  to  ruin  under  his  care  and 
Kramer  often  found  his  accounts  incorrect  and  incomplete. 
Printz  complained  about  the  ruined  goods  and  probably  Kramer 
also  reported  the  inaccuracies  he  found  in  his  bills.  Perhaps 
as  a  result  of  this  he  was  removed  from  his  post.  At  any  rate 
he  must  either  have  been  removed  from  his  service  or  volun- 
tarily resigned  towards  the  end  of  1644.^^  Macklier  was  later 
appointed  in  his  stead.  He  appears  to  have  performed  the 
same  service  as  Schotting,  but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
paid  a  salary. ^^ 

Peter  Trotzig  acted  as  the  company's  factor  in  Holland 
throughout  this  period.^''  He  received  no  salary,  but  all  ex- 
penses which  accrued  in  the  company's  service  such  as  the  cost 
of  travelling,  writing-paper,  postage  and  the  like  were  repaid 
him  by  the  company.^ ^     Most  of  the  goods  secured  in  Hol- 

^ Journal,  nos.  287,  213,  214,  237,  393,  404,  239,  213,  214,  187  (law  suit), 
187,  213  ff.,  237,  239,  393,  404,  etc.  "Extract,"  etc.,  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.) 
and  Bills  in  N.S.,  I.   (K.A.),  and  in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

^  Macklier  was  a  merchant  at  Gothenburg.  He  was  at  times  sent  as  repre- 
sentative of  Gothenburg  to  Stockholm.      See  below,   Biographj-. 

**  See  above.  Chap.  XVIII.  and  Biography. 

*^  Journal,  nos.  219,  232,  586. 


234      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

land  for  the  New  Sweden  trade  during  this  period  was  bought 
by  him.  He  also  bought  large  quantities  of  tobacco  and  sent 
It  to  Bonnell  for  the  Swedish  trade.  He  bought  ships  for  the 
company  and  sold  the  copper  sent  to  Holland  by  Beler  in  1646. 
He  often  supplied  provisions  for  the  ships  that  touched  Hol- 
land and  at  times  paid  sailors  their  salaries  in  advance.  He 
paid  people  who  returned  from  New  Sweden  and  the  passage 
of  several  returning  colonists  from  Holland  to  Sweden.  He 
was  generally  applied  to  in  case  of  need  by  those  who  managed 
to  reach  Holland  and  he  saved  many  people  on  the  ship  the 
Katt  from  distress  and  want.*^^  In  1644  and  1645  ^^  ^^^ 
little  or  no  business  for  the  company,  and  It  seems  that  he  was» 
absent  from  Holland  or  ill  during  this  period.^^ 

Peter  Spiring  looked  after  the  diplomatic  business  of  the 
company  In  Holland.  When  ships  were  seized  in  1644  he  pre- 
sented protests  and  memorials  and  succeeded  in  securing  their 
release.  He  superintended  the  sale  of  the  goods  on  the  two 
ships,  and  ships  of  the  Old  South-Ship  Company  were  sold 
through  him.  Money  advanced  by  the  Crown  always  went 
through  his  hands,  and  reports  and  account  books  from  New 
Sweden  were  generally  sent  to  him.  His  connection  with  the 
company,  however,  became  less  Important  as  time  went  on,  and 
in  1650  it  was  severed  by  his  death.^^ 

The  finances  of  the  Reorganized  New  Sweden  Company  did 
not  improve  much  over  the  old  condition. ^^    There  was  always 

*==  See  below,  Chap.  XXIX. 

"In  September,  1643,  a  draft  was  sent  to  him  by  Beier,  and  in  December, 
1645,  Lucas  Anderson  paid  Trotzig  786:24  R.D.  But  between  these  dates  he 
seems  to  have  had  very  little  to  do  with  the  company.     Journal,  nos.  308,  501. 

"  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XIII.  ff.  and  biography  below. 

*"  According  to  the  balance  made  on  the  last  of  February,  1643,  the  finances 
of  the  company  were  as  follows: 

Debit.  Credit. 

D.  ore.  D.  ore. 

Her  Royal  Majesty  and  the  Crown  of  Sweden 21,475  23,575 

Royal   Admiralty 26,389  15^       17.920  i5^ 

His  Grace  Mr.  Clas  Fleming 7,866  5             7,573  30^ 

The  Old  [South]  Ship  Company 39,657  23           48,122  17^ 

Peter  Spiring  Silfverkrona 32,131  30           32,055  31 

His  Excellency  Mr.  Gabriel  Gustafsson  Oxenstierna  4,500  2,400 

His  Excellency  the  Royal  Chancellor 4,500  8,679  26 


-f!!^ ,'.     "^^W;- 


£i^&i^^c^• 


I 


,  ^y  ^/9^- 


Timon  van  Schottingen's  (Schotting's)  bill  of  June,  1643,  showing  Kramer's  corrections 
of  58D.  4  ore.     Original  preserved  in  N.  S.  I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


Reorganization  of  the  Company.  235 

a  lack  of  money  for  paying  the  servants  in  the  employ  of  the 
company  and  never  adequate  means  for  procuring  and  sending 
over  the  merchandise,  necessary  to  keep  up  the  trade  established 
with  the  Indians  and  the  neighboring  colonies,  and  the  things 
needed  to  make  the  settlement  a  real  success.  It  was  also  due 
to  the  inability  of  the  company  to  provide  passage  for  the  emi- 

Debit.  Credit. 

D.  ore.  D.  ore. 

His  Excellency  the  Royal  Treasurer 2,250  900 

rimon  van   Schottingen  in   Gothenburg 18,360       i8  18,762       25 

Tobacco  under  the  care  of  Benjamin  Bonnell, 

43,366       lbs 26,812         7V3 

36,485!/^  lbs 18,435       i<5i/2 

i^eter  Trotzig  in  Amsterdam 22,574       ^3  22,397         3 

Tobacco  under  Timon  van  Schottingen, 

3,279       lbs 1,062         i^ 

94314  lbs 830         5 

Skipper  Clas  Hindersson  Bonder 14,624       ii'/^       14.969       28 

Major  Richard  Clerk 112       16  28       24 

The  Shipbuilding  at  Vestervik 465       "^ 

Hans  Neuman  and  Robert  Smith 711         SY2 

Tobacco  under  the  Commiss  Hendrick  Huygen, 

2055^  lbs 205       16 

61I/2  lbs 92         8 

French   salt  lying   at  Stockholm 3,007         lYz         5,175       i9 

Hans  Kramer  the  bookkeeper  of  the  company 704       10  900 

Benjamin   Bonnell 36,620       15^:4       30,871         5/4 

French  salt  lying  in  Borga 1,44°  792 

French  salt  lying  in  Abo 924 

The  Secretary  Johan  Beier 4>50O 

The  Tobacco  Excise  at  Stockholm 3,928       18 

The  budget  of  the  servants  of  the  Crown  in  New 

Sweden    i.SH        7  3.928       18 

The  capital  of  the  Crown  in  the  Company 9,000 

The  capital  of  the  [South]   Ship  Company  in  the 

[N.S.]    Company 27,000 

The  capital  of  His  Excellency  the  Riksdrotsen. . .  4.5°° 

The  capital  of  His  Excellency  the  Chancellor 4.500 

The  capital  of  His  Excellency  the  Royal  Treasurer  2,250 

The  capital  of  His  Grace  Mr.  Clas  Fleming 2,250 

The  capital  of  Peter  Spiring  Silfverkrona 4.5°° 

Returns  coming  from  Borga 805         xYz  990 

Cargo  lying  in  Holland  under  the  care  of  Peter 

Trotzig   6,777         8 

The  Secretary  Johan  Beier 17.264        4I/2       16,484 

The  general  trading  accounts  of  the  New  Sweden 

Company    99.745         2  50.292        a 

388,052         6^     388,052         6^ 


236      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

grants  that  hundreds  of  prospective  colonists  were  compelled 
to  remain  in  Sweden.  Better  results  could  have  been  accom- 
plished, however,  with  the  means  on  hand,  if  Sweden  had  been 
governed  by  a  ruler  more  interested  in  commercial  enterprises 
and  matters  of  state,  and  less  given  to  pleasure-seeking  and 
learned  discussion  than  Christina. 

Misfortune  also  played  its  part  and  some  energy  was  wasted, 
but  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  the  results,  measured  by  the  efforts 
put  forth,  were  less  in  this  case  than  in  similar  colonizing 
schemes  of  other  nations.  We  are  now  to  see  what  these  results 
were  and  what  was  done  from  1642  until  1653  for  the  further 
establishment  of  the  settlement. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

The  Fifth  Expedition,   1642- 1643. 

It  seems  that  RIdder's  reports  of  the  English  settlements  and 
of  the  condition  of  the  country  gave  new  life  to  the  activities 
of  the  interested  persons  in  Sweden  and  early  in  1642  prepara- 
tions were  begun  for  an  expedition.  It  was  decided  (after 
some  discussion),  to  relieve  Ridder  from  his  post  and  the  Coun- 
cil of  State  determined  to  request  Johan  Printz  to  become 
governor  of  New  Sweden.  He  accepted  the  offer  and  began 
to  make  preparations  for  the  long  journey  in  the  spring  of  the 
same  year.^  There  was  now  a  period  of  lively  activity  in  the 
colony's  behalf.  From  the  end  of  April  until  the  beginning  of 
September  the  Council  of  State  considered  the  matter  at  several 
of  its  sessions,  which  gave  rise  to  discussions  that  culminated 
in  the  reorganization  of  the  company,  as  we  have  seen.  In 
June  it  was  decided  to  despatch  the  returning  ships  to  the  colony, 
together  with  a  third  vessel  at  least  by  the  beginning  of  August 
or  as  soon  as  preparations  could  be  made.  The  government 
assumed  all  expenses  connected  with  the  journey,  except  "the 
board  and  salary  of  the  colonists  and  servants  of  the  company.^ 

Great  efforts  were  made  to  procure  provisions.  Spiring 
bought  some  foodstuffs  in  Holland,  but  most  of  the  goods  and 
provisions  for  the  journey  were  secured  by  Schotting  in  Gothen- 
burg and  through  the  managers  of  the  company  in  Stockholm. 
No  cargo  for  the  Indian  trade  was  purchased,  however,  as  that 
would  have  delayed  the  expedition ;  but  a  variety  of  articles  for 
the  needs  of  the  colony  such  as  wine,  malt,  grain,  pease,  nets, 
muskets,  shoes,  stockings,  and  other  wearing  apparel,  and  smal- 
ler articles,  such  as  writing  paper,  sealing  wax,  and  the  like, 
as  well  as  hay  for  the  stock,   were  loaded  into  the  vessels. 

^Rddspr.,  IX.  252    (April  25,  1642).      He  was  knighted  and  received  dona- 
tions of  land  in  the  summer.     R.R.,  June  20,  1642,  fol.  851  ff.,  853  ff. 
"  These  expenses  were  paid  by  the  company. 

237 


238      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Horses,  cattle,  sheep,  and  perhaps  chickens,  were  to  be  brought 
over  on  this  expedition.^ 

The  preparations  advanced  slowly,  however,  and  not  until 
the  autumn  were  the  plans  definitely  settled.  Only  two  vessels 
were  to  be  sent,  instead  of  three,  as  was  originally  intended. 
The  instruction  for  Johan  Printz  was  discussed  and  outlined  in 
the  Council  of  State,  suggestions  being  made  by  Spiring  and 
others,  and  on  the  fifteenth  of  August  the  instruction  was  signed 
by  the  members  of  the  government.^  The  commission  of  Printz 
as  governor  was  signed  the  same  day,  A  budget  was  made  for 
the  colony  and  the  salaries  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  placed 
upon  it  were  to  be  paid  by  the  government.  Four  hundred 
R.D.  were  granted  the  governor  for  traveling  expenses,  and  as 
a  recompense  for  his  lost  time  in  waiting  for  the  expedition  to 
start.  Christer  Boije  and  the  Rev.  Campanius  were  also  en- 
gaged to  serve  here,  and  Gregorius  van  Dyck  returned  to  the 
colony  on  this  expedition.^  A  large  number  of  Dutch  soldiers 
and  servants  had  been  employed  before  1642.  This  was  now 
to  be  avoided  and  the  Dutch  soldiers  in  the  colony  were  to  be 
supplanted  by  Swedes  as  far  as  possible,  since  it  was  found  that 
quarrels  and  dissensions  arose  among  the  people.  Accordingly 
almost  all  of  the  soldiers  hired  at  this  time  were  Swedes.^ 

Efforts  were  also  made  to  secure  colonists,  Kidder  having 
sent  earnest  requests  for  more  people.  A  certain  blacksmith, 
Mickel  Nilsson,  was  engaged  by  Beier,  on  the  recommendation 
of  Governor  Berndes,  to  seek  for  minerals  in  New  Sweden. 
He  was  sent  to  Varmland  in  June  to  hire  laborers  and  131:6 
D.  were  given  him  for  expenses.  Letters  were  written  by  the 
council  to  several  governors  asking  them  to  prevail  upon  people 
to  emigrate  and  those  of  good  repute  might  take  their  families 

'  It  seems  that  Printz  brought  over  horses  of  his  own.  They  were  fed  at 
public  expense  and  Schotting  delivered  hay  to  him  at  Gothenburg  to  the  value 
of  8cx):23  D.,  which  were  charged  to  his  account.  Rddspr.,  IX.  252,  R.R.,  1642, 
Journal,  N.S.,  HI.  (K.A.). 

*  It  contains  28  par.  It  was  published  by  Acrelius  in  his  Beskr.,  pp.  16-32, 
and  has  been  (poorly)  translated  by  Reynolds.     Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXXII. 

"  Sprinchorn  is  mistaken  in  stating  that  Mans  Kling  and  Knut  Liljehok  went 
to  the  colony  on  this  ship.      See  Kol.  N.  Sve.,  p.  15.      Cf.  below,  Chap.  XXVI. 

'Rddspr.,  IX.  363,  404. 


-V 


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-=-<JdA^ 


Commission  of  JoIkui  riml/.  a>  govciu.n  ..;  .Nc.'.  .-^,•..v,^;.  ,;:-,.:.,..,,  .....;...-i  :,-, 
1642.  Signed  by  Per  Brahe,  H[erman]  Wrangel,  Clas  (Klas')  Flemingh,  Axel  Oxen- 
stierna  and  Gabriel  Oxenstierna  Bengtson.  Preserved  in  the  Kanimararkiv,  Stock- 
holm . 


The  Fifth  Expedition.  239 

with  them,  in  fact  they  were  requested  to  do  so.     But  few  emi- 
grants were  willing  to  go,  and  more  effective  means  than  mere 
persuasion  had  to  be  employed.     In  the  summer  the  council 
decided  that  poachers   and  deserted  soldiers   should  be   con- 
demned to  serve  in  the  colony  for  a  number  of  years.    But  even 
in  this  way  the  number  found  was  insufficient,  and  in  August 
several  governors^  of  the  northern  and  central  provinces  of  the 
kingdom  were  requested  to  capture  such  Finns  in  their  terri- 
tories as  were  known  to  be  destroying  the  forests  and  doing 
damage  to  the  woods  at  the  mines.^     These  people  with  their 
families  were  to  be  kept  in   readiness   for  transportation  to 
Gothenburg  within  three  weeks  after  August  i.     Later  it  was 
decided  that  citizens  also  who  could  not  pay  their  debts  should 
be  deported.     It  seems  that  at  least  three  emigrants  came  from 
Finland.     In  June,   1643,  the  Royal  Court  at  Abo  informed 
Fleming  that  certain   inhabitants  had  committed  crimes,   for 
which  they  had  been  condemned  to  be  deported,  but  the  gover- 
nors could  not  execute  the  sentence,  as  they  did  not  know  where 
to  send  them.    Now  the  Court  inquired  if  such  criminals  could 
not  be  sent  to  New  Sweden.     Fleming  replied  that  if  there 
were  any  persons  in  Finland,  sentenced  to  banishment,  who  had 
not  committed  such  crimes  that  other  people  shunned  their 
company,  they  could  be  sent  to  Stockholm  and  placed  on  the 
ships,  which  were  soon  to  sail  for  the  Delaware.     On  the  ninth 
of  July  the  Court  informed  the  Governor  General  of  Finland 
that  three  inhabitants  of  the  country  should  be  sent  to  America. 
One  was  a  bookkeeper,  Johan  Fransson,  from  Viborg,  whose 
crime  is  not  specified,  "  the  other  two  were  married  men  who 
had  committed  adultery  three  times  and  one  of  them  had  in 
addition  shot  some  elks  on  Aland."     The  last  two  were  to  re- 
main in  America  for  six  years.^    Some  of  the  colonists  assembled 
at  Stockholm  and  awaited  the  sailing  of  the  ships,  which  were 
to  proceed  to  Gothenburg  as  soon  as  all  preparations  had  been 

^The  governors  were  Carl  Bonde,  Peter  Kruse  (governor  of  Dalarne),  Johan 
Berndes  (governor  of  Kopparberget  and  Saltberget)  and  Olaf  Stake  (governor 
of  Varmland  och  Dal). 

"  Cf.  Chaps.  XV.,  XVIII.  ^ 

•  Ttd.  utg.  af  et  Sdlsk.  i  Abo. 


240      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

made  and  from  there  they  were  to  go  to  America.'*^'  The  Fama 
and  probably  also  the  Szvan  finally  set  sail  on  the  sixteenth  of 
August  with  Campanlus  and  other  passengers  on  board  and 
arrived  at  Gothenburg  on  the  twelfth  of  September. 

It  seems  that  the  ship  Fama  was  In  poor  condition  when  she 
arrived  and  It  was  found  necessary  to  paint  her  and  make  re- 
pairs. These  and  other  things  delayed  the  expedition  for 
several  weeks,  causing  the  company  much  expense,  as  the  sol- 
diers, servants  and  settlers  had  to  be  fed  and  housed.  Printz 
with  his  family  went  by  land  to  meet  the  ships  and  he  probably 
arrived  at  Gothenburg  about  the  beginning  of  September  where 
other  passengers  were  awaiting  the  sailing  of  the  vessels.  Cash 
money  was  advanced  by  the  company  for  the  payment  of  the 
salaries.  Campanlus  was  given  40  D.  on  his  salary;  Beler 
furnished  Printz  519:16  D.  to  be  used  In  paying  the  officers 
three  months  of  their  wages  and  105  Daler  were  given  to  the 
skippers  of  the  vessels  to  be  used  In  cases  of  emergency. 

Finally  all  preparations  were  made,  the  colonists  were  re- 
viewed and  brought  on  board  and  on  the  first  of  November,  ^^ 
the  two  vessels  Fama  and  Swan  set  sail  for  America.  On  the 
fourteenth  of  November  they  were  In  the  Spanish  Sea,  and 
towards  the  end  of  December  they  arrived  at  the  Island  of 
Antigua,  where  the  passengers  spent  the  Christmas  holidays  and 
were  refreshed  and  strengthened,  the  English  governor  of  the 
place  entertaining  Governor  Printz,  Campanlus  and  the  other 
officers  at  his  own  house.  They  left  the  Island  In  the  beginning 
of  January,  "  having  as  many  oranges  and  lemons  as  they  could 
take  with  them,"  and  arrived  at  the  Delaware  Bay  about  the 
end  of  January,  1643.  Here  they  experienced  a  fearful  storm 
with  snow,  and  the  ships  were  badly  used,  Fama  running  ashore 
and  losing  her  main  mast,  sprit  sail  and  three  large  anchors. 
The  other  vessel  also  suffered  damages  and  some  of  the  goods 

^"Radspr.,  IX.  256  ff.;  Am.  Reg.,  December  3,  1642  (Fl.  Ar.)  ;  Journal,  no. 
165  ff.,  R.R.  August  I,  15  (several  letters  and  entries),  30,  1642.  R.R.  1642,  fol. 
■94  (L.  &  Ger.).      Beier's  Acct.  B.,  June  30,  1642,  N.S.,  IL   (R.A.). 

^^  Journal,  no.  180  ff. ;  Campanlus  Holm  (trans.),  p.  70. 


The  Fifth  Expedition.  241 

was  ruined.     After  over  two  week's  delay  in  the  river  the  ships 
arrived  at  Fort  Christina^^  on  the  fifteenth  of  February. 

The  ships  were  prepared  for  the  return  voyage  in  the  spring, 
and  they  departed  from  the  colony  about  April  14,^^  with  some 
returning  people  and  large  cargoes  of  beaver  and  otter  skins. 
The  ships  went  by  way  of  Portugal,  where  a  quantity  of  salt  was 
loaded  into  the  Swan,  and  perhaps  into  the  Fama  also.  The 
homeward  journey  was  a  speedy  one  and  the  two  ships  were  in 
Gothenburg  about  the  end  of  July.  The  documents,  letters  and 
reports  sent  from  the  colony  were  received  in  Stockholm, 
August  I.  Ridder,  Rasmunsson,  Johan  Hansson,  the  sail- 
maker,  and  many  others  returned  with  the  vessels  and  they  were 
paid  various  sums  by  Schotting  in  Gothenburg  and  by  Beier  in 
Stockholm.  The  cargoes  of  skins  and  salt  were  brought  to 
Stockholm  to  be  sold  there  and  the  Council  of  State  decided 
that  the  salt  should  be  duty-free.^^ 

"Campanius  Holm  (trans.),  p.  71;  Journal,  no.  303,  Ms.  of  Campanius  in 
Ralamb.  Saml,  fol.  201  (R.L.). 

^'The  letters  sent  on  the  vessels  by  Printz  are  dated  on  April  12  and  14, 
making  it  probable  that  the  ships  were  ready  to  sail  on  April  12  (o.s.),  but 
that  contrary  winds  or  calm  prevailed  for  about  two  days. 

^*Rddspr.,  I.  265;  Am.  Reg.,  October  10,  1643   (Fl.  Ar.) ;  Journal,  no.  281  ff. 


17 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

The  Sixth  Expedition  to  New  Sweden  and  the  Trading 
Voyage  to  the  Caribbean  Islands,  i  643-1 647. 

Before  the  Fama  and  the  Swan  left  Europe  in  November, 
1642,  preparations  were  under  way  for  a  new  expedition. 
Admiral  Fleming  was  untiring  in  his  activity  for  the  company, 
and  he  was  assisted  by  Beier,  Kramer,  Schotting,  Trotzig  and 
Spiring.^  From  August  until  December  Trotzig  bought  goods 
in  Holland  to  the  amount  of  several  thousand  florins, ^  and 
in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1643  he  continued  to  purchase 
goods  and  supplies  on  the  admiral's  order.  The  merchandise 
was  shipped  to  Gothenburg,  and  placed  in  the  care  of  Schot- 
ting. About  1,700  D.  in  cash  and  goods  were  furnished  in 
Gothenburg  on  Fleming's  account  by  Per  Bengtsson  and  Mans 
Andersson,^  and  Schotting  bought  cloth,  ready-made  clothes, 
shoes,  stockings  and  other  things,  while  Beier  and  Kramer  pur- 
chased axes,  saws,  mill  stones,  cloth,  and  the  like  in  Stockholm.^ 
In  the  autumn  84,000  bricks,^  and  12,000  tiles  were  purchased 
for  the  company  by  Trotzig  and  sent  to  Sweden,  and  6,000  of 
these  bricks  besides  a  ton  of  lime  were  loaded  upon  the  Fama.^ 

In  the  autumn  of  1643  ^^e  Council  of  State  discussed  the 
colonial  enterprise  at  a  number  of  meetings.  The  salt  brought 
from  Portugal  was  to  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  company 
and  other  provisions  were  made  for  the  expenses  of  the  expedi- 

'  Extr.  fr.  Queen's  letter  to  Spiring,  August  22,  1645.  Soderk.,  X637-59 
(R.A.)-  I  could  find  no  letter  from  the  Queen  to  Spiring  dated  August  22  in  the 
R.R.      There  is  one,  however,  dated  August  24,  1645   (Lat.  and  G.,  fol.  175-6). 

'Journal,  nos.  220,  238.  "  Carg.  Rech.  von  P.  Trotzig  iiberg.  ult.  Dec.  1642." 
N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).     The  entire  bill  including  all  expenses,  was  10,004:18  fl. 

^ "  Flemings  fogdar." 

*  Journal,  nos.  233  ff.,  304  ff. ;  Beier's  Ace.  Book,  1643.  The  goods  were  paid 
for  by  drafts  sent  from  Stockholm  by  Beier. 

^  "  84,000  moppen." 

•Beier's  Ace.  Book,  October  i,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).  Bills  in  Soderk., 
1637-59   (R.A.).      Cf.  below. 

242 


The  Sixth  Expedition  to  New  Sweden.  243 

tion.  On  October  16  the  question  of  collecting  emigrants  was 
considered,  and  at  a  later  meeting  it  was  decided  that  timber 
thieves  and  game  poachers  should  be  sent  to  New  Sweden/  A 
carpenter,  Jacob  Cornelisson  (  ?),  who  had  been  in  the  employ 
of  the  government  for  some  years,  applied  for  permission  to  go 
to  New  Sweden  and  a  passport  was  given  to  him  by  the  Ad- 
miralty.^ Johan  Papegoja  prepared  to  return  to  America  on  the 
Fama  and  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  October  60  D.  were  given  to 
him  by  the  government  for  travelling  expenses  and  a  recom- 
mendation was  issued  for  him  by  the  Queen.  He  hired  a  num- 
ber of  soldiers  for  service  in  the  settlement,  and  in  the  Monthly 
Account  Book  it  is  stated  that  Bengt  Hindersson,  Anders  An- 
dersson  and  Anders  Jonsson  were  engaged  by  him  in  December, 
1643.^  The  barber  Hans  Janeke  was  hired  to  go  to  the  colony 
on  this  expedition  and  Beier  gave  60  D.  for  the  preparations 
of  his  medicine  chests.  Knut  and  Per  Liljehok  and  Johan  Mats- 
son  were  also  among  the  passengers.^"  It  appears  that  two  or 
three  colonists  came  from  Finland.  On  May  18,  1643,  the 
Royal  Court  at  Abo^^  passed  a  resolution  that  a  farmer  from 
Nautila  By,  in  Hvittis  Socken,  and  another  from  Pamark  in 
Ulfsby  Socken  should  be  sent  to  New  Sweden  for  committing 
adultei-y.  A  discredited  soldier  from  Cajana  was  likewise  con- 
demned to  be  transported  to  America  and  he  was  to  remain 
there  all  his  life.^^  Besides  these  I  have  found  no  traces  of 
emigrants,  who  came  here  on  this  expedition.  It  is  likely  that  a 
few  more  were  on  the  ship,  but  the  number  must  have  been  very 
small,  for  only  120  men  are  given  in  Governor  Printz's  list  in 
June,  1644.^^ 

The  goods  bought  by  Kramer  and  Beier  were  gradually 
loaded  upon  the  Fama  which  lay  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  at 

''  Rddspr.,  X.  265,  280,  307,  354. 

*  Am.  Reg.,  Oct.  8,  1643.  But  he  does  not  seem  to  be  in  the  country  in  1644, 
for  Gov.  Printz  omits  him  in  his  list,  unless  he  is  mentioned  by  a  different  name. 
Cf.  below,  Appendix.     See  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  37  ff. 

°R.R.,  October  25,  1643.     Fol.  1151;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

^"Journal,  no.  325;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

"  A  city  in  Finland,  on  the  west  coast,  almost  west  of  Helsingfors. 

^^  Tidningar,  etc.,  IX.  p.  235. 

^^  Rulla,  1644,  Appendix. 


244      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Stockholm.  On  September  i  the  ship  set  sail  for  Gothenburg 
with  a  few  colonists  and  soldiers  on  board,  and  probably  arrived 
there  towards  the  end  of  the  month/^  The  cargo  stored  in  the 
city  was  put  on  board  and  soon  the  Fama  was  ready  to  sail, 
waiting  for  a  favorable  wind. 

Along  with  the  preparations  of  the  Fama  another  ship,  the 
well-known  Kalmar  Nyckel,  was  fitted  out  for  a  trading 
journey  to  the  Caribbean  Islands.  Printz  made  suggestions 
for  such  a  trade  in  his  letters  of  1643,  but  this  expedition  was 
undertaken  according  to  the  plans  and  proposals  of  Captain 
Berendt  Hermansson  Hopp,  and  he  made  reports  to  the  officers 
of  the  company  and  presented  lists  of  articles  that  would  find 
a  ready  market  on  the  islands.  Large  quantities  of  "  wooden 
bottles,"  wooden  spoons,  wooden  basins,  lumber,  tar  and  other 
products  and  manufactured  articles  were  furnished  for  the 
voyage  in  Finland  and  Sweden.  Captain  Hopp  was  sent  to 
Holland  to  buy  supplies  as  well  as  to  hire  sailors,  and  through 
him  merchandise  "  for  the  tobacco  trade  in  the  Caribbean 
Islands"  to  the  value  of  2,731  D.  was  obtained.  Trotzig 
purchased  brandy  and  wine^^  and  Schotting  bought  beer  and 
provisions.^*^ 

Towards  the  end  of  October  the  two  ships  were  ready  to 
leave  port,  and  on  the  thirty-first  passes  were  issued  for  them  by 
the  governments^  The  vessels  left  Gothenburg  on  December 
29.  It  is  probable  that  both  kept  the  same  course  for  some 
time,  but  they  must  have  parted  before  arriving  in  American 
waters,  for  only  the  Fama  went  to  New  Sweden. ^^     On  the 

^*  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56;  J.  Matssons  Ace. 

"  Trotzig  also  hired  some  of  the  sailors. 

^'^  Journal,  nos.  299,  300,  304  ff.  Schotting's  bills  from  1643  in  Soderk., 
1637-59  (R-A.).  For  various  expenses  connected  with  the  voyage,  see  "Spec, 
van  .  .  .  ungel.  .  .  .  1643,"  signed  by  Schotting,  N.S.,  L   (K.A.). 

"Latin  pass  for  Kalmar  Nyckel,  October  31,  1643,  N.S.,  L   (R.A.). 

'*The  statement  (in  Hist.  Bibl.,  1877,  p.  178)  that  only  Fama  made  the 
journey  to  New  Sweden  in  1643-4,  is  correct,  but  the  supposition  that  only  one 
ship  was  fitted  out  at  this  time  is  wrong.  In  a  lead-pencil  note  in  the  copy 
found  in  the  R.A.  at  Stockholm,  it  is  stated  that  the  two  ships  went  to  New 
Sweden.  This  is  not  correct,  as  can  be  seen  from  the  above  account.  In  several 
documents  it  is  stated  that  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  Fama  sailed  to  New  Sweden  in 
1643-4.     See  R.R.,  August  12,  1645;  Am.  Reg.,  May  3,  1645,   ^nd  other  places. 


The  Sixth  Expedition  to  New  Sweden.  245 

twenty-seventh  of  February  she  was  near  the  American  coast, 
and  on  the  eleventh  of  March  she  cast  anchor  in  Christina  Har- 
bor.^^  About  the  middle  of  June  she  was  ready  for  her  return 
voyage,  but  contrary  winds  or  other  circumstances  delayed  the 
sailing.  On  or  shortly  after  July  20  she  lifted  anchor  and  set 
sail  for  Europe  with  a  large  cargo  of  tobacco  and  skins. 

After  a  two  months'  voyage  the  ship  arrived  in  Holland 
and  put  into  Harlingen  to  revictual.  From  there  it  was  to  have 
sailed  for  Sweden,  but  the  war  with  Denmark  was  now  on,  and 
it  was  decided  to  unload  the  ship,  and  not  to  '.ake  the  cargo  to 
Gothenburg.^*^  Spiring  promptly  applied  to  the  authorities  at 
Amsterdam  for  a  permit  to  unload,  but  it  was  refused  and  the 
matter  was  referred  to  the  West  India  Company.^^  About 
the  same  time  the  vessel  was  put  under  arrest  and  two  guards 
were  placed  on  board  by  order  of  the  company.  On  the  eighth 
of  October  (n.s.),  1644,  Spiring  sent  a  protest  to  the  States 
General,  expressing  his  surprise  at  their  refusal  to  grant  the 
permit,  since  the  customs  and  duties  were  offered  to  be  paid, 
and  requesting  that  orders  be  given  for  the  ship  to  unload. 
The  protest  had  no  effect,  however,  beyond  an  order  that  the 
directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  should  furnish  the 
States  General  with  full  information  about  the  ship  and  its 
cargo.     A  few  days  later  Spiring  seems  to  have  sent  a  longer 

In  a  letter  written  1646  by  M.  Johansson  he  says  that  he  was  along  on  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel  on  its  journey  to  Virginia.  In  all  such  cases  the  term  Virginia 
is  used  in  a  very  broad  sense,  meaning  really  North  America,  or  the  term  is  used 
by  such  who  had  no  accurate  knowledge  of  the  destination  of  the  ships  as  in 
R.R.,  August  12,  1645.  Sometimes  the  journey  of  Kalmar  Nyckel  is  spoken  of 
as  to  New  Sweden  in  the  Official  Journal. 

^"See  Papegoja's  letter,  July  15,  1644;  Ace.  B.,  1642-56.  Papegoja  says 
"(We)  were  on  the  journey  for  two  months;  the  twenty-ninth  of  December  we  set 
sail  from  Gothenburg  and  the  tsventy-seventh  of  February'  we  saw  Virginia."  By 
Virginia  they  sometimes  meant  Virginia  proper,  sometimes  the  American  coast  in 
general  and  sometimes  New  Sweden.  Cf.  note  above.  In  the  Ace.  B.,  1642-1656, 
it  is  stated  that  Liljehok  landed  here  on  March  12 ;  in  Printz'  Report  it  is 
stated  that  the  ship  arrived  on  March  11.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  ship 
arrived  in  the  afternoon  or  evening  of  March  11,  and  that  the  passengers  were 
landed  in  the  morning  or  forenoon  of  March  12. 

="  Cf.  below.  Chap.  XXVII. 

^The  ship  must  have  been  in  Holland  towards  the  end  of  September  or  the 
first  days  of  October,  for  some  days  before  October  8  Spiring  applied  for  a 
permit  to  unload.      Doc,  I.  143. 


246      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  more  vigorous  "memorial"  and  he  expected  an  answer  as 
soon  as  possible,  "so  that  the  perishable  goods  in  the  ship 
might  not  be  damaged."  On  October  15  the  States  General 
"resolved  and  concluded,  that  the  cargo  of  the  said  ship  the 
Fama  shall  be  regulated  as  regards  the  duties  in  the  same  way 
as  those  of  the  French,  English,  Danish  and  other  foreign 
nations,  that  bring  and  discharge  such  or  similar  cargoes  here, 
to  wit,  the  ordinary  import  duties  and  in  addition  eight  per 
cent.,  both  made  over  among  other  things  to  the  West  India 
Company  of  these  ports  in  place  of  subsidies;  all  in  conformity 
with  the  eighth  Article  of  their  High  Mightinesses'  regulation 
of  the  sixteenth  of  October,  1637,  ^'^^  their  confirmatory  reso- 
lution of  the  twenty-fourth  of  July,  1641,  following  there- 
upon." On  the  receipt  of  this  document  Spiring  requested  a 
conference  with  some  of  the  deputies  of  the  States  General,  and 
on  October  26  the  conference  took  place.  It  is  likely  that 
Spiring  was  requested  to  present  his  protests  and  arguments  in 
writing,  for  on  the  same  day  Spiring  presented  another  long 
memorial.  He  thought  it  strange  that  the  Queen's  ship  should 
be  treated  like  those  of  private  individuals,  and  he  could  not 
agree  to  pay  eight  per  cent,  in  addition  to  import  duty,  yet  he 
asked  "whether  it  had  reference  to  the  principal,  the  risk,  the 
profit,  the  entire,  or  what  else,  also  if  the  valuation  of  the  goods 
was  to  apply  to  the  place  where  they  were  procured,  here  where 
they  were  bought,  or  there  where  they  vv'ould  be  consumed. "^^ 
The  Dutch  West  India  Company,  he  said,  could  not  rightfully 
claim  any  duty  on  the  goods,  since  "  it  had  heretofore  under 
grant  of  Her  Royal  Majesty  a  share  in  the  Swedish  company, 
having  also  acknowledged  it  for  an  absolute  and  free  company, 
and,  then,  ships  from  the  kingdom,  from  New  Sweden,  having 
sailed  and  been  loaded  and  discharged  here,  off  and  on,  never 
subjected  to,  much  less  paid  such  duties,  and  hence,  so  far  from 
there  being  any  right  and  equity  for  such  imposition  it  ought, 
on  the  contrary,  now  to  be  considered  in  direct  opposition  to  all 

^  I  am  quoting  from,  as  it  would  seem,  a  poor  translation  of  the  document  in 
Doc,  L;  not  finding  time  to  compare  it  with  the  original  at  the  Hague. 


The  Sixth  Expedition  to  New  Sweden.  247 

right,  after  the  West  India  Company  had  surrendered  its  shares, 
and  Her  Royal  Majesty  had  bought  it  out  and  exclusively 
acquired  those  shares  herself;  wherefore  nothing  similar  could 
now  be  levied  by  virtue  and  in  regard  of  said  purchase,  and  still 
so  much  the  less  so  inasmuch  as  this  Her  Royal  Majesty's  ship 
had  traded  and  come  from  a  country  which  Her  Royal  Majesty 
had  rightfully  purchased  and  obtained  possession  of  from  the 
right[ful]  owners."  He  also  requested  that  the  two  guards  be 
removed  from  the  ship,  and  reminded  the  States  General  of  the 
respectful  treatment  Hollanders  had  received  in  Sweden  at 
various  times,  thinking  it  only  proper  that  the  courtesy  should 
be  returned.  But  weeks  passed  and  no  settlement  was  in  sight.^^ 
In  the  meantime  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  also  arrived  in  Holland. 
When  the  ship  left  the  Fama  westward  bound,  in  the  beginning 
of  1644,  it  proceeded  directly  to  the  Caribbean  Islands,  and  re- 
mained in  those  parts  for  some  weeks.  In  May  it  was  at  St. 
Christopher,  and  on  the  fifth  of  this  month  a  quantity  of  tobacco 
was  bought  there.  The  whole  cargo  was  finally  exchanged  for 
tobacco,  and  preparations  made  for  the  return  voyage.  It  was 
the  intention  of  the  company  to  continue  the  trade,  and  Captain 
Hopp  left  7,545  lbs.  of  tobacco  on  the  island,  which  he  had  in 
mind  to  bring  to  Europe  on  the  next  journey;  but  when  the 
cargo  was  sold  in  1645  ^^e  proceeds  of  the  expedition  were 
small,  and  it  was  decided  not  to  send  another  expedition  thither. 
Hopp  was  therefore  held  responsible  for  the  tobacco  and  some 
other  goods  which  remained  at  St.  Christopher,  and  their  value 
was  charged  to  his  account.-^  It  has  been  impossible  to  deter- 
mine when  the  ship  left  the  Islands  on  its  return  journey,  but  it 
arrived  in  Holland  later  than  the  Fama.  The  ship  touched  at 
Dover,  where  supplies  to  the  value  of  619  D.  were  purchased 
by  Captain  Hopp  on  a  draft,  and  from  there  she  went  to  Har- 
lingen.  She  was  also  put  under  arrest  and  new  complications 
arose. -^^ 

"^Doc,  I.  143  ff.,  146-7. 

^See  "Brief  van  den  Koop,"  etc.,  of  May  5,  1643,  and  another  of  May  15 
of  the  same  year.      N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

^  "  Gen.  Balance,  1650."  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R-A).  Journal,  no.  499  ff.,  Doc, 
I.  156. 


248      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Spiring  now  sent  new  protests  to  the  States  General,  and 
finally  on  the  twenty-first  of  April  (n.s.),  1645,  that  body 
ordered  that  no  further  difficulties  should  be  made  with  regard 
to  the  unloading  of  the  vessels,  but  that  eight  per  cent,  addi- 
tional duty  must  be  paid.  But  the  end  of  the  troubles  was  not 
yet  in  sight.  On  June  5  Spiring  paid  the  import  duty  on  the 
goods  through  his  agent,  Lucas  Andersson,^*^  at  Amsterdam, 
but  the  Board  of  Admiralty  at  Harlingen  demanded  Spiring's 
factor  at  that  place  to  pay  the  duty  also.  On  the  twenty-seventh 
of  July  (n.s.)  Spiring  complained  to  the  States  General  and  on 
the  thirty-first  of  the  same  month  he  again  called  their  attention 
to  the  fact  and  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  receipt  given  by  the 
Directors  of  the  Chamber  at  Amsterdam  to  Lucas  Andersson, 
Julys,  1645.2-^ 

The  troubles  now  seem  to  have  come  to  an  end.  The  cargoes 
on  the  two  ships  were  sold  by  Andersson.  The  beaver  skins  in 
the  Fama  realized  15,000  fl.  and  the  tobacco  on  that  ship  was 
sold  for  6,728  fl.  Seven  hundred  and  eighty-three  rolls  or 
50,824  lbs.  of  tobacco  were  on  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  and  the  lot 
was  sold  for  8,666  florins.  But  the  net  proceeds  realized  by 
the  company  were  reduced  by  Andersson's  commission,  as  well 
as  by  freight  charges  and  other  expenses.  The  expenses  due  to 
the  arrest  of  the  ships  were  considerable,  and  in  the  beginning 
of  December  Andersson  paid  more  than  3,000  D.  for  supplies 
and  other  necessaries.  The  returning  colonists  and  soldiers 
were  paid  partly  by  Trotzig  and  Beier  in  Stockholm,  and  their 
passage  from  Holland  to  Sweden  was  also  paid  by  the  com- 
pany.^® The  company  was  relieved  of  the  expense  of  the 
victualling  of  the  ships  and  the  payment  of  the  sailors,  as  this 
was  undertaken  by  the  government.     When  the  ships  arrived 

^  Lucas  Arentz  in  Doc,  I.  159.  That  "Lucas  Arentz  "  and  Lucas  Andersson 
is  the  same  person  can  be  seen  from  Journal,  499,  504. 

"Doc,  I.  p.  159  ff. ;  Journal,  nos.  499,  504. 

"  Christer  Boije,  Timon  Stidden  and  some  others  were  paid  by  Trotzig  in 
Holland.  In  Stockholm  Beier  paid  E.  Mortensson  52:15  D.,  Stidden  468:19  D., 
J.  Mortensson  20  D.,  M.  Eskelsson  20  D.,  Jons  Andersson  10  D.,  the  skipper  Peter 
Poulsson  375  D.,  who  were  paid  by  the  company,  but  the  others  received  their 
money  from  Beier  on  behalf  of  the  Admiralty,  through  orders  from  the  chancellor. 
Journal,  417  ff.,  500  ff. 


The  Sixth  Expedition  to  New  Sweden.  249 

in  Gothenburg,  the  sailors  clamored  for  pay  from  the  Admi- 
ralty, but  it  was  refused.  Belcr  called  the  attention  of  the 
Queen  to  the  matter  in  a  letter  of  July  19,  1645,  ^^^  the 
sailors  appealed  to  Her  Majesty  for  redress.  On  August  12 
the  Queen  ordered  Admiral  Carlsson  to  provide  for  the  wages 
of  the  sailors  out  of  the  Admiralty's  appropriations,  and  on 
August  20  the  Council  of  State  decided  or  rather  "  thought 
that  the  expedition  ought  to  be  paid  by  the  Crown."  But  all 
the  wages  were  not  paid  at  the  time,  for  a  petition  signed  by 
thirteen  sailors  was  sent  to  Oxenstierna  in  1647  (?),^^  asking 
for  the  outstanding  pay  and  stating  that  the  petitioners  would 
be  reduced  to  begging  unless  aid  was  given  to  them.  It  is  prob- 
able that  their  endeavors  were  successful,  for  nothing  further  Is 
said  about  the  matter.^^ 

*"  No  date  but  "  for  halft  annat  ahr  sijn  "  referring  to  the  Royal  order  of 
August  12,  1645,  places  the  date  about  February,  1647. 

"R.R.,  August  12,  1645.  Letter  from  Queen  (copy  in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)). 
Rddspr.,  XI.  165.  Petition  of  Anabrosius  Joransson,  Erick  Ericksson  Hook,  etc. 
(13  boatsmen),  N.S.,  II.  (R.A.).  The  Queen  also  on  August  22,  1645,  released 
the  company  from  paying  for  the  expedition.      See  R.R.  under  this  date. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

The  Seventh  Expedition,  i  645-1 647. 

Printz  and  Papegoja  were  earnest  in  their  requests  for  more 
colonists  and  additional  supplies,  when  the  Fama  left  the  shores 
of  New  Sweden  in  1644.  But  events  in  northern  Europe  of  far 
greater  importance  to  the  welfare  of  Sweden  than  the  little 
colony  on  the  South  River  were  occupying  the  minds  of  the 
statesmen  in  Stockholm  at  this  time.  Denmark  had  kept  aloof 
from  an  active  participation  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War  since 
1629.  It  had  seen  the  increasing  influence  and  power  of  Sweden 
and  its  growing  commercial  interests  and  far-reaching  plans 
with  envious  eyes.  It  was  true  that  only  one  third  of  the  Swe- 
dish export  and  Import  trade  for  the  years  1 637-1 643  was  carried 
on  Swedish  vessels,  but  Swedish  ships  had  been  sent  to  other 
continents,  the  Swedish  flag  was  waving  over  possessions  In  the 
New  World,  and  Indications  were  that  the  supremacy  in  the 
Baltic  would  soon  pass  over  to  the  power  lying  north  of  Oresund. 
King  Christian  IV.  endeavored  to  sustain  and  assert  Danish 
supremacy  In  the  Baltic  and  D'anlsh  jurisdiction  in  the  sound. 
A  heavy  toll,  amounting  to  616,000  R.D.  In  1639,  was  collected 
from  vessels  passing  through  the  strait.^  This,  of  course,  was 
a  burden  to  Sweden.  Besides,  Swedish  vessels  were  often  con- 
fiscated and  the  Danish  King  conducted  a  regular  warfare  In 
everything  but  in  name  against  his  neighbor.-  In  the  peace 
negotiations  of  Sweden,  Denmark  also  played  the  false  friend,^ 
but  the  opportunity  for  which  Oxenstierna  had  been  waiting 
was  come.  Denmark  was  to  be  attacked  and  the  Swedish  sword 
was  to  make  an  end  of  Danish  Interference.^ 

*  Fridericia,  Danm.  ydre  pol.  Hist.,  II.  220,  note  2. 

^  Kernkamp,  De  Sleutels  van  de  Sont,  p.  2  ff. 

'  In  the  peace  negotiations  at  Osnabriick  the  Danish  mediators  or  commissioners 
were  instructed  to  work  against  all  demands  of  Sweden.  Cf.  Fridericia, 
Danm.  ydre  pol.  Hist.,  II. 

*The  causes  of  the  war  were  deeper  and  lay  further  back  than  the  present 
troubles   in    the   sound.       Concerning   the    events   that    led   up   to   the    war,    see 

250 


Klas  Fleming. 


^ft^ 


Scepter,  the  flagship  of  Admiral  Klas  Fleming  on  which  he  was  killed.     From  G.  Unger's  //.  si 

sjokrigsh.  I. 


The  Seventh  Expedition.  251 

About  the  time  the  Fama  and  the  Swan  returned  from  New 
Sweden  in  the  spring  of  1643,  the  Council  of  State  decided  to 
begin  the  war.  Great  preparations  were  made,  but  the  object 
of  them  remained  secret,  not  even  the  Swedish  representative 
at  Copenhagen  knowing  of  the  intention  of  his  government. 
Every  ship  that  could  be  used  was  pressed  into  service  and 
through  Fleming's  efforts  Sweden  had  a  navy  that  could  cope 
with  the  enemy  when  the  war  began.  Two  of  the  ships  that 
had  made  journeys  to  New  Sweden  took  part  in  the  battle  of 
Fehmarn,^  and  as  the  Fama  and  Kalmar  Nyckel  arrived  at 
Gothenburg  in  the  summer  of  1645,  they  were  fitted  out  for 
participation  in  the  struggle.  On  the  seventh  of  August  Kalmar 
Nyckel  fought  a  bitter  battle  with  a  Danish  ship  the  St.  Peer 
between  Copenhagen  and  Malmo.  Only  twelve  men  on  the 
Swedish  ship  survived  the  encounter  and  M.  Johansson,  who 
had  made  several  trips  to  New  Sweden  and  "Virginia"  as  a 
secretary,  was  badly  wounded.^ 

Under  such  conditions  no  ships  could  be  spared  for  journeys 
to  America,  and  the  war  absorbed  all  the  attention  of  the 
government.  But  the  war  not  only  hindered  and  delayed 
preparations  for  another  expedition  to  New  Sweden;  it  also 
removed  the  staunchest  and  the  most  interested  supporter  of 
the  colony.  Fleming  was  killed  In  July,  1644,  by  a  stray  bullet 
from  a  Danish  battery.'^ 

Fridericia,  II.  p.  178  ff.  The  conditions  became  such  through  the  Danish  inter- 
ference, that  the  industries  in  Sweden  were  badly  dannaged.  Cracau's  secre- 
tary even  relates  that  De  Geer  closed  his  factories  and  sent  his  laborers  away 
until  there  should  be  a  change.    Fridericia,  II.  291. 

^  See  "  Diarium  ofwer  det  som  wedh  Kong.  Maj  :t.  sarapt  rykzens  orlogzflotta 
uti  denna  forleeden  sommarreesa  .  .  .  passerat  ahr."  Am.  Reg.,  May  22,  1644 
(F.A.),  where  the  Swan  is  given  among  the  ships  that  took  part,  and  "  Sjoslaget 
vid  Firmern  d.  13  Okt.  1644."  Sv.  Hist,  och  Polii.  Visor  (p.  312  ff.),  where  the 
S'uian  (p.  314,  strophe  10)  and  the  Charitas  (p.  314,  strophe  ii)  are  mentioned 
among  the  vessels  that  were  engaged. 

"See  M.  Johansson  to  the  Queen  (two  letters,  no  date,  but  from  internal  evi- 
dence, written  in  1646),  N.S.,  II.    (R.A.). 

'  For  an  account  of  the  Swedish-Danish  war  of  1643-1645  and  the  relation 
between  the  two  countries  before  and  after  the  struggle  see  Fridericia,  "  Danm. 
ydre  pol.,"  etc.,  II.,  and  "Danm.  Riges  Hist.,"  1588-1699,  p.  237  ff.  (the  war, 
p.  256  ff.)  ;  Barfod,  935  ff. ;  Geijer,  III.  262  ff.;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  'hist.,  etc.,  V. 
p.  382  ff.;  Kernkamp,  De  Sleutels  van  de  Sont;  Munthe,  Sv.  sjohjdltar,  V.; 
Zettersten,  Sv.  flat,  hist.,  II. 


252      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  chancellor  was  now  the  unappolnted  director  of  the  com- 
pany, but  he  was  too  busy  to  think  of  the  colony  and  its  affairs. 
The  Danish  war  occupied  nearly  all  his  attention  and  he  was 
appointed  peace  commissioner  in  1644  to  the  lengthy  confer- 
ences, which  lasted  about  a  year  and  a  half.  He  wrote  most  of 
the  documents  with  his  own  hand,  and  he  "  had  to  fight  not  only 
against  the  enemy  and  the  [peace]  mediators,  but  also  against 
.  .  .  the  opposition  peace-party  in  the  Swedish  Council."  In 
consequence  the  company  was  left  more  or  less  to  itself.  Affairs 
were  "  in  great  confusion  "  and  to  remedy  matters  Beler  pro- 
posed that  certain  persons  be  appointed  who  should  give  advice 
about  the  work,  otherwise  he  feared  it  would  all  go  to  pieces. 
All  documents  and  reports  from  New  Sweden  were  sent  by 
Spiring  to  the  chancellor.  He  was  too  busy  to  look  after 
them  or  report  to  the  other  officers  of  the  company  in  Sweden, 
and  hence  they  were  kept  in  the  dark  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
colony.^ 

The  papers  and  documents  from  Printz  were  finally  sent  to 
Kramer  and  Beler,  and  some  efforts  were  made  to  comply  with 
the  requests  of  the  governor.  During  the  war  it  was  not  safe  to 
send  goods  from  a  Swedish  port  to  America,  nor  was  it  advis- 
able to  ship  goods  from  Holland  to  Sweden  for  such  an  expedi- 
tion. It  was  therefore  planned  to  send  supplies  from  Holland 
direct  to  New  Sweden,  and  in  January,  1645,  Spiring  and  his 
secretary,  NIepelsen,  were  Instructed  to  execute  these  plans,  but 
it  could  not  be  done,  since  "  the  goods  [on  the  Fama  and  the 
Kalmar  Nyckel]  were  arrested  "  and  could  not  be  sold  before 
November  "  and  there  were  no  other  means  at  hand."^ 

On  the  thirteenth  of  August,  1645,  peace  was  made^*^  and 
now  Sweden  could  spare  her  ships  for  commercial  journeys  and 

'Letter  from  A.  Oxenstierna  to  Printz,  September  7,  1647,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 
Questions  sent  to  Niepeisen  by  Kramer,  July  11,  August  19/29,  1645,  N.S.,  L 
(R.A.).      Beier's  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  June  21,  1645.      Geijer,  III.  277. 

"Questions  sent  to  Niepeisen  by  Kramer  dated  July  11,  1645,  and  answers  to 
same  August  19/29,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.).  The  Queen  to  Printz,  February  6,  1646, 
R.R. ;  Memorial  to  Oxenstierna   (copy  in  Penn.  Hist.  So.). 

'"Geijer,  HL  276  ff.;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V.  p.  396. 


The  Seventh  Expedition.  253 

her  statesmen  had  more  time  and  opportunity  to  think  of  her 
settlement  in  the  New  World. ^^ 

On  the  twentieth  of  August  a  letter  from  Spiring  concerning 
the  colony  was  read  in  the  Council  of  State,  It  was  decided  that 
the  government  should  pay  for  the  expenses  of  a  new  voyage 
and  soon  afterwards  preparations  were  begun,  Kramer  and 
Beier  in  Stockholm,  Macklier  in  Gothenburg,  and  Spiring  and 
Trotzig  in  Holland  being,  besides  Oxenstierna,  the  chief  pro- 
moters of  this  expedition. ^^ 

In  his  report  of  1644  Printz  made  requests  for  a  large  num- 
ber of  soldiers  and  colonists,  and  it  seems  that  plans  were 
actually  projected  for  compliance  with  this  request.  In  the  Royal 
Archives  at  Stockholm  there  is  "  an  estimate  of  the  provisions 
[necessary]  for  three  months  for  a  thousand  persons,  small 
and  big,"  consisting  of  four  hundred  men,  half  of  whom  were 
to  be  soldiers,  the  other  half  colonists,  four  hundred  women 
and  two  hundred  children.  It  was  estimated  that  the  pro- 
visions would  cost  about  8,000  R.D.,  and  we  may  assume  that 
at  least  three  or  four  vessels  would  have  been  required  for  the 
transportation  of  these  people.  So  much  capital  could  not  be 
raised  and  the  project  appears  to  have  received  little  attention.^^ 

But  preparations  for  an  expedition  on  a  smaller  scale  went 
on.  In  January,  1646,  the  matter  was  brought  up  for  discus- 
sion in  the  council  by  the  chancellor  and  at  a  later  meeting 
Ryning  "spoke  about  the  ships  which  should  go  to  West  India, 
and  it  was  considered  advisable  that  the  vessels  after  this  sail 
from  Gothenburg  [directly  to  the  colony]  .  .  .  and  not  by  way 
of  Holland."!^ 

About  the  same  time  Lucas  Andersson  was  ordered  to  trans- 
mit to  Trotzig  the  proceeds,  realized  on  the  tobacco  he  had 

"Oxenstierna  to  Printz,  September  7,  1647.     Ox.  Saml.  {Cone). 

^'^  Journal,  nos.  524,  531,  580,  597,  etc.  Rddspr.,  XI.  165.  Timon  von 
Schotting  is  not  connected  with  this  expedition  and  he  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
records  after  this  time. 

"  "  Verschlag  der  Vivres  vor  Tau.  persohnen  klein  u.  Gross  Vor  Dreij  Monatt," 
etc.,  no  date,  but  probably  written  between  1644-1646.  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  It  is 
possible  that  the  document  is  from  1652,  occasioned  by  Printz's  report  of  the 
Dutch  invasion  of  New  Sweden.      Cf.  below. 

^* Rddspr.,  IX.  276   (January  7,  1646),  302. 


2  54      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sold,^'*  for  the  buying  of  a  new  cargo,  as  a  ship  was  to  be  sent 
to  New  Sweden  as  soon  as  possible.  But  the  vessel  would  not 
be  ready  to  sail  until  the  late  spring  or  summer,  and  hence,  since 
exceptional  advantages  for  the  increase  of  the  Indian  trade 
offered  themselves  to  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  at  this  time, 
the  Dutch  and  English  being  at  war  with  the  savages,  it  was 
decided  to  charter  a  ship  in  Holland  on  which  merchandise 
could  be  shipped  direct  to  New  Sweden. ^^  Orders  were  sent  to 
Trotzig  about  it,  who  engaged  a  vessel  and  bought  the  neces- 
sary merchandise  and  the  Queen  wrote  to  Governor  Printz  of 
the  plan,  instructing  him  to  sell  the  goods  to  the  best  advantage 
of  the  company.  In  February  a  "passport  [for  the  vessel]  to 
New  Sweden  "  was  sent  to  Trotzig  at  Amsterdam.  About  the 
middle  of  March  the  ship  was  ready  and  on  the  seventeenth  of 
the  month  Trotzig  wrote :"  I  together  with  .  .  .  Peter  Spiring 
will  give  Governor  Printz  good  and  necessary  advice,  [de- 
spatching all  documents]  with  our  ship,  which  is  being  sent  off." 
The  ship  was  either  lost  at  sea  or  something  prevented  its 
sailing  at  the  last  moment,  for  it  never  reached  New  Sweden. ^'^ 
But  the  preparations  for  a  new  journey  from  Sweden  were  con- 
tinued. Two  vessels  were  to  be  despatched  and,  as  only  one 
was  on  hand,  the  chancellor  ordered  Trotzig  to  acquire  a  new 
ship  for  the  company  to  be  used  on  this  voyage.  Shortly  after- 
wards the  Gyllene  Haj  "  with  full  rigging  "  was  purchased  for 
the  sum  of  3,400  R.D.  Large  quantities  of  goods,  costing 
9,928  D.  including  all  expenses,  were  also  bought  for  the  ex- 
pedition and  about  the  middle  of  March  Trotzig  went  to  the 

"  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XXIV, 

''In  the  beginning  of  1646  three  small  ships,  which  had  been  trading  in  New 
Sweden  the  previous  summer,  were  lying  in  the  harbor  at  Amsterdam,  ready  to 
return  to  the  South  River,  with  cargoes  for  the  Indian  trade.  They  paid  "  recog- 
nition "  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  Trotzig  to  Oxenstierna,  March  17, 
1646.      Ox.  Sam  I. 

"Queen  to  J.  Printz,  February  6,  1646  (R.R.)  ;  "Memorial,"  etc.,  for  Admiral 
Anckarhjelm,  February  28,  1646,  Am.  Reg.,  fol.  206  ff.  (F.A.).  Trotzig  to 
Oxenstierna,  March  17,  1646.      Ox.  Saml. 

It  is  of  course  possible,  but  not  probable,  that  the  skipper  never  went  to  New 
Sweden  but  sold  the  cargo  elsewhere  for  his  own  benefit.  The  Queen's  letter 
of  February  6,  1646,  did  not  reach  Printz  at  this  time.  He  did  not  hear  from 
Sweden  before  the  arrival  of  the  Gyllene  Haj. 


The  Seventh  Expedition.  255 

Hague  to  confer  with  Spiring  about  the  loading  of  the  vessel. 
Unfavorable  winds  delayed  the  ship  at  Amsterdam,  but  on 
March  17  (n.s.?)  Trotzig  wrote  that  the  ship  would  be  ready 
to  set  sail  for  Sweden  in  about  ten  days,  if  the  weather  was 
favorable.  Further  delays  were  occasioned,  however,  and  the 
ship  did  not  leave  Holland  until  April.^^  In  the  meantime 
cloth  and  other  goods  to  the  value  of  138  D.  were  purchased 
by  Kramer  in  Stockholm  and  sent  overland  to  Gothenburg  in  a 
sledge,  bought  for  that  purpose  by  the  company  so  as  to  save 
the  expense  of  loading  and  unloading  at  every  station,  where 
horses  had  to  be  changed. ^'^ 

As  indicated  above  it  was  the  intention  of  the  managers  of 
the  company  to  send  two  ships  to  the  colony  on  this  expedition,^^ 
and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  February  a  "memorial"  was 
despatched  to  Admiral  Anckarhjelm  at  Gothenburg,  Instructing 
him  to  make  the  Fama  ready  for  the  journey,^^  but  for  some 
reason  the  vessel  was  not  prepared. 2-  The  Gyllene  Haj  there- 
fore made  the  voyage  alone.  The  goods  secured  in  Sweden 
were  loaded  into  the  ship  and  she  was  prepared  for  her  long 
voyage  with  all  speed  by  Macklier  and  Anckarhjelm.  The 
total  cost  of  the  cargo  was  10,075  D.  and  it  consisted  of  5,835 
yds.  of  duffels,  200  adzes,  over  100  lbs.  of  corals,  397  axes, 
302  kettles,  774  knives,  432  thimbles,  29  tin  mugs,  144  tin 
pots,  24  horn  goblets,  504  horn  combs,  264  sharp  knives,  48 
gilded  brushes,    10,000   fish   hooks,   408   tobacco   boxes,   32 

"Trotzig  to  Oxenstierna,  March  17,  1646,  Ox.  Saml;  Journal,  nos.  531,  532, 

583,  etc. 

^^  Journal,  nos.  493,  496,  524,  583,  etc. 

^  In  her  letter  to  Printz  of  February  6,  1646,  the  Queen  says,  however,  that 
a  ship  (one  only)  would  be  sent  to  the  colony  in  the  spring.  Probably  it  was 
decided  to  despatch  two  vessels  when  it  was  found  that  goods  could  not  be  sent 
from  Holland  directly  to  New  Sweden.      Cf.  above. 

^  He  was  also  to  prepare  four  ships  for  an  expedition  to  Portugal  with  cargoes 
of  tar,  masts,  pitch,  iron,  etc.  The  original  plans  were  to  send  six  vessels  on  the 
expedition.  Salt  was  the  principal  import  to  Sweden  at  this  time  and  it  was 
thought  that  the  price  of  it  could  be  reduced  by  large  importations  from  Portugal. 
Sweden  had  a  representative  in  Portugal  at  this  time,  and  a  Portuguese  repre- 
sentative was  stationed  in  Sweden.  Am.  Reg.,  February  28,  1646,  RdJspr..  XI. 
276  ff.,  302  if.,  433  ff.      Cf.  above,  Chap.  II. 

^"Memorial,"  etc.,  to  M.  T.  Anckarhielm,  February  28,  1646,  Am.  Reg.,  fol. 
206  ff. 


256      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

musical  boxes,  18  gilded  mirrors,  96  plated  chains,  648  tin 
mirrors,  144  frame  mirrors,  72  silvered  chains,  96  copper 
chains,  48  English  caps,  and  a  great  variety  of  other  articles.^* 
No  special  efforts  seem  to  have  been  made  by  the  govern- 
ment to  obtain  colonists  for  this  journey.  In  August,  1645,  ^ 
certain  soldier  "  Peer  Olofsson  was  kept  prisoner  at  Smedje- 
garden  in  Stockholm."  On  the  fourteenth  of  August  Seved 
Baat  proposed  to  send  him  to  New  Sweden,  and  on  the  twentieth 
the  Queen  ordered  the  governor,  Knut  Posse,  to  keep  him  in 
prison  until  the  next  ship  sailed,  when  he  should  be  released 
and  sent  to  the  colony.^^  Besides  this  single  case,  I  have  found 
no  trace  of  colonists  on  this  expedition,  but  that  some  came  over 
on  the  Gyllene  Haj  can  be  inferred  from  the  report  of  Gover- 
nor Printz  made  in  1647.^^  ^^  May,  1646,  the  Haj  weighed 
anchor  and  set  sail  for  Christina  in  New  Sweden.  She  had  a 
stormy  voyage  and  did  not  arrive  in  the  colony  till  October  i, 
having  lost  her  sails,  topmasts  and  several  implements  and  being 
very  severely  used.  "The  master  of  the  ship,  the  mate  and  all 
the  crew,  except  one  man,  were  sick,  so  that  according  to  their 
report,  they  would  have  all  been  lost  if  they  had  not  reached 
land  when  they  did."  The  cargo  was  put  into  the  keeping  of 
the  factor,  but  part  of  it  was  found  to  be  ruined.  The  vessel 
was  not  repaired  until  December  and  the  sailors  were  long  in 
recovering.  The  return  voyage  was  further  delayed  by  the  ice 
in  the  river  and  the  departure  was  not  made  until  the  begin- 
ning of  March.  Printz  supplied  394:8  fl.  from  his  own 
means  for  the  victualling  of  the  ship ;  other  bills  were  charged 
to  the  company,  and  twelve  beaver  skins  were  given  to  Johan 
Papegoja  for  his  travelling  expenses.  One  hundred  and  one 
casks  of  tobacco,  containing  24,177  lbs.  were  shipped  to  Sweden 
on  the  Haj.^^ 

'^  Journal,  no.  583  flF.;  Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

^R.R.,  August  20,  1645  (R.A.)-  Per  Olofsson  seems  to  have  been  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  Council  of  War,  but  he  was  pardoned  for  special  reasons. 
Rddspr.,  XL  159. 

*  See  below,  Chap.  XXXH. 

*•  Printz'  Report,  1647;  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Journal,  nos.  583,  590,  603,  etc.  N.S., 
L  and  HL  (R.A.,  K.A.). 


The  Seventh  Expedition.  257 

The  circumstances  of  the  return  voyage  are  unknown.  The 
ship  was  expected  to  arrive  at  Gothenburg  in  the  early  spring, 
for  on  March  29  eight  hundred  D.  were  provided  for  paying  the 
salaries  of  the  returning  officers  and  sailors,  but  it  seems  that  the 
Haj  did  not  reach  port  until  June,  and  the  men  were  not  paid 
until  the  end  of  the  month. ^'  The  ship  remained  in  the  harbor 
for  some  weeks.  One  cask  of  tobacco  was  unloaded  at  Gothen- 
burg, for  the  supply  of  the  factor,  but  certain  goods  belonging  to 
city  merchants  were  put  on  the  vessel  for  transportation  to  the 
capital. ^^  In  the  autumn  the  Gyllene  Haj  sailed  for  Stockholm, 
and  in  November  Bonnell  paid  15  D.  for  the  bringing  of  one 
hundred  casks  of  tobacco  from  the  harbor  to  the  company's 
storehouse. ^^  The  returning  sailors  and  servants  were  paid 
part  of  their  wages,  but  difficulties  arose  about  the  payment  of 
Rev.  Fluviander  and  Papegoja,  since  they  were  not  placed  on 
the  budget.^*^ 

^''Journal,  nos.  590,  610  ff.  Over  1,457  R-D.  were  paid  to  the  sailors  and 
officers  on  the  Haj  in  the  beginning  of  July. 

^60:25  D.  were  charged  for  freight  money  by  the  company.     Journal,  no.  659. 

'^Journal,  no.  658. 

^  Cf.  below.      Beier  to  Oxenstierna,  July  29,  August  12,  1647. 


18 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

The  Eighth  Expedition,  i  647-1 648. 

Printz  prepared  a  list  of  articles  needed  In  the  colony  when 
the  Haj  returned  In  1647.  ^^t  already  In  November  the  pre- 
vious year  Trotzig  was  instructed  by  the  chancellor  to  order 
"150  pieces  of  broad  frieze"  to  be  made  at  Kampen^  for 
the  Indian  trade  and  to  buy  kettles,  axes,  adzes  and  various 
other  articles,  and  since  the  crops  In  New  Sweden  largely  failed 
in  1646,  he  purchased  a  quantity  of  rye  and  had  it  ground  into 
flour  and  packed  into  barrels  for  the  need  of  the  colony. 
Kramer  bought  goods  In  Stockholm  for  several  hundred  D. 
and  Macklier  In  Gothenburg  secured  one  hogshead  of  wine,  48 
barrels  of  "ships-beer,"  4  barrels  of  "good  beer,"  and  other 
necessary  provisions  for  a  new  journey. 

In  the  spring  of  1647  it  was  proposed  to  fit  out  the  Fama 
for  this  expedition,  but  the  ship  was  found  to  be  old  and  incap- 
able of  making  the  journey  and  the  Swan  was  selected  instead. 
In  the  early  summer  Beier  and  Kramer  were  busy  in  Stockholm 
preparing  the  ship  and  in  July  the  former  wrote  to  the  chancel- 
lor that  all  diligence  would  be  used,  so  that  the  ship  could  leave 
the  capital  at  the  end  of  July  and  set  sail  from  Gothenburg  at 
the  latest  In  the  beginning  of  September. 

On  August  12  Beier  reported  that  the  Swan  had  gone  to  sea. 
It  probably  arrived  in  Gothenburg  towards  the  end  of  the 
month. ^  In  the  meantime  the  goods  secured  In  Holland  were 
taken  to  Sweden  by  skipper  Harry  RInckes,  and  placed  in  the 
care  of  Hans  Macklier.  Among  the  articles  mentioned  on  this 
expedition  for  the  use  of  the  colony  and  the  trade  with  the 

^  A  town  on  the  Yssel  near  its  mouth  in  the  Zuyder  Zee. 

'Trotzig  to  Oxenstierna,  January  26,  1647;  Beier  to  Oxenstierna,  July  14, 
August  12,  1647.  Ox.  Saml.  Till  Cap.  Jan  Jansson  och  Claes  Corn.  Loos, 
April  14,  1647.  Am.  Reg.,  fol.  243-3  (Flot.  Ar.).  Journal,  nos.  626,  633,  S^Sr 
637,  650-1.      Bill  sent  in  by  Trotzig,  May  11,   1647.      Soderk.,   1637-59    (R.A.). 

258 


The  Eighth  Expedition.  259 

Indians  are  broad-axes,  hatchets,  adzes,  door-locks;  **  a  large 
copper  brewing  kettle  "  of  four  barrels  capacity,  weighing  nine 
lispund^  valued  at  133:12  D.s.m.,  74  bars  of  iron,  600  lb.  of 
steel,  2  casks  of  "  dantziger  window  panes,"  a  piece  of  lead 
weighing  about  450  lbs.,  glass-blower's  outfit,  "  a  diamond 
point,"  several  hundred  yds.  of  wadmal,  stockings,  iron  articles 
from  Niimberg,  and  a  variety  of  other  things,  the  entire  cost 
of  the  cargo  being  1 1,964  D,^ 

The  government  was  to  pay  for  the  fitting  out  of  the  ship, 
the  wages  of  the  sailors  and  all  other  necessary  expenses.  But  it 
seems  that  the  Admiralty  had  no  money  in  hand.  Beier  com- 
plained that  the  company  had  to  borrow  1,500  R.D.  for  current 
expenses  and  1,236  R.D.  were  paid  to  the  sailors  and  846  R.D. 
for  provisions  for  the  ship  on  behalf  of  the  Admiralty.^ 

It  seems  that  Papegoja  was  instructed  to  collect  colonists  and 
hire  servants  and  soldiers,  for  in  September  the  chancellor  re- 
quested Governor  Nils  Andersson  to  aid  him  in  securing  some 
"  men  and  women  "  for  the  journey,®  but  little  was  done  in  the 
matter,  for  but  few  colonists  came  here  on  this  expedition.  The 
freemen  fared  well  in  the  settlement  and  liked  the  country,  and 
they  perhaps  wrote  letters  to  friends  and  relatives  at  home, 
asking  them  to  come  over,  but  there  was  a  dread  of  going  to 
New  Sweden,'''  and  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  very  large 

^A  Hspund  =  i8  lbs.,  12  ozs.  Hence  the  kettle  weighed  168  lbs.,  12  ozs.  A 
"  skllpund  "  or  "  svenskt  pund"  =  425  kg.;  while  a  pound  avoirdupois  =  454  kg. 
Hence  a  Swedish  pound  is  425/454  of  an  English  pound  (or  avoird.).  See 
Svensk-Eng.  Ordbok,  by  Bjorkman,  p.  662,  under  lispund,  and  p.  986,  under 
skalpund.  It  has  been  stated  that  a  Swedish  pound  equals  20  English  pounds. 
In  a  Mss.  in  the  Hist.  Society  of  Pa.  pertaining  to  several  unpublished  documents 
the  same  mistake  is  made.  See  Mss.  on  New  Sweden.  A  Swedish  lispund  equals 
20  Swedish  pounds  and  a  Swedish  pound  is  less  than  the  English  as  stated  above. 
(?f.  above.  Chap.  VI. 

*  See  Journal,  nos.  597,  636  (August  14,  1647),  679  (March  24,  1648),  575,. 
705.  Report,  1647,  February  20,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  translated  in  Penn.  Mag.,  VII. 
271  ff. 

"Beier's  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  August  12,  1647.  Statement  fr.  1647,  Soderk., 
1637-59  (R-A.),  Journal,  626,  629,  633,  635,  637,  651.  Kramer  paid  many  of 
the  sailors  part  of  their  wages  and  bought  some  of  the  goods. 

°  Oxenstierna  to  Landsh.  Nils  Andersson,  September  7,  1647  (concept.).  Ox^ 
Saml.   (R.A.). 

'See  letter  from  Lars  Kagg  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  July  i,  1648.  Oxenstiernas 
Skrifter,  2,  XI,  684. 


26o      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

number  of  settlers  would  emigrate  to  the  colony  of  their  own 
free  will  in  1647.  None  (except  Rev,  Lock)  are  mentioned  in 
the  list  of  1648  as  coming  on  this  ship,  and  those  who  arrived 
had  perhaps  been  in  the  colony  before.^  Johan  Papegoja  re- 
turned to  Christina  and  Rev.  Lars  Karlsson  Lock  came  here  on 
the  Sivan.^  A  barber-surgeon,  Mr.  Friedrick  Hans  Kock,  was 
likewise  engaged  to  go  to  New  Sweden  on  this  expedition  and 
his  medicine  cases  were  fitted  out  and  medicine  was  bought,  on 
Hans  Janeke's  memorial,  to  the  value  of  83  R.D.^^ 

This  expedition  was  prepared  in  less  time  than  usual  and  the 
ship  was  ready  towards  the  end  of  September,  and  on  the 
twenty-fifth  she  set  sail.^^  Of  the  journey  across  the  Atlantic 
little  is  known,  but  the  vessel  arrived  safely  at  Fort  Christina 
probably  in  the  beginning  of  1648^-  and  its  cargo  was  carried 
into  the  storehouse. 

"The  following  account  goes  to  prove  that  some  freemen  and  servants  were 
on  the  ship  in  1647-8. 

"  Die  General  Handels  Conto  der  Compagnia  De  Nova  Svecia  vor  folgende 
viures  so  zu  denen  passagiers  ihre  Notturft  auff  der  Reysse  ist  genomen  worden  als, 

6       thon  Erbssen  335^  R.D.  betregdt R.D.  21. 

5       thon  griitze  a  4^/2  R.D R.D.  23 :24 

lYz  thon  butter  iiber  i  lis.  lb.  a  16  R.D R.D.  25. 

3       thon  saltz  Fisch  a  R.D R.D.  15. 

3       thon  Fleisch  a  7  R.D R.D.  21. 

i^  Ahm  fransch  Brandtewein  a  44  R.D.  betregdt R.D.  55. 

I       Ahm  Wein  Essigh  vor R.D.  10. 

Vor  leddige  Brodt-thonnen R.D.     2 :24 

Vor  Brodt  zahlt D.  99. 

20     thonnen  Schif sbier  a  4  D D.  80. 

Accijs  von  dito  Bier D.     2 126  48 :23 

R.D.  220:23" 
Journal,  no.  650. 

'  Sprinchorn  is  mistaken  in  stating  that  Rev.  Fluviander  came  here  on  this 
ship.     Sprinchorn,  p.  29.     Cf.  below. 

"  Rev.  Lock  or  Lok  was  paid  102  D.  by  Macklier  before  he  left.  Kock  re- 
turned to  Europe  with  the  ship  in  1648  and  did  not  remain  in  New  Sweden. 
Journal,  nos.  632,  654,  711. 

"On  September  24,  Papegoja  received  "several  articles"  before  his  departure. 
On  October  4  Kramer  writes  that  Rev.  Lok  "  ist  iibergefahren."  Journal,  no. 
654,  711. 

"  Under  date  of  January  2,  1648,  Kramer  entered  in  the  Journal  that  the 
ship  had  arrived  in  New  Sweden.     Journal,  no.  671. 


The  Eighth  Expedition.  261 

In  the  early  spring  preparations  were  made  for  the  return 
of  the  ship  and  a  valuable  cargo  of  skins  was  sent  to  Sweden. 
The  vessel  left  Fort  Elfsborg  on  May  16;  on  the  nineteenth 
she  passed  Cape  Henlopen  and  made  for  the  open  sea.  In  less 
than  a  month  she  had  crossed  the  Atlantic  and  on  the  thirteenth 
of  June  Plymouth  was  in  sight.  On  the  seventeenth  of  the 
same  month  the  passengers  could  discern  Jutland  and  the  Scan- 
dinavian shores.  The  ship  does  not  seem  to  have  entered 
Gothenburg  harbor,  but  proceeded  to  Stockholm,  where  she 
arrived  on  July  3.^^  The  Rev.  Campanius,  Mans  Kling,  the 
blacksmith  Hans  Rosback,  Trumpeter  Erick  Andersson,  the 
nobleman  Knut  Liljehok,  four  soldiers,  at  least  a  laborer  and  a 
freeman,  who  returned  to  Sweden  on  the  ship,  were  paid  the 
greater  part  of  their  wages  by  Johan  Beier.^^  Money  was 
never  sent  to  New  Sweden,  and  hence  the  salaries  of  the  officers 
and  the  wages  of  the  garrison  in  the  forts  were  not  paid  at  regu- 
lar intervals  as  the  budget  called  for. 

In  1648  Mans  Kling  brought  over  to  Sweden  the  journals, 
account  books  and  salary  rolls,  which  were  kept  here  from 
February,  1643,  until  March,  1648.  They  were  delivered  to 
the  bookkeeper,  Hans  Kramer,  who  copied  them  into  his  official 
books  and  made  a  new  inventory  of  the  assets  and  liabilities  of 
the  company.     From  the  balance  sheets^^  of  the  accounts  of  De- 

"^ff.  B.,  1643-8.  See  "  De  iiinere,"  etc.,  of  Campanius,  Rdl.  Saml.,  fol. 
20I,  Kung.  Bib.;  Holm,  p.  72  (trans.).  Sprinchorn  says  that  "On  May  16, 
1648,  the  ship  the  Sivan  was  again  despatched  from  the  colony,  which  after  a 
wonderfully  short  journey  of  30  da3's  arrived  at  Helsingor,"  and  quotes  a  letter 
to  Beier  of  June  30,  1648,  as  his  authority.  He  does  not  indicate  where  the 
letter  is  to  be  found  and  I  have  been  unable  to  locate  it.  At  any  rate  the  state- 
ment about  the  30  days  is  slightly  inaccurate  for  the  ship  did  not  arrive  at 
Helsingor  before  June  19.    Cf.  above. 

^*  Journal,  nos.  717,  724,  etc.,  and  "  Nachst.  Person  .  .  .  mit  dem  Schwaen," 
etc.,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

'°  General  Balance,  December  31,  1647. 

Debits. 

D.  Bre. 

The  late  Clas  Fleming 227         2ij4 

The  late  Riksdrots 2,100 

The  Lord  High  Chancellor  (A.  Oxenstierna) 820  6 


262      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

cember  31,  1647,  when  the  annual  balance  was  made,  It  was 
found  that  the  company  had  lost  9,288:183^  D.,  and  the  new 
statement  or  inventory  was  as  follows : 

Liabilities. 

R.D.  St. 

Loss  according  to  the  balance  of  the  books  in  December,  164.7.  •  •  •  6,192  iSVz 

The  cargo  sent  to  New  Sweden  on  the  Gyllene  Haj  (1646) 6,717  4 

The  cargo  sent  to  New  Sweden  on  the  Sivan  (in  1647) 7)964  13 

Merchandise  bought  by  Printz  and   paid   for  by  a   draft  which 

Peter  Trotzig  accepted  in  Holland 1,000 

Governor  Printz  for  moneys  paid  to  the  colonists  and  servants  in 

New  Sweden  from  his  own  means 8,724  23^^ 

The  servants  of  the  company  in  New  Sweden  for  their  wages...  10,733           * 


Assets. 


41.331 

R.D. 


Per  inventory  of  merchandise  in  New  Sweden  ac- 
cording to  the  books  sent  over  to  Stockholm  16,000  florins 

Debts  to  several  persons 5,336  :i         florins 

Balance    10,663:19       florins 

Or  in  R.D 4.262        28 

The  servants  and  freemen  in   New   Sweden   are  indebted  to  the 

company  to  the   amount  of 2,305         15 

The  cargo  of  the  Sivan  was  not  entered  into  the  books  sent  to 
Stockholm  and  is  hence  entered  at  the  value  for  which  it 
was    bought 7,964         13 

The  One  Hundred  hogsheads  of  tobacco,  which  were  shipped  over 

on  the  Gyllene  Haj  are  estimated  at 4,000 

The  cargo,  brought  to  Sweden  on  the  S-zcan,  consisting  of   1,232 

beaver  skins  and  64  otter  skins  valued  at 3, 400 

The  tobacco  excise  and  one  third  of  the  confiscated  tobacco  which 
the  Crown  has  appropriated  for  the  paying  of  the  salaries  of 
the  servants  entered  on  the  budget  of  the  government 10,000 

Loss  on  the  trade  of  the  company  until  March  i,  1648 9,399  4 


41,331         12 

It  Is  thus  clear  that  the  finances  of  the  company  were  not  In 
the  best  condition.     The  tobacco  excise  had  been  set  aside  for 

Major  Richard  Clerck 83  24 

The  Ship  yard  at  Vastervik 465  ii^A 

Hans   Neuman   and  Robert  Smith 711  6% 

Robert  Smith 1,111  14^ 

Tobacco  charged  to  Hendrick  Huygen   144 

The  Tobacco  excise 15,156  31^ 

Cargo  sent  over  on  the  ship  Gyllene  Haj 10,075  20 

Capt.  B.   Hermansson   Hopp 457  16 

"To  reduce  to  D.  multiply  by  1%. 


The  Eighth  Expedition.  263 

the  paying  of  the  soldiers  and  officers  in  the  colony,  but  this 
amounted  to  only  about  half  the  budget  for  each  year,  and  even 
most  of  this  money  was  used  by  the  government  for  the  repair 
of  the  royal  palace  at  Stockholm. ^''^  The  only  payment  made  to 
the  company's  treasurer  by  the  custom  authorities  before  1648 
seems  to  have  been  on  July  17,  1645,  when  the  secretary, 
Johan  Ericksson,  paid  1,000  D.  to  Beier  from  the  tobacco 
excise. ^^  Complaints  were  made,  and  in  January,  1648,  the 
Queen  resolved  that  this  excise  money  should  be  turned  over 
to  the  New  Sweden  Company,  and,  since  the  sum  was  not  suffi- 

The  Royal  Admiralty 10,997  4^ 

Articles  sent  over  for  the  need  of  the  country 462  23 

Jacob  Heffner,  mayor  at  Borga 164  izYz 

Benjamin  Bonnell  on  account  of  tobacco  sold 24,390  29^ 

Secretary   Johan    Beier 793  23 

Governor   Johan   Printz 862  24 

The  ship   Gyllene  Haj 3,416  27 

Cargo  sent  to  New  Sweden  on  the  ship  Sivan 11.946  13 

Lieut.  Johan  Papegoja ?  4 

The  extraordinary  budget  of  those   serving   the    Crown   in    New 

Sweden    1,680 

Lost  until  December  31,  1647 9,288  18V2 

95.357         10^ 

Credits. 

D.  ore. 

Her  Royal  Majesty  and  the  Crown 5,621         10 

Peter   Spiring   Silfverkrona 118         14 

Peter  Trotzig  in  Amsterdam 934        22 

The  budget  of  the  servants  of  the  Crown  in  New  Sweden 16,136         26 

The  capital  of  the  Crown  in  the  New  Sweden  Company 9,000 

The  capital  of  the  Old  [South]  Ship  Company  in  the  N.  S.  C 27,000 

The  capital  of  the  late  Riksdrots 4iSoo 

The  capital  of  the  Lord  High  Chancellor 4.500 

The  capital  of  the  late  Clas  Fleming 2,250 

The  capital  of  Peter  Spiring  Silfverkrona 4,Soo 

The  ammunition  account  of  the  Crown 1,583  3 

The  Old  [South]  Ship  Company 19,212         31^ 

95.557         xo^ 

"Fires  damaged  the  Palace  in  1642  and  1646.  See  Dalgren,  Stockholm,  II. 
14;  Uppmark,  p.  96.  "Most  of  the  excise  for  the  years  1641,  1642,  1643,  1644 
and  1645  was  used  for  other  purposes  and  especially  for  "  Slottsbyggningarne  hdr 
i  Stockholm"  R.R.,  January  20,  1648.     Journal,  no.  672. 

^^  Journal,  no.  513. 


264      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

cient  to  balance  the  amount  the  budget  called  for,  the  Queen 
further  ordered  that  the  one  third  of  the  confiscated  tobacco 
and  fines,  which  by  former  ordinances  were  to  be  paid  into  the 
state  treasury,  should  also  be  turned  over  to  the  company. 
From  the  beginning  of  1643  until  the  end  of  1647,  one  third 
of  the  confiscated  tobacco  and  fines  collected  for  the  Crown 
amounted  to  8,764  D.  and  this  sum  was  now  placed  to  the 
credit  of  the  company.^**  In  case  the  amount  derived  from  these 
three  sources,  the  excise,  the  confiscated  tobacco  and  the  fines, 
was  still  insufficient  to  cover  the  amount  of  the  budget,  the 
deficit  should  be  supplied  by  the  state  treasury  and  any  surplus 
that  might  accrue  should  be  handed  over  to  the  government 
according  to  the  annual  accounts  presented  by  Hans  Kramer, 
the  company's  bookkeeper. 

In  1648  two  thirds  of  the  confiscated  tobacco  and  fines  (the 
Crown's  and  the  company's  parts)  amounted  to  4,097  D.  ex- 
clusive of  the  excise,  or  169  D.  more  than  the  budget  called 
for,  but  in  1649  this  sum  had  fallen  to  802  D,,  which,  in- 
cluding the  excise  on  21,6235^  lbs.  of  tobacco,  footed  up  to 
only  2,154  D.,  or  1,774  D.  less  than  the  amount  specified 
in  the  budget.  When  the  restrictions  on  the  importation  of 
tobacco  were  removed  (in  November,  1649)  there  were,  of 
course,  no  fines  nor  confiscations  and  the  budget  was  from  then 

"The  itemized  account  is  as  follows: 

In  A".  1643  und  in  der  Partita  282  in  diessem  Buch  ist  die  Crohne 
Creditiert  vor  ihr  Ys  part  des  Confiscirten  Tobacks  vor  die 

Surama  von R.D.  1,083  :i9V^ 

In  A°.   1644  und   in   der  Partita   373   vor  den   in   Gothenburgh 

geconfiscirten  Toback   als R.D.      115:32 

Noch  in  der  Partita  392  vor  den  alhie  in  Stockholm  berechneten 

confiscirten  Tobacks  nemblick R.D.  1,339  •  S^/2 

In  A".  1645   l^ut  der  Partita   425   vor R.D.      55043 

Item  laut   der  Partita   516   vor R.D.  1,427:23 

Noch   laut  der  Partita   518   vor R.D.      141 132^^  R.D.  2,120:  2^4 

In  A".  1646  und  in  der  Partita  582  vor R.D.      597:10^^ 

In  A*.  1647  und  in  der  Partita  668  vor R.D.      587:12 

Summa R.D.  5,842 :34 

Seiche  5,842  R.D.  34  st.  betragen  an  Silbermuntz  8,764  D.  2  ore.  Journal,  nos. 
282,  373,  425,  582,  668,  672,  etc. 


The  Eighth  Expedition.  265 

on  annually  charged  to  the  Crown,  "  to  be  paid  by  other  means  " 
than  the  above,  until  1654,  when  a  new  budget  was  made.^*^ 

Some  difficulty  had  been  encountered  by  the  company  in  the 
preparations  of  some  of  its  expeditions.  Duty  was  demanded 
on  articles  bought  in  Holland  for  New  Sweden,  on  their  arrival 
at  Gothenburg,  and  the  company  could  show  no  privileges  or 
ordinances  relieving  it  from  paying  the  duty.  To  make  the 
case  clear  the  Queen  repeated  and  amplified  the  principle,  which 
had  been  adhered  to,  as  we  have  seen,  for  some  years,  that  all 
goods  sent  from  Holland  to  Gothenburg  for  further  transpor- 
tation to  the  colony  and  skins  and  tobacco  coming  from  New 
Sweden  should  be  free  of  duty,  but  all  tobacco  imported  from 
Holland  should  be  subject  to  duty.-^ 

*"  See  Journal,  nos.  739,  779,  782,  886-9,  980,  1037,  1084,  1169.  The  budget 
called  for  4530  D.,  but  602  D.  were  provided  for  by  rents  in  Osterbotten,  cf. 
below,  Chap.  XXXVIII. 

'"R.R.,  January  20,  1648,  fol.  60-2.  The  ordinance  is  not  printed  by  Acrelius, 
as  stated  in  Sprinchorn,  p.  30,  note  i. 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 

The  Ninth  Expedition,  i 649-1 673. 
I. 

Letters  from  New  Sweden  were  read  in  session  of  council 
on  the  sixth  of  April,  1648.  Printz  asked  for  more  colonists 
and  goods,  and  in  the  summer  came  a  letter  from  Papegoja 
with  the  Swan,  also  suing  for  reinforcements  and  requesting  that 
he  be  allowed  to  return  to  Sweden  unless  ships  and  people 
should  be  sent  soon.^  As  a  result  of  these  reports  and  letters 
the  '*  directors  "^  of  the  company  seem  to  have  had  meetings 
and  decided  to  send  out  another  expedition.  In  the  summer  and 
autumn  Trotzig  was  ordered,  perhaps  by  Oxenstierna,  to  buy 
goods  in  Holland  for  provisions  on  the  journey  and  for  trade  in 
the  colony.^  Besides  Trotzig,  Macklier,  Kramer,  Bonnell  and 
Vice-Admiral  Anckarhjelm  took  an  active  part  in  the  prepara- 
tions. Early  in  1649  ^he  "directors"  requested  the  govern- 
ment to  fit  out  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  for  the  voyage  and  on  the 
twenty-fourth  of  March  the  Queen  commanded  the  Admiralty 
to  prepare  the  ship  so  that  she  could  set  sail  for  New  Sweden 
at  the  earliest  opportunity  with  the  cargo  which  the  company 
had  in  readiness  at  Gothenburg.  The  ship  should  be  manned 
with  soldiers  and  ten  guns  and  supplied  with  provisions  for  ten 
months.  The  *'  directors  "  requested  that  the  Admiralty  should 
fit  out  the  vessel  and  pay  all  the  salaries  of  the  sailors  and 
officers  of  the  ship,  since  this  branch  of  the  government  was  in 
arrears  to  the  company  for  several  thousand  Daler  in  1649. 
But  the  Kalmar  Nyckel  was  now  an  old  ship  and  the  Admiralty 

^  Rddspr.  Mss.,  p.  80  (R.A.).  Papegoja's  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  May  15, 
1648.      Ox.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

"In  the  Queen's  letter  of  April  13,  1649,  the  term  "directors  of  the  com- 
pany "  is  used  in  a  loose  way.  By  directors  must  be  meant  the  officers  of  the 
company,  Kramer,  Bonnell,  Beier  and  perhaps  Oxenstierna. 

^  See  Journal,  no.  765.  In  December,  1648,  goods  to  the  value  of  5,163:13  D. 
were  sent  by  Trotzig  to  Gothenburg  by  skipper  Jan  Theiussen. 

266 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  267 

reported  that  she  was  not  In  condition  to  make  such  a  voyage 
without  great  repairs.  Accordingly  the  Queen  ordered  that 
another  ship  be  prepared  as  soon  as  possible,  either  from  among 
the  vessels  at  Gothenburg  or  those  at  Stockholm.^  Kattan^ 
was  at  last  selected  for  the  journey,  but  it  was  found  that  she 
must  also  be  repaired,  and  on  May  18  Anckarhjelm  was  ordered 
to  "  careen  "  the  ship  and  put  her  in  sea-faring  condition  for 
"the  journey  to  Virginia."^ 

A  considerable  number  of  colonists  went  with  this  expedition, 
and  freemen  that  were  desirous  of  trying  their  fortunes  in 
America  appear  to  have  been  numerous.  In  the  Royal  Archives 
are  found  two  letters  written  by  one  "  Mats  Ericksson  from 
Varmland  "^  on  behalf  of  200  Finns  who  wished  to  go  to  New 
Sweden,^  and  in  the  minutes  of  the  council  of  June  12,  1649, 
it  is  stated  that  a  petition  had  been  presented  by  "30o(?) 
Finns  requesting  Her  Royal  Majesty  to  send  them  to  New 
Sweden  for  the  cultivation  of  the  country."  The  Queen  thought 
it  strange  that  they  should  ask  for  such  permission  "  as  there 
was  enough  land  to  be  had  in  Sweden,"  and  it  is  not  known 
whether  or  not  the  permission  was  granted,  but  it  is  probable 
that  some  of  them  went  on  this  expedition.^  It  seems  likely 
that  one  or  two  colonists  from  Finland  went  on  this  expedition. 
In  the  autumn  of  1647  (but  too  late  for  the  Seventh  Expedi- 
tion) the  Royal  Court  at  Abo  made  inquiries  concerning  two 
men  who  had  killed  a  number  of  elks.  One,  Israel  Pedersson 
from  Odkarby,  was  a  man  without  property  and  the  Queen 
ordered  him  to  be  sent  to  America.  The  other,  Anders  Mickels- 
son,  a  sailor  from  Aland,  was  to  have  his  property  confiscated. 
In  case  he  had  no  property  he  was  to  be  sent  to  the  colony.^*^ 

*R.R.,  March  24,  April  13,  1649,  fol.  735. 

'  Katt,  The  Cat, — an  is  the  Swedish  definite  article. 

'^ Am.  Reg.,  May  18,  fol.  257-258,  1649  (F.A.).  There  is  a  mistake  in  the 
index  to  the  Reg.     The  index  has  May  19  and  page  263. 

'  A  province  in  southwestern  Sweden,  bordering  on  Norway. 

*  Ericksson's  Letters  to  A.  Oxenstierna.  (No  date,  but  probably  in  the  summer 
of  1649.)  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  If  they  were  not  allowed  to  settle  in  New  Sweden 
they  would  likely  go  over  to  Denmark,  he  thought. 

' Rddspr.  Mss.,  R.A.     Cf.  Carlson,  Hist.,  I.  390,  note. 

^^  Tidningar,  IX.  236    (September  15,  1647). 


268      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

New  Sweden,  however,  was  still  looked  upon  as  an  unde- 
sirable place  for  soldiers  and  officers  in  the  employ  of  the 
Crown.  In  July,  1648,  Lars  Kagg  writes  to  Chancellor  Oxen- 
stierna  that  300  men  of  Skytte's  regiment  had  remained  at 
home  out  of  stubbornness.  They  ought  to  be  punished,  he 
thought,  in  order  to  set  an  example  to  others,  "  and  as  one 
finds,"  he  said,  "  that  they  have  a  great  dread  of  New  Sweden 
it  would  be  profitable  that  a  part  [of  them],  when  a  ship  sails 
over,  be  brought  there. "^^  It  is  hkely  that  a  number  of  these 
drafted  soldiers  were  sent  over.  More  than  70  colonists,  in- 
cluding many  women,  seem  to  have  been  secured.  Among  the 
more  prominent  colonists  were  the  Rev.  Matthias  Nertunius, 
the  bookkeeper  Joachimus  Lycke  (with  family),  the  barber- 
surgeon  Timon  Stidden,  Johan  Rudberus,  Hans  Persson  and 
Hans  Amundsson  (with  family).  Several  of  the  emigrants 
were  sent  from  Stockholm  to  Gothenburg  on  the  ship  Gdsen; 
the  rest  most  likely  assembled  at  Gothenburg.  Hans  Amunds- 
son was  sent  to  the  colony  in  the  capacity  of  a  commander, 
Cornelius  Lucifer  was  captain  on  the  vessel  and  Jan  Jansson 
Bockhorn  was  mate. 

After,  as  it  would  seem,  much  unnecessary  delay,  the  goods 
were  finally  loaded  into  the  ship.  In  the  list  of  articles  bought 
by  Trotzig  in  Holland  and  now  put  on  the  ship  we  find  4,948 
yards  of  cloth;  224  copper  kettles;  160  pairs  of  shoes;  300  axes 
and  various  other  articles,  the  whole  cargo  being  valued  at 
5,215.29  D.  Cannon  and  large  quantities  of  ammunition,  accord- 
ing to  the  lists  and  specifications  of  Governor  Printz,  were  also 
put  on  board.  Provisions  to  the  value  of  several  thousand  D., 
estimated  for  twelve  months,  were  secured  by  Admiral  Anckar- 
hjelm,  who  also  paid  the  six  officers  and  twenty-four  sailors 
on  the  ship  some  money  in  advance,  while  ten  R.D.  were  given 
to  each  of  41  colonists  for  the  expenses  connected  with  the 
journey. ^^     Several  items  of  expense  are  mentioned  in  connec- 

"  Lars  Kagg  to  A.  Oxenstierna.      Oxenstierna  Skrifter.,  2,  IX.  684. 

'^Receipt  given  by  C.  Lucifer;  "  Aufs.  und  Berech.,"  etc.,  1649,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 
Journal,  nos.  8ii,  816,  827-34,  841-47,  869  ff.  "  Rulla,"  etc.,  July  3,  1649,  N.S., 
II.  (R.A.)  ;  "Rack.  up.  Ex.  med.  Kattan,"  etc.,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ;  "  Lista  oppa  thet 
siofolk,"  etc.,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  269 

tion  with  the  loading  of  the  ship  and  the  delay  in  sailing  caused 
further  outlay  of  money. 

The  ship  was  ready  to  sail  on  Sunday,  July  2,  1649,  "but 
some  hindrance  occurred."  On  the  following  day,  however, 
she  set  sail  with  a  favorable  northwest  wind,  after  the  people 
had  been  reviewed  and  their  oath  of  allegiance  taken.  The 
course  led  close  by  England,  through  the  Spanish  Sea  and  "  the 
Eastern  Passage."  When  they  were  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Antigua,  the  captain  with  his  officers,  fearing  that  their  supply 
of  water  would  not  last  until  they  arrived  in  New  Sweden, 
decided  to  land  at  the  island  to  get  a  fresh  supply  of  water. 
No  fresh  water  could  be  obtained,  but  the  Swedes  were  treated 
very  kindly  by  the  English  governor.  From  Antigua  they  pro- 
ceeded to  St.  Christopher,  where  they  arrived  August  21.  Here 
they  secured  water  and  other  refreshments  and  were  again  re- 
ceived in  a  friendly  manner  by  the  governor  of  the  island. ^^ 
It  was  now  determined  to  go  to  the  island  of  St.  Martin  to  take 
some  lasts  of  salt  along  to  "  Virginien  "  (New  Sweden)  and  on 
the  twenty-second  of  August  they  anchored  in  the  harbor.  On 
Saturday  evening,  August  26,  the  salt  was  loaded  upon  the  ship 
and  everything  was  ready.  As  soon  as  the  captain  came  on 
board  he  commanded  the  sails  to  be  hoisted,  but  one  of  the 
servants  of  the  company  was  still  on  land  and  Amundsson  and 
the  other  officers  implored  him  not  to  leave  port  before  all  the 
people  were  on  the  ship.  In  the  night,  however,  when  Amunds- 
son had  gone  to  sleep,  the  captain  weighed  anchor  and  left  the 
harbor.  They  seem  to  have  sailed  all  that  night  and  the  next 
day  with  a  favorable  wind,  all  sails  being  set,  and  they  made 
good  time.  But  in  the  evening  they  came  into  dangerous  waters. 
About  two  o'clock  at  night  the  ship  received  a  shock  from  a 
cliff.  Amundsson  and  the  other  officers  anxiously  requested  the 
captain  to  lower  the  sails  and  bring  the  ship  to  a  standstill,  but 
he  simply  answered  "  It  will  all  pass  over."  The  ship  received 
another  shock,   however,   and   again   the  officers  clamorously 

^^Rudberus  says  in  his  journal:  "  St.  Christopher  is  a  large  country  and  on  both 
ends  of  the  land  live  Frenchmen." 


270      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

demanded  the  captain  to  lower  sail  and  proceed  no  further,  but 
he  said:  "I  am  well  acquainted  here,  it  will  all  pass  over."  A 
third  shock  was  felt  and  this  time  a  cliff  had  penetrated  the 
prow  and  the  ship  remained  stationary  on  a  rock.  In  the  hope 
that  she  might  loosen  and  float  they  threw  overboard  the  ballast, 
the  water  and  the  salt  secured  at  St.  Martin,  but  she  remained 
on  the  cliff.  As  day  approached  they  could  see  land  about  two 
Swedish  miles  away.^^  It  was  a  small  uninhabitated  island 
about  80  miles  from  Porto  Rico.  Thither  they  brought  the 
women  and  children  in  the  life  boats  as  soon  as  possible,  but 
the  sailors  still  tarried  on  the  ship.  In  the  meantime  a  storm 
arose,  and,  to  prevent  the  wind  from  breaking  the  ship  in 
two,  the  masts  were  cut  down  and  thrown  into  the  sea.  The 
sailors  remained  on  the  ship  that  day  and  the  following  night. 
The  next  morning  it  seems  that  the  life  boats  returned  from  the 
island  and  all  the  men  abandoned  the  vessel  and  joined  the 
women  on  shore,  after  the  provisions  had  also  been  removed 
from  the  ship.  But  they  "could  not  find  a  drop  of.  water"  on 
the  island.  "We  had  to  lick  the  stones  with  our  tongues," 
says  Rudberus,  "  but  could  not  secure  so  much  wet  for  eight  days 
that  we  could  quench  our  thirst." 

"On  Thursday  following,  which  was  August  31,"  a  small 
bark  passed  within  a  mile  or  two  of  the  island.  The  Swedes 
fired  two  distress  signals  for  help,  but  instead  of  helping  the 
sufferers  the  bark  sailed  to  Porto  Rico  to  relate  the  occurrence. 
Soon  after  two  Spanish  ships  were  sent  to  the  Swedes.  On 
arriving  the  Spaniards  asked  what  people  they  were  and  where 
they  came  from.  In  response  the  Swedish  pass  was  delivered. 
But  the  Spaniards  pretended  not  to  have  heard  of  Sweden  be- 
fore, and  challenged  the  unfortunate  people,  says  Rudberus,  to 
fight  or  surrender.  Water  and  other  refreshments  were  given 
them,  however,  and  the  Swedes  were  then  brought  on  board  of 
their  foundered  ship.  The  Spaniards  promised  Amundsson 
that  the  cargo  and  provisions  would  be  undisturbed,  but,  as 

"A  Swedish  mile  equaled  6.64  English  miles.  Hence  the  distance  to  the  land 
was  about  13  English  miles.      Cf.  above,  Chap.  VL 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  271 

soon  as  they  came  on  the  Swedish  ship,  they  took  everything 
they  could  get  at  and  brought  it  on  board  of  their  own  vessels. 
Not  being  content  with  this,  they  pulled  the  clothes  off  their 
victims,  men  and  women  alike,  to  seek  for  money  and  other 
valuables. 

On  September  i  the  ship  was  leaking  and  the  Swedes  were 
put  to  pumping  out  the  water.  Rev.  Nertunius  also  took  part 
in  the  pumping.  He  had  on  a  pair  of  old  trousers  and  carried 
some  money  in  his  stockings.  In  order  to  deceive  the  Spaniards 
and  make  them  believe  that  he  had  no  trousers  on,  he  let  his 
shirt  fall  outside  of  them  and  stood  in  this  manner  pumping 
water,  causing  merriment  among  the  other  Swedes.  When  the 
general  found  that  he  was  a  priest,  however,  he  gave  him  some 
clothes  and  a  cap,  "  but  yet  they  called  him  Papistam  perro 
Lutheran."  On  the  third  of  September  the  shipwrecked  people 
were  brought  to  the  city  of  Porto  Rico  on  board  the  Spanish 
ships.  On  arriving  in  the  city  they  were  led  to  the  market-place 
**  with  drums  and  pipes  and  great  noise,"  where  "  a  large  fire  was 
made  "  on  which  all  the  Swedish  books  were  burnt.  Amunds- 
son,  being  brought  to  the  governor,  complained  of  the  treat- 
ment they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  his  people.  Governor 
de  la  Riva  promised  that  the  Swedes  should  be  set  free,  but  the 
goods  taken  by  the  soldiers  could  not  be  restored.  He  assured 
the  Swedish  commandant,  however,  that,  had  he  been  present 
personally,  the  goods  would  not  have  been  taken  and  the  treat- 
ment accorded  the  Swedes  would  have  been  of  a  different  kind 
— a  rather  useless  assurance.  Amundsson  also  made  applica- 
tion to  the  governor  for  aid  and  was  given  24  R.D.  a  month, 
but  the  rest  of  the  people  were  compelled  to  make  their  living 
by  working  or  begging.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Swedes  found 
opportunity,  with  the  consent  of  the  governor,  to  dispatch 
letters  and  two  representatives,  Rev.  Nertunius  and  Joachimus 
Lycke,  to  Stockholm  to  report  their  condition  and  to  request 
the  government  to  send  a  vessel  for  their  aid. 

After   some  time   a    Dutch   captain,    Didrick   Didricksen,^^ 

^  "  An  old  and  entirely  white  man,  who  was  very  kind  to  us,"  says  Rudberus. 


272      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

arrived  at  Porto  Rico  with  his  ship  the  Prophet  Daniel,  loaded 
with  slaves.  The  Swedes  implored  him  to  release  them  from 
their  misery.  He  promised  them  passage  on  his  vessel,  either 
to  America  or  to  Holland,  but,  as  he  was  about  to  leave,  the 
governor  "made  a  prize  of  him,"  took  his  money  and  decided 
to  send  his  ship  to  the  King  of  Spain  as  a  gift.  The  Swedes 
then  obtained  permission  to  go  on  the  vessel  to  Spain.  A  pass- 
port was  prepared  for  them,  and  they  were  instructed  to  be  in 
readiness  for  the  sailing  of  the  ship.  On  the  governor's  assur- 
ance the  Swedes  assembled  on  the  shore  and  carried  their  pos- 
sessions to  the  pier.  But  as  they  were  ready  to  depart  the 
governor  was  ill.  He  issued  no  orders  and  the  city  council 
decided  to  allow  no  one  except  Amundsson  to  go  on  board. 
They  were  glad  to  see  him  leave,  it  meant  24  R.D.  less  expense 
a  month.  In  the  case  of  the  others,  however,  it  meant  addi- 
tional expense  and  outlay  if  they  should  be  permitted  to  go  on 
the  vessel  to  Spain,  for  they  must  be  fed  on  the  journey  and  the 
majority  were  destitute  of  means.  Perhaps  religious  motives 
also  influenced  the  council  to  detain  the  Swedes — there  was 
some  hope  of  converting  them  to  Catholicism  if  they  remained 
on  the  island,  but  if  they  returned  home  the  chance  of  conver- 
sion to  "  the  true  faith "  was  slight.  Amundsson  would  not 
leave,  however,  unless  his  people  were  allowed  to  go  with  him, 
but  he  was  compelled  to  remain  on  the  ship.  Soldiers  were 
ordered  to  bring  his  family  on  board,  "  and  left  us  with  great 
lamenting  and  cries  standing  on  the  shore,"  says  Rudberus. 

When  Amundsson  had  gone  the  other  Swedes  were  easier  to 
manage.  Some  of  them  had  already  turned  Catholics  and  now 
more  followed  their  example.  The  converts  were  promised 
great  things,  "clothes,  money  and  goods,"  but  when  they  had 
changed  their  faith  "  all  these  things  remained  only  promises." 
Among  them  was  an  old  farmer  from  Gothenburg,  who  seems 
to  have  taken  his  conversion  seriously.  He  was  very  happy 
after  his  baptism,  being  now  sure  that  he  had  been  truly 
baptized. 

As  time  went  on  other  colonists  found  means  for  leaving 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  27  3 

the  island,  and  in  April,  1650,  a  happy  opportunity  offered  itself 
for  the  rest  to  depart.  The  city  captured  a  little  bark,^«  which, 
with  the  permission  of  the  governor,  was  bought  by  Rudberus 
and  Joran  Dufva/^  The  other  Swedes,  still  remaining,  also 
obtained  leave  to  go  and  Rudberus  and  Dufva  readily  gave 
them  passage  on  their  ship.  The  governor  supplied  some  pro- 
visions and  issued  passports  for  them.  The  little  vessel  was 
soon  ready  to  depart  and  towards  the  end  of  April  or  beginning 
of  May^^  the  remnant  of  the  shipwrecked  Swedes  set  sail,  in  all 
twenty-four  souls.^^  Their  object  was  to  reach  St.  Christopher, 
whence  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  go  with  some  Hollanders, 
either  to  New  Sweden  or  old  Sweden.  After  sailing  that  day 
and  the  following  night  a  French  bark  met  them  near  the  island 
of  St.  Cruz  and  the  officers  went  on  board  the  Swedish  ship. 
The  Swedes  produced  a  copy  of  their  pass  from  Queen  Chris- 
tina and  the  one  given  them  by  the  Spanish  governor.  The 
Swedish  pass  was  greeted  with  derision  and  with  the  words 
"Diaboli[ca?]  Regina  de  Svedva  " — the  officer  tore  it  into 
pieces.  The  Spanish  pass  was  taken  and  preserved.  The 
Swedes  were  then  brought  to  land.  Their  property  was  divided 
among  the  French,  "and  they  fought  like  dogs  over  it."  If 
Rudberus'  account  be  true,  the  Swedes  were  submitted  to  the 
most  cruel  torture  at  the  hands  of  the  French.  They  were  all 
conducted  to  the  governor,  who  searched  their  clothes  for 
money  and  other  valuables.  In  order  to  intimidate  the  unfor- 
tunate people  and  for  his  own  amusement,  the  governor  caused 
some  of  the  Swedish  soldiers  to  be  bound  to  posts,  and  com- 
manded his  soldiers  to  discharge  four  shots  by  their  sides.    The 

'*  In  Johan  Jonsson  Rudberus'  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna  (only  a  copy,  however) 
it  is  stated  that  the  bark  had  been  made  a  prize.  In  his  journal  he  says  it 
belonged  to  the  city.  This  of  course  can  very  well  be  the  case,  as  it  would 
belong  to  the  city,  if  taken  as  a  prize,  but  the  peculiar  part  is  that  Rudberus  does 
not  mention  this  detail  in  his  journal. 

"  See  above. 

"  In  the  journal  Rudberus  says  April  24,  but  in  his  letter  he  says  May  i. 

"  In  Rudberus'  letter  it  is  stated  that  they  left  "  Porto  Rico  with  18  men  on  the 
first  of  May."  Sprinchorn  says  on  the  basis  of  this  that  there  were  "  18  per- 
sons," but  since  the  journal  says  "  24  persons  "  it  is  probable  that  there  were  18 
men  besides  the  women  and  children. 

19 


274      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

women,  who  were  kept  in  a  room  by  themselves,  "  cried  out 
aloud  and  wept  bitterly,  fearing  their  men  had  been  killed." 
Later  the  governor  caused  Rudberus,  Joran  Dufva,  one  An- 
dreas, and  the  mate  to  be  bound  with  their  hands  on  their  back 
and  suspended  on  hooks  about  a  yard  from  the  ground  for  two 
nights  and  two  days,  until  "  their  bodies  were  blue  and  the 
blood  pressed  out  of  the  fingers." 

"  Now,  our  women  and  boys  had  concealed  some  money  and 
pearls  down  in  the  ground,"  says  Rudberus,  "which  became 
known  to  the  French,  wherefore  they  tortured  and  tormented 
us  fearfully,  screwed  off  our  fingers  with  pistol  locks,  burnt  the 
feet  of  the  women  on  red-hot  iron  plates,  sold  us  all  away  in 
the  country,  the  one  here,  the  other  there,  .  .  .  and  forbade 
also  that  anyone  should  be  allowed  to  speak  to  the  other."^''  A 
certain  woman,  of  whom  the  governor  was  enamored,  was  killed 
by  his  command,  after  he  had  illicit  relations  with  her  against 
her  will,  and  other  atrocities  were  committed. 

In  the  meantime  a  Dutch  bark  arrived  at  St.  Cruz  to  get  a 
supply  of  fresh  water.  The  bark  was  made  a  prize  by  the 
French ;  but  later  it  was  returned  to  the  skipper  who  set  sail  for 
St.  Christopher.  At  the  time  two  brothers,  Johan  Classon  from 
Rotterdam  and  Anders  Classon  from  Amsterdam,  were  trading 
with  tobacco  at  the  island.  The  skipper  related  to  them  the 
miseries  of  the  Swedes  and  their  sufferings.  They  were  touched 
by  the  story  and  requested  permission  from  the  governor  to  go 
to  St.  Cruz  to  bring  away  the  imprisoned  Swedes.  The  gover- 
nor having  received  no  report  of  the  matter  doubted  the  story, 
but  he  granted  their  request  and  gave  them  a  passport  together 
with  an  order  for  the  release  of  the  prisoners,  if  they  should  be 
found.  One  of  the  brothers  provided  the  ship  and  the  other 
supplied  the  provisions  and  sailors.  When  they  arrived  at  St. 
Cruz  only  five  of  the  twenty-four  Swedes  were  still  alive,  Johan 

'^  The  facts  are  undoubtedly  colored  and  the  cruelties  are  likely  exaggerated. 
It  is  indeed  difficult  to  see  where  the  Swedes  obtained  their  "  money  and  pearls  " 
from.  Perhaps  the  story  is  a  fabrication.  In  1654  Lindestrom  and  Rising 
endeavored  to  find  out  the  facts  about  the  events,  and  Lindestrom  says  that  they 
were  all  true.      Geogr. 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  275 

Jonsson  Rudberus,  two  women  and  two  children.  The  two 
women  and  the  children  were  at  once  put  on  board  the  ship,  but 
Rudberus  had  been  sold  to  a  captain  for  500  lbs.  of  tobacco. 
He  managed  to  make  his  escape,  however,  through  the  aid  of  a 
German,  who  informed  the  Dutch  captain  of  his  whereabouts. 
Rudberus  was  brought  on  board  the  ship  at  night,  but  he  was 
discovered  by  his  master,  who  demanded  and  received  his  500 
lbs,  of  tobacco  for  the  claim  on  "  his  slave."  This  same  day 
they  left  the  island.  On  the  following  day  the  two  women  and 
the  oldest  child  died.  The  other  child  was  given  into  the  care 
of  a  French  woman,  but  it  did  not  live  long.  At  St.  Christopher 
"  Captain  Johan  Classon  put  me  on  his  ship  and  brought  me 
safely  to  Holland  and  there  showed  me  much  kindness,"  says 
Rudberus,  and  here  ends  the  journal. 

We  have  gone  into  considerable  detail  at  this  place,  since  the 
misfortunes  of  the  afflicted  people  could  not  be  treated  else- 
where. There  are  several  small  discrepancies  between  the  facts 
given  in  Amundsson's  letters  and  in  the  first  part  of  Rudberus' 
journal  as  well  as  between  the  copy  of  Rudberus'  letter  and  his 
own  journal.  Amundsson  says  that  they  struck  the  rock  on 
August  26;  Rudberus  that  it  happened  on  August  27.  Rud- 
berus states  in  his  letter  that  they  left  Porto  Rico  the  first  of 
May,  while  his  journal  says  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  April. 
(The  difference  between  the  old  style  and  the  new  style  cannot 
account  for  it.)  If  the  journal  was  written  from  notes  kept  on 
the  voyage,  we  can  suppose  that  these  notes  were  not  close  at 
hand,  when  Rudberus  wrote  his  letter  and  supplied  the  dates 
from  memory.  The  journal  as  a  whole  bears  all  the  earmarks 
of  truth. -^  Some  things  are  undoubtedly  exaggerated,  but  the 
main  story  with  most  of  the  details  is  true.  Rudberus  was 
among  the  last  to  reach  Sweden.  He  arrived  at  Stockholm  in 
the  autumn  of  1651  and  on  October  16  Kramer  supplied  him 
with  50  R.D.  Amundsson  was  brought  to  Spain  with  his 
family.     From  there  he  went  to  Holland,  where  he  was  sup- 

^  Cf.  The  letter  of  Amundsson  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  November  22,  1649,  Ox. 
Saml.;  letter  or  report  of  Rudberus  probably  to  Kramer,  April  13,  1651  (now 
preserved  in  a  copy,  Kramer's  handwriting).  Ox.  Saml. 


2/6      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

plied  with  300  R.D.  in  July  by  Trotzig.  He  went  to  Stock- 
holm on  Captain  Boender's  vessel,  and  on  September  30  Kramer 
gave  him  50  R.D.  Lycke  and  Nertunius  also  reached  Sweden. 
Timon  Stidden  managed  to  get  to  Amsterdam  with  his  wife 
and  five  children.  He  arrived  in  most  miserable  circumstances 
and  was  aided  by  Trotzig.  From  Holland  Stidden  was  brought 
to  Sweden  by  Boender.  Per  Larsson  and  a  number  of  other 
soldiers  and  colonists  also  made  their  appearance  in  Stockholm, 
and  made  requests  for  money.^-  In  all  only  nineteen  of  the 
colonists  besides  some  officers  and  soldiers  returned  to  Sweden, 
forty-five  or  fifty  finding  their  graves  on  the  islands.  Lycke 
and  Nertunius  made  oral  reports  on  their  arrival  in  Sweden  in 
1650,  and  numerous  others  corroborated  the  doleful  tales. 

II. 

Sweden  had  been  at  war  with  the  Emperor,  the  brother  of 
the  King  of  Spain,  and  consequently  not  on  good  terms  with 
the  latter  power.  Swedish  ships  had  been  captured  in  Spanish 
ports  and  trading  to  Spain  was  considered  dangerous  in  1645.^^ 
In  the  Thirty  Years'  War  Spain  was  of  course  an  enemy  of 
Sweden  and  it  was  rumored  at  times  that  a  Spanish  fleet  was 
fitted  out  to  attack  Sweden,  Lars  Kagg  being  instructed  in 
the  spring  of  1640  to  keep  Gothenburg  in  a  state  of  preparation 
that  he  might  not  be  taken  unawares.-^  In  1648  peace  indeed 
was  made  between  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  powers,  but  no 
particular  articles  were  included,  referring  to  Sweden  and  Spain. 
Sweden  had  been  the  leader  in  the  struggle  just  brought  to  a 
close,  and  the  feeling  between  Protestants  and  Catholics  ran  very 
high.  It  was  therefore  natural  that  the  Swedes  should  not  re- 
ceive the  best  kind  of  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  were  Catholics.  It  was  an  age  of  intolerance  and  hatred 
and  the  Protestants  were  as  guilty  as  the  Catholics  in  this 
respect. 

^ "  Aufsatz,"  etc.,   N.S.,  L    (R.A.)  ;   Monatg.  B.,   1642-56;  Journal,  nos.   927, 

931.  944  ff- 

"^Rddspr.,  XL  250. 

^*Rddspr.,  VHL  61.    See  also  p.  623.     Cf.  above,  Chaps.  H.,  XIV. 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  277 

When  the  Thirty  Years'  War  had  been  brought  to  a  close, 
Sweden  was  anxious  to  gain  the  friendship  of  all  nations  and 
in  the  beginning  of  1651  it  was  decided  to  send  a  represen- 
tative to  the  King  of  Spain  to  congratulate  him  on  the  conclu- 
sion of  peace,  and  establish  a  fast  friendship  between  the  two 
nations  as  well  as  to  arrange  trade  relations.  Mathias  Pal- 
bitsky  was  selected  for  this  mission.  Before  he  departed,  news 
arrived  from  the  shipwrecked  Swedes  in  Porto  Rico,  an  inven- 
tory was  made  of  the  damages  according  to  which  the  loss  of 
the  Crown  was  estimated  at  4,670:43  R.D.,  and  private 
accounts  "of  persons  in  the  service  of  the  Crown"  at  397:24 
R.D.,  making  the  whole  sum  5,068  iig  R.D.  This  bill  was  sent 
along  with  Palbitsky  to  be  presented  to  the  Spanish  King,  but 
the  claims  of  the  company  were  omitted.^^ 

The  mission  of  Palbitsky  seems  to  have  been  successful.  The 
King  took  up  the  question  almost  at  once,  wrote  to  the  governor 
of  Porto  Rico  on  March  25,  165 1,  also  consulting  with  the 
"  Indeanischen  Estata  Rathen  "  about  the  affair.  On  October 
1 8  he  again  wrote  to  the  governor,  at  the  same  time  command- 
ing his  "Commercial  House  at  Seville"  that  the  ship  be  re- 
leased and  the  prisoners  set  free,  and  that  the  treasurer  of  the 
Indian  Council  make  a  report  about  it  the  same  year.-*^  The 
King's  letter  had  no  immediate  effect.  The  people  had  by  that 
time  left  the  island  and  as  long  as  there  was  no  one  to  demand 
the  damages,  the  governor  would  not  pay  it. 

The  affair  was  allowed  to  rest  for  some  time,  but  in  1653, 
when  preparations  were  begun  for  a  new  expedition  to  the 
Delaware,  it  was  decided  that  one  of  the  ships  should  pro- 
ceed to  Porto  Rico  to  claim  damages  for  the  Katt.-"  Hans 
Amundsson  was  appointed  to  collect  the  bills.  Instructions  as 
to  his  procedure  were  given  to  him  and  new  estimates  of  the 
losses  were  made  out.    The  claims  of  the  Crown  were  increased 

'^Memorial,  etc.,  Am.  Reg.  (F.A.),  October  6,  1653,  fol.  cop.  536-9.  Con- 
cerning Palbitsky's  endeavors  to  secure  satisfaction  for  the  Katt.,  see  Palbitsky 
Beskick.,  1651,  in  Hisp.,  Sirod.  Handl,  160&-1813  (R.A.). 

^"Cop.  A'on  d.  Kon.  in  Hisp.  Brieff.,"  October  18,  1651,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  and 
"Copia  de  la,"  etc.     Hisp.,  Strod.  Handl.,  1606-1813    (R.A.). 

"  See  below,  Chap.  XL. 


2/8      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

to  10,540:19  R.D.  due  to  the  addition  of  the  ship,  valued  at 
4,000  R.D.,  "  which  could  have  been  saved  had  not  the  governor 
commanded  it  to  be  burnt,"  and  1,472  R.D.  on  behalf  of  Jan 
Jansson  Bockhorn.  Bockhorn  was  in  Holland  when  Palbitsky 
left  Sweden,  and  hence  his  account  could  not  be  included  in  the 
first  bill.-^  Estimates  were  also  made  of  the  loss  of  the  cargo 
and  of  the  expenses  connected  with  the  expedition.  The  Com- 
mercial College  was  at  this  time  managing  the  company,^^  and 
under  its  direction  the  claims  were  prepared.  On  December  12, 
1653,  the  college  instructed  Amundsson  that  "upon  his  arrival 
...  at  Porto  Rico  he  should,  on  behalf  of  Her  Royal  Majesty 
.  .  .  demand  from  the  governor  ...  in  a  proper  way  the 
restoring  of  the  ship  the  Katt  .  .  .  with  tackle  and  cables, 
cannon  and  ammunition,"  following  the  orders  of  the  Admi- 
ralty. He  was  also  to  demand  the  cargo  and  other  goods  which, 
were  taken  from  the  company  and  private  persons,  when  the 
above-mentioned  ship  foundered,  together  with  reasonable  in- 
demnities, according  to  the  specifications,  presenting  to  the 
governor  Her  Royal  Majesty's  letter  of  recommendation,  the 
copy  of  the  letter  from  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  letter  of 
recommendation  from  the  ambassador,  Don  Antony  Pimen- 
telli.30 

In  February,  1654,  the  matter  was  further  discussed  in  the 
Commercial  College.  John  Beier  was  requested  to  prepare  a 
written  account  of  the  unfortunate  expedition,  but  as  all  papers 
and  documents  had  been  sent  to  the  bookkeeper  he  was  unable 
to  do  so,  making  an  oral  report  instead.  Kramer  was  thereupon 
Instructed  to  appear  before  the  college  at  Upsala  with  all  the 
documents  relating  to  the  case,  prepared  to  give  a  full  account. 
Accordingly  he  made  extracts  from  the  journal  of  the  com- 
pany and  drew  up  a  statement  of  the  private  losses.  The 
cargo  was  valued  at  3,477:13  R.D.,  which  was  doubled  as 
the  merchandise  was  worth  many  times  more  in  New  Swe- 
den;  2,400  R.D.  had  been  paid  to  the  officers  and  sailors; 

"^  Am.  Reg.  (Fl.  An),  October  6,  1653,  fol.  536-9. 

»  See  below,  XXXIX. 

""See  Com.  Col.  Reg.,  December  13,  1643,  §6   (R.A.). 


The  Ninth  Expedition.  279 

money  advanced  to  41  colonists  on  their  departure  and  19  on 
their  return  amounted  to  4,188  R.D.,  and  provisions  and  the 
like  for  the  sailors  and  colonists  was  valued  at  1,876:36  R.D. 
The  various  bills  reached  the  sum  of  15,419:15  R.D,  and  the 
Interest  for  five  years  brought  it  up  to  23,129  R.D.,  which,  in- 
creased by  the  Admiralty's  bill  of  10,540:19  R.D,,  amounted 
to  33,669:19  R.D.^^ 

Amundsson  was  finally  removed  from  his  commission  and 
all  papers  made  out  to  him  were  transferred  to  Elswick,  who 
In  addition  received  new  and  more  minute  Instructions.  He 
was  at  first  to  present  the  claims  of  the  government  according 
to  the  instructions  given  to  him  by  the  Admiralty,  then  the 
claims  of  the  company  in  accordance  with  the  orders  of  the 
Commercial  College.  If  any  objections  were  raised  he  was  to 
argue  the  case  and  show  the  reasonableness  of  the  demands. 
If  the  Spaniards  would  not  pay  all,  he  should  accept  part  of  the 
amount  and  maintain  that  the  rest  was  to  be  collected  later. 
A  secret  instruction  was  given  him,  however,  in  which  he  was 
told  to  insist  on  the  original  sum,  then  strike  off  the  interest  and 
Insist  on  15,419  R.D.  If  this  could  not  be  secured,  he  should 
demand  11,000  R.D.  as  "ad  ultlmum,"  show  his  former  In- 
struction, and  pretend  that,  if  he  could  not  secure  the  11,000 
R.D,  besides  the  value  of  the  ship,  he  must  leave  the  island. 
If  this  had  no  effect,  and  if  the  governor  insisted  that  he  could 
pay  no  more  than  the  list  enclosed  with  the  King's  letter  called 
for  he  should  explain  the  difference  in  the  two  bills,  and  if  a 
settlement  could  not  be  brought  about  on  these  terms,  he  should 
at  last  demand  6,954  R.D.  on  behalf  of  the  company,  besides 
the  Admiralty's  bill,  below  which  he  could  not  go.  If  cash  could 
not  be  secured  he  should  accept  goods.  If  occasion  offered 
Itself,  he  was  to  report  either  to  Palbitsky,  the  Swedish  Minister 
at  Madrid,  or  to  the  Commercial  College. ^^ 

^^  See  Com.  Col.  R.,  February  23,  1654  (R.A.)  ;  "  Auffsatz  und  Berech.  wass 
Die  Suder  Comp.,"  etc.,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ;  "Memorial,"  etc.,  Oct.  6,  1653,  Am. 
Reg.  (Fl.  Ar.).     Beier  to  Oxenstierna,  June  7,  1650.     Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^Kramer  to  the  Com.  Col.,  Februarj-  14,  1654,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  "Til  Am. 
Anckerhjelm  at  taga  ifran  Hans  Amundson  sin  Instr.,"  etc.,  Am.  Reg.,  March, 
1654.      (The  Index  refers  to  fol.  868,  but  there  is  no  entry  in  the  Reg.) 


28o      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Elswick  arrived  at  Porto  Rico  on  June  30,  1654,  and  was 
well  received  by  the  authorities.  In  the  morning  of  July  i ,  being 
called  into  the  presence  of  the  governor  for  the  second  time, 
he  delivered  up  his  letters  from  the  King  of  Spain,  Ambassador 
Pimentelli  and  the  Swedish  Government.  Pimentelli's  letter 
had  been  opened  by  the  Governor  of  St,  Michael,  but  he  had 
given  an  "  attest,"  certifying  that  the  seal  was  broken  by  him 
contrary  to  the  wish  of  Elswick.  Elswick  worked  for  four 
days  on  his  documents  and  accounts.  Some  more  private  claims, 
amounting  to  18,536:29  R.D.,  were  added  to  the  original  sum 
of  33,669:19  R.D.,  making  the  total  claims  presented  by  him 
52,206  R.D.^^  This  was  a  much  larger  sum  than  the  King  of 
Spain's  letter  showed  and  more  than  the  governor  could  pay. 
He  ordered  his  officers  to  examine  the  claims  and  they  estimated 
them  at  14,030  Spanish  reals.  On  this  basis  a  settlement  could 
not  be  arrived  at.  The  governor  would  not  and  could  not  pay 
the  sum  demanded  by  Elswick  and  Elswick  would  not  accept 
the  Spanish  estimates.  The  governor  wrote  to  the  Spanish 
Ambassador  at  Stockholm,  giving  an  account  of  the  proceedings 
and  on  August  7  Elswick  made  a  report  to  the  chancellor. 
Elswick  was  very  optimistic  as  to  the  final  outcome  of  his  mis- 
sion and  was  happy  in  thinking  that  he  had  been  very  success- 
ful. He  suggested  that  the  best  way  to  press  the  claims  would 
be  for  him  to  go  to  Spain  to  present  the  documents  in  person 
to  the  King,  and  he  was  confident  that  the  damages  would  be 
paid.  On  the  fifteenth  of  August  he  left  the  island  and  other 
troubles  were  soon  in  store  for  him.^^  No  further  efforts  seem 
to  have  been  made,  at  least  not  for  some  time,  and  in  1673  the 
claim  against  Spain  had  not  been  collected.^^ 

''The  former  accounts  of  this  expedition  are  very  inaccurate  and  incomplete. 
*"  Letters  from  Elswick  to  E.  Oxenstierna,  August  7,  1654,  June  16,  1655,  N.S., 

L  (R.A.). 

^  "  Skrifvelser  till  K.  Maj.,  July  19,  1673"  (K.A.).  •  •  •  "  Altsammans  bestar 
uthi  de  af  Holl.  borttagne  .  .  .  fastningar,  sa  och  uthi  .  .  .  pretension,  .  .  .  hos 
Kon.  i  Spanien  for  skeppet  Kattan.  ..." 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

Preparations  to  Send  Other  Expeditions  to  New 
Sweden,  i 650-1 653. 

The  expedition  of  1649,  which  Printz  was  so  anxiously  ex- 
pecting and  which,  had  it  arrived  in  New  Sweden,  might  have 
had  considerable  influence  on  the  history  of  the  colony,  was 
thus  not  only  entirely  useless,  but  tended  to  cripple  the  company 
and  set  back  its  activity.  Had  the  ship  arrived  in  New  Sweden 
the  events  of  1651^  might  not  have  taken  place;  Ft.  Casimir 
might  not  have  been  built  and  possibly  Stuyvesant's  expedition 
of  1655  would  not  have  occurred,  for  then  probably  Rising 
would  have  had  no  fort  to  capture  and  Stuyvesant  no  capture  to 
avenge. 

As  soon  as  news  of  the  shipwreck  reached  Sweden  it  seems 
that  the  company  made  arrangements  to  send  a  cargo  from 
Holland  to  the  Delaware  at  the  earliest  date,  Trotzig  advised 
the  authorities  to  pay  more  attention  to  the  colony  as  it  would 
in  time  become  of  great  value  to  Sweden,  and  in  the  fall  of 
1650  7,419:13  florins  "as  a  beginning"  were  sent  to  him  by 
draft  for  procuring  goods.  In  September  "  it  was  daily  ex- 
pected that  a  resolution  would  be  made  [by  the  Council  of 
State]  to  send  a  cargo  from  Holland  to  New  Sweden."  But  for 
some  cause  no  such  resolution  was  made  and  no  cargo  was 
prepared.^ 

Plans  were  also  made  for  a  new  expedition  from  Sweden  at 
the  same  time.  There  were  3  619:46^^  R.D.  in  the  treasury 
and  the  Tobacco  Company  owed  11,644:47  R.D.  for  tobacco, 
two-thirds  of  which  was  due.  Hence  over  15,000  R.D.  were 
at  the  disposal  of  the  company.^     Perhaps  the  money  from  the 

'  See  below,  p.  Chap.  XXXVII. 

*"Gen.  Bal,  1650,"  September  16,  Soderk.  (R.A.)-  Trotzig  to  Appelbom, 
April  II,  1650. 

'"Gen.  Bal.,  1650,"  September  16,  Sbderk.  (R.A.)- 


282      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Tobacco  Company  could  not  be  collected,  but  even  then  there 
was  money  enough  for  a  new  expedition.  The  ship,  the  Gyllenc 
Haj,  had  been  riding  at  anchor  since  1648,  doing  nothing  but 
causing  expense.  In  October,  1649,  the  ship  had  become  leaky 
and  "  somewhat  ruined  "  during  its  long  anchorage  in  the  har- 
bor. It  was  repaired  by  one  "  Mr.  Mickell,  a  carpenter  from 
Munklager  "  at  the  cost  of  24  D.s.m.  and  in  November  Mickell 
received  60:26  D.s.m.  for  work  on  the  Haj.  Again  in  June, 
1650,  the  Haj  was  blown  ashore  onto  some  poles  during  a 
storm  and  35:19  D.  was  charged  by  Mickell  for  getting  it 
loose  and  repairing  it.  A  ship  was  thus  at  hand  giving  trouble, 
because  not  in  use,  and  money  seems  to  have  been  ready,  but  for 
some  reason  the  preparations  were  not  continued  and  the  expe- 
dition was  not  sent.  It  is  not  clear  why  a  new  expedition  was 
not  fitted  out  in  1650.  Perhaps  it  was  due  to  the  fact  that  there 
was  no  one  to  lead  the  work,  who  had  authority  to  make 
arrangements.  Axel  Oxenstierna  was  old  and  lacked  his  former 
activity  and  power  of  work,  and  Queen  Christina  paid  more 
attention  to  Court  festivities,  balls  and  pageants  than  to  matters 
of  state.  The  Admiralty  owed  the  company  7,331:2^/2  R.D. 
for  money  paid  to  sailors  and  other  people  in  the  employ  of  the 
Crown,  and  it  seems  that  the  company  required  the  Admiralty 
to  fit  out  the  vessel  in  lieu  of  this  sum.  Perhaps  there  was  no 
money  in  the  treasury  of  the  Admiralty.^  At  any  rate,  the 
ship  was  not  sent  and  Printz  was  compelled  to  buy  his  goods  at 
double  prices  from  his  neighbors  and  to  neglect  the  Indian  trade 
on  account  of  having  nothing  to  exchange  with  them.^ 

Four  days  after  Printz  was  informed  by  Stuyvesant  of  the 
shipwreck  of  the  Katt  he  wrote  to  Brahe,  Oxenstierna,  the 
Queen  and  perhaps  others.  He  states  that  he  had  heard  noth- 
ing from  Sweden  although  he  had  written  four  times.  The 
condition  of  the  country  was  good,  but  again  he  asks  for  more 
people.    Sven  Skute  returned  to  Sweden  in  the  autumn  of  1650, 

*Cf.  "Gen.  Bal.,   1650,"  Soderk.,  1637-59    (R.A.)  ;   Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  V. 

^Journal,  nos.  860  (October  2,  1649),  871  (November  7,  1649).  It  seems  to 
have  been  the  intention  of  the  company  to  sell  the  Gyllene  Haj.  See  "  Gen.  Bal., 
1650,"  Sdderk.  (R.A.)- 


^ 


'o-n/h-C4^Jtv~raLi 


„1M  <:^^  — - 


'C:3»^ 


First  page  of  Peter  Trotzig's  letter,  March  12,  1652.     Preserved  in  N.  S.  I.  (R.  A.), 

Stockholm. 


^  /'■  A;^-  f >  ^  ^^,  ^' 


if  4'- 


X^.      oV^      '^"'^    'JM)^  -^-i?).^^-^    --^^-tL^^ /.yW^ 


■'\^s/    d^'T 


,^ 


^y^^i[^ 


^ 


Z4 


r-J 


Last  page  of  Trotzig's  letter,  March  12,  1652. 


Preparations  to  Send  Other  Expeditions.       283 

with  letters  and  reports.  Skute  was  in  Holland  in  October  and 
in  the  beginning  of  November  he  arrived  in  Stockholm,  but 
his  presence  does  not  seem  to  have  given  much  impetus  to  the 
efforts  that  were  being  made  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  and  almost 
a  year  passed  before  new  preparations  were  begun." 

In  the  autumn  of  1651  there  was  again  some  activity  in  the 
matter.  Trotzig  bought  large  quantities  of  goods  which  were 
sent  to  Gothenburg  with  skipper  Jurgen  Larsson  to  be  placed 
in  the  care  of  Hans  Macklier,  and  other  preparations  were 
begun."  But  months  went  by  and  no  new  expedition  was  In 
sight.  In  the  spring  of  1652  however,  the  government  showed 
signs  of  interest  in  their  little  forsaken  colony  on  the  South 
River,^  but  for  what  reason  it  is  not  known.  It  is  probable  that 
Kramer,  Beier  and  perhaps  Macklier  and  Trotzig  wrote  to  the 
chancellor  and  the  Queen  In  the  beginning  of  1652,  stating  that 
goods  were  in  readiness  for  a  new  expedition.  At  any  rate  the 
colonial  business  now  received  the  attention  of  the  Council  of 
State  and  on  March  16  the  Queen  was  present  in  the  Council 
Chamber.  Several  people  acquainted  with  the  colony  and  the 
company  had  been  ordered  to  be  present.  The  treasurer,  Johan 
Beier,  was  first  called  upon  to  give  a  report.  He  said  that 
Bookkeeper  Kramer  had  been  working  In  the  Interest  of  the 
company;  but  since  the  death  of  Klas  Fleming  there  had  been 
no  director,  who  had  devoted  his  time  to  the  managing  of  the 
company  and  Its  business.  Since  the  last  ship  was  lost  nothing 
special  had  been  heard  from  the  colony.  It  was  known,  how- 
ever, that  the  land  supported  the  people  without  aid  from 
Sweden;  but  there  was  no  merchandise  with  which  to  carry  on 
the  Indian  trade.  Lieutenant  Skute  was  then  requested  to 
"  present  his  commission."    He  stated  that  the  country  was  very 

'Letters,  August  i,  to  Queen,  "  E.  L.  Regist.  upa  Riksark.  Acter.  gam.  orient. 
Kat.",  R.A. ;  to  A.  Oxenstierna;  P.  Brahe.  Ox.  SarnL;  Skokl.  Saml.  R.A.  Jour- 
nal, nos.  1047,  1051. 

^  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56  fol. 

*  Not  as  Sprinchorn  states  as  a  result  of  Printz'  letters  of  August  i,  1651,  for 
it  is  expressly  said  that  "  Sedan  nu  det  sidsta  skeppet  kom  pa  olycka  haffwer 
man  inthet  synnerligit  hort  derifran."  Rddspr.,  R.A.  These  letters  were  not 
received  before  March  17  or  18,  1652. 


284      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

good  and  contained  forests  and  minerals;  there  were  four  kinds 
of  oaks  and  various  other  valuable  trees,  and  the  governor  had 
built  a  ship  from  timber  cut  in  the  colony;  metals  were  found 
in  the  country,  but  they  could  not  be  touched  even  if  there  were 
mountains  of  gold  (presumably  for  lack  of  people)  ;  trade  to 
the  Caribbean  Islands  could  be  profitably  carried  on  from  the 
colony,  but  capital  was  lacking  and  ships  were  not  at  hand  for 
such  a  trade.  As  a  whole,  however,  the  condition  of  the  colony 
was  prosperous;  they  had  no  enemies,  but  the  colonists  were 
too  few,  the  male  population  numbering  only  70.  One  Hen- 
rick  Persson  was  also  called  in  and  questioned  about  the  colony, 
but  he  informed  the  councillors  that  he  had  been  in  New 
Netherland  and  not  in  New  Sweden.^  In  New  Netherland, 
he  said,  "  they  traded  with  tobacco  and  furs  and  ships  may  be 
built  there  if  material  is  cut  in  time."  When  the  reports  had 
been  heard,  plans  and  proposals  were  formulated  for  aiding 
Governor  Printz.  The  question  of  obtaining  colonists  could  be 
easily  settled,  for  many  had  expressed  a  desire  to  go  to  New 
Sweden ;  but  the  directorship  and  the  best  means  for  prosecuting 
the  work  successfully  required  more  consideration.  The  Queen 
thought  it  would  be  best  to  let  the  Commercial  College  have 
charge  and  direction  of  the  company,  the  Admiralty  should  fit 
out  the  ships  and  sufficient  money  should  be  provided.  To  these 
proposals  the  chancellor  agreed.  The  Queen  further  suggested 
that  the  New  Ship  Company  should  be  united  with  the  New 
Sweden  Company,  but  the  chancellor  objected  and  the  idea  was 
dropped.  Some  Dutch  had  also  applied  for  permission  to  settle 
in  the  colony.  The  chancellor  was  of  opinion  that  they  should 
be  allowed  to  do  so,  provided  that  their  number  was  not  too 
large.  Finally  the  assessor  in  the  Commercial  College  was 
called  for.  The  Queen  told  him  that  "  the  care  of  the  trade  to 
New  Sweden  "  was  to  be  assumed  by  the  college,  and  its  mem- 
bers were  to  present  plans  for  the  development  of  the  colony 
and  the  cultivation  of  the  land.    It  was  further  decided  that  the 

*  Many  Swedes  were  settled  in  New  Amsterdam,  who  have  been  called  Dutch 
by  the  historians. 


Preparations  to  Send  Other  Expeditions.       285 

chancellor  should  consult  with  the  college  during  the  day  about 
the  affair,  and  the  Queen  was  to  command  the  admiral  to  pre- 
pare a  ship.  What  was  done  in  the  Commercial  College  about 
it  on  March  16  is  not  known,  but  Oxenstierna  was  undoubtedly 
present  in  the  chamber  and  ways  and  means  for  sending  a  new 
expedition  were  in  all  likelihood  discussed.^" 

Two  days  later^^  or  perhaps  on  the  following  day  letters 
from  Printz  were  received  by  Oxenstierna,  Beier  and  the 
Queen,  reporting  that  Stuyvesant  had  "  invaded  New  Sweden, 
bought  land  from  the  Indians  already  purchased  by  the  Swedes, 
erected  a  fort  and  obstructed  the  trade  in  the  river."  The 
governor  complained  bitterly  against  "the  outrages"  of  the 
Dutch,  saying  that  Stuyvesant  disrespected  Her  Royal  Majesty's 
authority,  obstructed  free  traffic,  demanded  toll  from  strangers 
(the  English),  stirred  up  the  Indians  against  the  Swedes  and 
personally  incited  the  Swedish  freemen  to  renounce  their  oath 
of  allegiance  and  to  join  the  Dutch  on  pain  of  being  driven 
"  from  house  and  home."  He  therefore  requested  immediate 
relief  and  suggested  that  two  warships  be  stationed  in  the 
Delaware  for  about  two  years  together  with  some  soldiers. 
Unless  aid  should  be  sent  without  delay  he  feared  that  the  whole 
thing  would  have  a  miserable  end.  It  seems  that  Governor 
Printz  also  reported  his  troubles  to  Peter  Trotzig,  requesting 
him  to  interest  the  government  in  the  colony,  for  on  March 
12  (n.s.  ?)  the  latter  wrote  to  secretary  Beier  that  a  report  had 
reached  him  to  the  effect  that  Stuyvesant  had  built  a  fort  in  the 
colony  and  he  thought  that  "  they  ought  not  let  New  Sweden 
take  care  of  itself  without  assistance."^-  These  things  gave 
new  impetus  to  the  preparations.  On  the  eighteenth  of  March 
the  Queen  was  again  present  in  the  Council  Chamber  and  it  seems 
that  the  session  was  looked  upon  as  of  some  importance,  for 
nearly  all  the  councillors  were  present.    The  first  question  con- 

^"Rddspr.,  March  i6,  1652  (R.A.)  ;  also  a  copy  in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

"The  letter  to  Beier  is  marked  below  the  P.  S.:  "  Praes.  18,  March,  1652." 

"Printz  to  Beier  and  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  August  i,   1651,  Ox.  Saml.;  Printz 

to  Brahe,  August  i,  1651,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Trotzig  to  Beier,  March  12,  1652, 

N.S.,  I.   {R.A.). 


286      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sidered  was  the  colony,  and  one  of  the  letters  of  Printz  was 
read.  The  point  to  receive  most  attention  was,  of  course,  the 
hostilities  of  the  Dutch.  We  know  nothing  of  what  was  said 
or  proposed  by  the  different  councillors,  but  it  seems  likely  that 
some  one  was  of  the  opinion  that  a  force  should  be  sent  there 
at  once  to  drive  the  Dutch  from  the  river,  for  the  minutes  of 
the  council  say:  "Then  Her  Majesty's  idea  was  that  the 
States  General  should  first  be  approached  for  a  settlement." 
No  immediate  steps  seem  to  have  been  taken,  however,  and  the 
subject  was  dropped  for  the  time  being  with  the  chancellor's 
remark  "  that  the  case  was  well  worth  considering."^^ 

As  may  be  inferred  from  the  Queen's  remark  the  matter  led 
to  some  diplomatic  correspondence  and  the  Dutch  Resident  at 
Stockholm,  Koenraad  van  Beuningen,  was  questioned  about  it. 
He  was  asked  if  the  States  General  had  permitted  the  building 
of  the  fort,  but  he  answered  that  he  knew  nothing  about  it.  He 
wrote  to  the  Hague  for  information,  but  of  course  received  no 
reply — at  least  none  to  communicate  to  the  Swedish  government. 
The  Swedish  Resident  at  the  Hague  was  also  instructed  to  pre- 
sent the  case  to  the  Dutch  authorities  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
informed  that  Stuyvesant  had  no  permission  to  erect  a  fort  on 
Swedish  territory.  It  also  appears  that  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company  was  addressed  on  the  subject  and  that  the  same  reply 
was  received  from  them.^^ 

A  few  days  after  the  above  conference  (March  23)  the  Queen 
issued  an  order  to  the  Admiralty  requesting  them  to  fit  out  the 
Swan  for  a  "new  journey  to  the  West  Indies."  But  for  some 
reason  the  ship  was  not  prepared — probably  it  was  in  poor  con- 
dition— and  instead  it  was  planned  to  have  the  company  put  its 
own  vessel,  the  Gyllene  Haj,  in  readiness  for  the  voyage.  But 
preparations  proceeded  slowly  and  little  was  done,  although 
there  was  some  activity  in  the  matter  in  the  spring  and  summer.^'^ 

We  have  seen  that  Printz  received  no  new  cargo  nor  addi- 

"Rddspr.,  March  i8,  1652,  Mss.  (R.A.). 
^*  Doc,  I.  603  flF. ;  Rising's  Journal,  May  22,  1654. 

"The  Commercial  College  did  not  take  over  the  management,  for  A.  Oxen- 
stierna  still  issued  the  orders. 


Preparations  to  Send  Other  Expeditions.       287 

tions  of  settlers  to  his  little  colony.  Not  even  an  answer  was 
sent  him.  On  August  30,  1652,  he  again  wrote  to  Brahe  and 
Oxenstierna,  complaining  bitterly  of  the  situation.  The  Dutch 
pressed  hard  upon  him,  having  settled  forty  families  on  the 
Crown's  territory  and  the  English  were  threatening  to  appear 
in  the  river  with  great  force.  For  five  years  the  Swedes  had 
had  no  merchandise  to  sell  to  the  Indians,  and  besides  the  sav- 
ages were  becoming  restless  and  dangerous.  The  colonists  were 
dissatisfied  and  many  had  deserted.  Water  had  damaged  the 
grain  and  supplies  had  to  be  bought  for  double  prices  from  the 
Dutch  and  English.  The  neighbors  said  openly  that  the  colony 
was  entirely  neglected  and  forgotten  by  the  home  government. 
On  top  of  it  all  Printz  was  ill  and  indisposed  to  remain  any 
longer.^^  These  letters  seem  to  have  produced  another  period 
of  activity  at  Stockholm  in  behalf  of  the  colony. 

In  May  Kramer  made  an  inventory  of  the  goods  on  hand  at 
Gothenburg  ready  to  be  shipped  over,  and  in  June  several  ex- 
penses are  recorded  in  connection  with  the  preparations.  About 
the  same  time  the  chancellor  ordered  Kramer  to  paint,  rig  and 
repair  the  Gyllene  Haj  and  repairs  for  several  hundred  Swedish 
dollars  were  made.  A  watchman  was  also  employed  from  July 
28  until  November  13.  But  the  journey  was  not  made  and 
another  period  of  inactivity  ensued.  Nothing  further  seems  to 
have  been  done  during  the  following  winter,  spring  and  sum- 
mer. In  the  fall  of  1653  new  interest  was  manifested  in  the 
colony,  but  this  belongs  to  another  chapter.^'^ 

"Letter  fr.  Printz  to  Oxenstierna,  August  30,  1652,  Ox.  Saml.,  and  to  Brahe 
(same  date),  Skokl.  Saml. 

"Journal,  nos.  1047,  1051,  1053,  1054,  1061  ff.      Cf.  below. 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

The  Trade  of  the  Company,  i 643-1 653. 

The  company  engaged  in  the  trade  of  various  articles  during 
this  period.  John  Beier  bought  a  lot  of  copper  In  May,  1646, 
and  again  in  July  of  the  same  year.  It  was  sent  to  Holland  on 
De  Geer's  ships,  the  Charitas  and  the  Foenix  and  sold  by  Peter 
Trotzig  in  Amsterdam.  299  D.  duty  was  paid  on  the  shipment, 
the  cost  including  all  expenses  was  4,812  D.  25  ore,  and  it 
was  sold  for  5,456  D.  33  ore  s.m.  The  salt  which  had  been  sent 
to  Borga  and  Abo^  in  Finland  in  June,  1642,  to  be  sold  there^ 
was  gradually  paid  for  and  a  good  profit  was  realized.^  The 
salt  at  Borga  was  paid  for  mostly  by  merchandise,  and  in  the 
summer  of  1644  Jacob  Heffner,  the  mayor  of  the  city,  sent 
some  provisions  such  as  butter  and  the  like  valued  at  404  D.  to 
apply  to  the  account,  leaving  him  164  D.  in  arrears  to  the 
company.  Robert  Smith  bought  1,278  barrels  of  the  "  French 
salt"  brought  to  Sweden  in  the  Charitas  in  1642  and  the  salt 
imported  by  the  company  in  1643  was  likewise  sold,  the  entire 
proceeds  being  turned  over  to  Johan  Beier,  the  treasurer."* 

The  beaver  trade  was  comparatively  small  also  during  this 
period.  On  some  of  the  expeditions  a  considerable  number  of 
skins  came  from  New  Sweden,  but  other  ships  carried  no  furs. 
In  1643  Bonnell  made  about  half  a  dozen  sales,  one  of  which 
(sold  to  the  Russians  in  Stockholm)^  amounted  to  5,558  D. 

'The  salt  sent  to  Abo  was  consigned  to  Flagman,  as  follows: 

308  barrels 2,068:16 

Expenses    J^}^ 

1,934:16  D.k.m. 
or  773  D,  2$Y2  ore  s.m.  Journal,  no.  268. 
»Cf.  above.  Chaps.  XVHL,  XIX. 
'The  profit  was  1,939  D.  5  ore.     Journal,  no.  403. 
*  Journal,  nos.  268,  396,  etc. 

'Probably  Demetriowitz  and  Davioff  (see  below).  The  Russian  interpreter 
was  paid  27  D.     Journal,  no.  314. 

288 


The  Trade  of  the  Company.  289 

17  6re,°  and  in  1644  several  smaller  sales  were  effected  by  him. 
No  more  peltries  were  sold  in  Sweden  before  1647'  ^"d  no  con- 
siderable quantities  before  1648,^  when  a  large  number  of  skins 
arrived  on  the  Swan.  With  these  sales  the  fur  trade  of  the 
company  was  practically  at  an  end.  The  skins  were  sold  to 
private  parties,  such  as  Jacob  Frische,  Willem  Momma'*  and 
others,  and  in  some  instances  to  Russian  merchants,^"  two  of 
these  being  mentioned,  Maxim  Demetriowitz  and  Stephen 
Davioff,  who  made  one  of  the  largest  purchases  in  1648.^^ 

The  use  of  tobacco  had  increased  enormously  in  Sweden  from 
1637  until  1643,  ^^^  it  was  now  a  profitable  business  to  smuggle 
tobacco  into  the  kingdom.  The  ordinance  of  the  government 
was  not  lived  up  to  and  tobacco,  "in  large  quantities,  was 
secretly  brought  in  [to  the  country]  by  sea  and  land."^^  Bon- 
nell  complained  that  tobacco  was  supplied  to  the  merchants 
by  smugglers  to  such  an  extent  that  the  company  could  not  find 
buyers  for  its  large  stores.  In  the  beginning  of  1643  rnatters 
were  getting  impossible  and  something  had  to  be  done. 
Trotzig,  Kallmeter,  Wissman  and  Trost,  who  were  the 
heaviest  buyers  from  the  company,  complained  that  they  could 

*  We  have  seen  that  Lucas  Andersson  in  Amsterdam  sold  the  furs  that  were 
sent  to  Europe  from  the  colony  in  1644. 

'  Only  one  sale  was  made  in  1647,  it  seems,  a  single  skin  being  sold  for  4  R.D. 
16.  to  Willem  Momma.     Journal,  no.  585. 

'Bonnell  sold  63  otter  skins  for  118  D.  4  ore  on  July  8,  1648,  and  1,232  beaver 
skins  for  5,287  D.  16  ore  on  July  lo,  1648.  On  December  27,  1649,  he  sold  the 
last  lot,  it  seems,  in  the  storehouse,  8  beaver  skins  for  31  D.  16  ore.  Journal, 
nos.  715,  718,  774. 

"  Willem  Momma,  probably  a  relative  of  Abraham  and  Jacob  Momma,  who 
presented  a  remarkable  proposal  to  the  Commercial  College  for  the  improvement 
of  Lappland  and  Norrland  in  1655.  See  Commercial  College  "  skr.  till  K.M.," 
March  11,  1665   (R.A.). 

^"Russians  seem  to  have  traded  in  furs  to  a  great  extent  in  Sweden  at  this 
time.      Cf.  also  De  la  Gard.  Arch.,  V.  144. 

"^^  Journal,  nos.  221,  264,  314,  333,  342,  366,  376,  447,  498,  585,  715,  718,  774- 

"Tobacco  was  brought  into  Sweden  from  Norway  and  the  Danish  provinces 
south  of  Sweden.  By  sea  most  of  the  smuggled  tobacco  was  brought  in  on  the 
Crown's  ships  from  Riga,  Narva  and  Nyskants.  These  ships  were  not  so  well 
guarded  or  searched  as  other  ships,  and  hence  the  opportunity  of  smuggling  was 
greater  on  them  than  on  the  merchant  vessels.  See  Trotzig  (and  associates)  to 
Fleming.  Tobaksk.,  1643-59  (R-A.).  Blome  to  Oxenstierna,  November  21,  1644, 
Ox.  Sam  I. 


290   The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

not  sell  their  tobacco,  since  it  was  brought  in  illegally  and  sold 
by  everybody.  In  March,  1643,  Fleming  wrote  to  them,  say- 
ing that  he  thought  that  the  best  way  to  control  the  inland  trade 
and  also  all  importation  of  the  article  would  be  to  allow  only 
certain  persons  in  Stockholm  and  other  cities  to  sell  the  tobacco, 
denying  all  others  the  privilege.  In  order  that  the  best  means 
might  be  employed  and  the  most  effective  measures  adopted,  the 
above-mentioned  people  were  requested  to  consider  the  matter 
and  present  their  views  about  it.  Some  time  later  th^ey  sent  an 
answer  or  memorial  in  twelve  articles.  They  proposed  that  the 
Royal  Ordinance  be  sharpened  and  the  fine  increased,^^  that  the 
tobacco  trade  of  the  entire  kingdom  be  given  into  the  hands  of 
a  company,  which  should  buy  its  tobacco  from  the  New  Sweden 
Company,  and  sell  it  through  their  representatives  in  all  cities 
and  places  in  Sweden,  Finland  and  other  provinces  of  the 
kingdom.  On  the  other  hand,  the  New  Sweden  Company 
should  be  obliged  to  sell  Its  tobacco  only  to  the  Tobacco 
Company.^* 

The  tobacco  trade  was  also  discussed  in  the  council  and 
means  proposed  for  Its  regulation.  In  April  the  government 
published  a  new  ordinance,  repeating  and  restricting  some  of 
the  articles  in  the  former  mandates.  The  New  Sweden  Com- 
pany was  to  continue  to  be  the  sole  importer,  and  tobacco 
shipped  in  by  others  would  be  confiscated  and  a  fine  of  four  ore 
silver  money  on  every  pound  would  be  Imposed  on  the  owner 
of  the  tobacco  or  on  "  the  skipper  on  whose  ship  the  tobacco 

"  Since  large  quantities  of  tobacco  were  brought  into  Finland  and  Sweden  from 
Lifland  they  proposed  that  a  heavy  duty  be  imposed  on  tobacco  in  that  province. 
Accordingly  Fleming  suggested  in  the  council  of  1643  that  the  duty  on  tobacco 
in  Lifland  be  increased.     Rddspr.,  IX. 

"  Several  other  suggestions  were  made,  some  of  which  were  incorporated  into 
the  ordinance  issued  by  the  government  in  April  the  same  year.  The  price  of 
the  tobacco  was  to  be  regulated  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the  company  in 
connection  with  the  factor  of  the  New  Sweden  Company.  A  contract  should 
be  made  for  a  certain  number  of  years  between  the  Tobacco  Company  and  the 
New  Sweden  Company,  stipulating  the  price,  kind  of  money  to  be  used  in 
payments,  and  when  and  how  payments  were  to  be  made.  Letter  from  Klas 
Fleming  to  Mattias  Trost,  Jacob  Kallmeter,  Jacob  Trotzig  and  Baltzar  Wissman, 
March  13,  1643  (copy),  and  the  answer  of  these  gentlemen  in  twelve  articles 
(orig.),  no  date.      Tohaksk.,  1643-59   (R-A.). 


The  Trade  of  the  Company.  291 

was  found,"  in  case  the  owner  could  not  be  discovered.  All 
tobacco  was  to  be  sold  only  by  such  as  the  company  designated 
for  this  purpose  and  on  the  conditions  made  by  them.^'' 

In  the  meantime  arrangements  had  been  in  progress  for  the 
formation  of  a  Tobacco  Company  on  the  basis  of  the  memorial 
presented  by  Jacob  Trotzig  and  his  associates.  Fleming  un- 
doubtedly held  conferences  with  them  at  which  Beier,  Bonnell 
and  Kramer  were  present,  and  in  June  the  company  was  organ- 
ized. It  consisted  of  the  following  members :  Mattias  Trost, 
Jacob  Kallmeter,  Jacob  Trotzig,  Thomas  Johansson,  Melcher 
Volger,  Johan  Fijrborn,  Hindrick  Ekehoff,  Gabriel  Delven- 
dahl(  ?),  Baltzar  Wissman  and  Jacob  Blome.  A  contract  was 
signed  on  June  20,  1643,  by  the  members  of  the  new  company 
and  by  Klas  Fleming  in  the  name  of  the  New  Sweden  Com- 
pany.^^  The  New  Sweden  Company  had  sole  right  to  sell  and 
import  tobacco,  states  the  contract,  but  it  was  found  expedient 
to  grant  the  privilege  of  distributing  the  same  throughout  the 
kingdom  to  a  company.  This  company  was  given  sole  right 
for  six  years  to  sell  tobacco  in  any  part  of  Sweden  or  its  de- 
pendencies, and  during  this  period  the  New  Sweden  Company 
was  to  sell  its  tobacco  to  the  Tobacco  Company  only.  The 
Tobacco  Company,  on  the  other  hand,  promised  to  do  its  utmost 
in  distributing  the  tobacco  and  see  that  no  place  was  in  want 
of  the  article,  to  buy  all  its  tobacco  from  the  New  Sweden 
Company  and  to  employ  residing  burgers  in  the  different  cities, 
except  at  Kopparberget,  where  the  company  had  a  right  to  send 
its  own  agent  or  salesmen  and  to  erect  one  or  more  public 
stores.  All  kinds  of  tobacco  were  included  under  the  contract, 
even  powdered  tobacco  or  snuff,  but  the  New  Sweden  Company 
had  a  right  to  sell  such  tobacco  to  apothecaries,  who  in  turn 
could  sell  it  to  the  public. ^^ 

"  Stiernraan,  H.  373  ff.      Cf.  Rddspr.,  IX.  239,  333,  339-40. 

^* "  Two  originals "  were  made  and  signed  first  by  Klas  Fleming  as  the 
representative  or  director  of  the  New  Sweden  Company,  then  b}'  the  ten  members 
of  the  Tobacco  Company.  "  Demnach  Ihre  Kon.,"  etc.,  June  20,  1643,  "Jacob 
Feif  emot  tobaksk.,  1643-51":  fol.  12-14,  Tobaksk.,  1643-59   (R-A.). 

"Contract,  "Jacob  Feif  emot  Tob.  Com.,  1651,"  fol.  12-14,  Tobaksk.,  1643-59 
(R.A.). 


292      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

A  sort  of  a  constitution^^  or  by-law  of  the  Tobacco  Com- 
pany for  the  regulation  of  the  trade  and  the  defining  of  the 
rights  and  duties  of  its  members  was  likewise  drawn  up  and 
signed.  The  company  was  to  rent  as  many  stores  in  Stockholm 
as  was  necessary  for  the  conducting  of  the  business ;  there  was  to 
be  a  special  storehouse  where  all  the  tobacco  should  be  delivered 
as  soon  as  bought.  Strict  rules  were  made  for  the  conduct  of 
the  private  members ;  in  case  any  one  absented  himself  without 
cause  from  the  meetings  of  the  company,  he  should  be  fined 
one  R.D.  for  the  first  hour,  two  for  the  second,  and  four 
if  he  did  not  appear  at  all.^^  Jacob  Trotzig  was  made  direc- 
tor, ^'^  Blome  was  appointed  cashier  and  a  special  bookkeeper 
was  employed.^^  We  may  assume  that  the  company  at  once  set 
to  work  to  organize  its  trade  throughout  the  kingdom,  for 
already  on  June  25 — five  days  after  the  contract  was  signed — 
1,056^  pounds  were  sold  to  "William  Classon,  citizen  and 
resident  of  Abo,"  Finland,  and  soon  afterwards  "  Isak  Hansson 
from  Eksjo,"  Johan  Joransson  in  Hedemora,  Jacob  Persson  in 
Torshiilla,  Hans  Macklier  in  Gothenburg,  Hans  Hansson  in 
Falun  and  others  were  commissioned  to  sell  tobacco  in  the 
market  places^^  and  in  the  principal  centers  of  population 
throughout  the  kingdom.-^    Merchants  and  others,  who  bought 

"  This  document  is  in  Swedish,  the  former  is  in  German.  The  copy  in 
Tobaksk.,  1643-59,  is  not  dated. 

"  One  third  of  this  fine  should  go  to  the  poor,  the  rest  to  the  company. 

^  It  is  possible  that  the  company  had  more  than  one  director.  The  expression 
"  Direktorerna "  is  often  met  with.  It  was  denied  that  Trotzig  was  director. 
In  a  law-suit  brought  against  Feif  for  the  payment  of  a  certain  amount  of  tobacco, 
Carolstadius  maintained  that  "  the  entire  direction  of  the  company  was  in  the 
hands  of  Jacob  Kalmater  and  Jacob  Blome."  The  facts  seem  to  be  that  Trotzig 
was  the  first  director,  then  after  his  death,  which  occurred  in  the  summer  of 
1644,  it  seems  (fol.  20-21),  Jacob  Kallmeter  was  appointed  or  elected  director. 
See  Salomon  Petrij  Carols[tadius]'  letter  in  "Jacob  Feif  emot  Tob.  Comp.  1651 
K.,"  fol.  17-18,  Tobaksk.,  1643-59  (R.A.). 

^  Jacob  Feif,  etc.,  fol.  25  if.  The  bookkeeper  was  Herman  Elswick,  probably 
a  relative  of  Hendrick  von  Elswick,  the  factor  in  New  Sweden,  1654-5. 

^  Classon's  bond  was  signed  by  Jacob  Feif  and  W.  Starkman. 

^  Certain  places  in  the  country  were  designated  as  market-places,  where  the 
farmers  and  others  came  at  stated  times  of  the  year  to  buy  and  sell  their  goods. 
The  company  also  had  agents  at  Stockholm,  Norrkoping,  Kalmar,  Vastervik, 
Nykoping,  Narva,  etc.    Blome  to  Oxenstierna,  1645. 


The  Trade  of  the  Company.  293 

tobacco  from  the  Tobacco  Company  to  sell  again,  were  obliged 
to  furnish  bonds  as  well  as  to  sign  a  contract  to  the  effect  that 
the  ordinances  of  the  government  and  of  the  companies  would 
be  lived  up  to.^'*  In  June  Bonnell  made  two  large  sales  to  the 
Tobacco  Company  amounting  to  22,7093^  lbs.,  for  which  it 
was  to  pay  14,579  D.  23  ore  in  four  installments,  every  three 
months  from  September  16,  1643.  Bonnell  continued  to  im- 
port large  quantities  of  tobacco  from  Holland  during  the  first 
part  of  this  period.  In  May  14,937  lbs.  were  brought  to  Stock- 
holm on  the  contract  made  with  Comelisson  Mollnaer,^^  and  in 
the  autumn  of  1643  ^  "^w  contract  was  made  with  him  for  the 
delivery  of  20,000  lbs.,  for  6,271  R.D.,  to  be  paid  in  four  in- 
stallments. The  tobacco  was  shipped  to  Stockholm  in  October 
and  November. 2«  But  complaints,  however,  were  soon  made 
that  tobacco  was  imported  and  sold-'^  against  the  mandates  of 
the  government  by  others  than  the  New  Sweden  Company  and 
the  "tobacco-participants."  Consequently  another  resolution 
was  issued  by  the  Crown  in  January,  1644,  but  the  smuggling 
continued  and  tobacco  was  imported  illegally  "not  only  on 
particular  merchant  vessels,  but  also  on  ships  of  the  Crown," 
filling  the  country  with  the  article.^s  In  some  cases  the  gover- 
nors and  magistrates  of  the  kingdom  "played  under  cover 
with  the  transgressors, "2^  and  it  was  often  impossible  for  the 
representatives  of  the  companies  to  bring  the  offenders  to 
punishment,  even  though  they  had  been  caught  openly  violating 
the  law.  Accordingly  a  fourth  ordinance  was  published  by  the 
government  in  the  beginning  of  1645,  repeating  all  former 
commands  in  more  vigorous  terms.^*^      But  even  this  failed  to 

""Feif  emot  Tob.  Comp.  1651,"  etc.,  fol.  10  ff.      Tobaksk.  (R.A.). 

'"The  contract  called  for  16,000  lbs.   (Dutch  weight).     Journal,  no.  249. 

''Journal,  nos.  324,  338,  260,  261. 

^  It  was  a  general  rule  in  this  period  that  a  merchant  should  handle  only  one 
kind  of  goods.  But  in  the  case  of  merchants  in  small  places  who  could  not 
make  their  living  without  trading  in  several  articles,  they  were  granted  the 
privilege  of  handling  tobacco  besides  other  goods.      Stiernman,  H.  384. 

^  Blome  to  Oxenstierna,  November  21,  1644.    Ox.  Saml. 

^ "  Spela  med  thess  ofwertradare  under  tacket,"  "  play  into  the  hands  of." 
Stiernman,  H.  396. 

"Dated  January  18,  1645.     Stiernman,  H.  396  ff. 


294      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

have  the  desired  effect.  New  complaints  were  made  and  the 
Tobacco  Company  reported  that  the  merchants  in  the  various 
cities  did  not  pay  their  bills  on  the  dates  "they  had  agreed 
upon."  The  government  was  very  active  in  its  endeavors  to 
regulate  the  trade,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  March,  the  same  year, 
an  edict  was  sent  to  all  the  governors  of  the  kingdom,  com- 
manding them  to  observe  that  all  the  former  ordinances  were 
followed  and  "  that  no  one  except  the  South  Company  carried 
on  a  tobacco  trade. "^^ 

The  original  number  of  members  in  the  Tobacco  Company 
was  ten,  but  Trotzig  died  in  1644,  and  other  members  either 
died  or  withdrew  from  the  association.  In  April,  1646,  the 
contract  made  by  Fleming  with  the  company  was  renewed  by 
Oxenstlerna.^2  But  the  trade  throughout  the  kingdom  re- 
mained as  irregular  and  uncontrolled  as  before,  and  in  Novem- 
ber Blome  repeated  his  former  complaints,  also  adding  that  the 
New  Sweden  Company  charged  too  big  a  price  for  the  tobacco. 
On  June  17,  1647,  the  Queen  published  another  manifesto, 
increasing  the  penalty  for  smuggling  tobacco  to  two  silver 
marks  a  pound  for  the  first  offence,  besides  confiscation,  and  for 
a  second  offence  imposing  severe  punishment  upon  the  perpetra- 
tor without  mercy.  In  case  the  mayors  and  magistrates  in  the 
cities  did  not  keep  close  watch  over  the  importation  and  trade 
they  should  be  held  responsible  for  the  misdeeds  of  their 
citizens.  It  is  probable  that  this  order  somewhat  checked  the 
illegal  importation,  for  the  complaints  seem  to  have  been  less 
frequent  and  no  further  ordinances  were  issued  before  the  con- 
tract with  the  Tobacco  Company  expired.^^ 

Only  four  persons  remained  in  the  company  in  1647,  Mat- 
tias  Trost,  Jacob  Kallmeter,  Baltzar  Wissmar  and  Jacob  Blome. 
Blome  continued  to  act  as  treasurer  and  Kallmeter  was  direc- 
tor.    As  time  went  on  large  quantities  of  tobacco  were  bought 

"Stiernman,  II.  398-9. 

^  Blome  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  November  26,  1646.     Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^  Oxenstierna's  contract,  April,  1646,  Tobaksk.,  1643-59  (R.A.),  and  in 
Concept.,  Ox.  Saml.;  Blome  to  Oxenstierna,  November  26,  1646,  Ox.  Saml.; 
Sticrnraan,  II.  487-9;  Nord.  Saml,  386  (U.B.). 


The  Trade  of  the  Company.  295 

from  Bonnell,  who  imported  it  from  Mollnaer  and  Company 
and  others,  often  aided  by  Peter  Trotzig."^^  But  tobacco  was 
smuggled  into  the  kingdom  in  such  quantities  that  the  company 
could  not  sell  its  supplies  so  readily  as  expected.  The  tobacco 
habit  had  furthermore  assumed  various  forms  by  this  time,  and 
chewing  was  becoming  common,  making  it  more  difficult  to  sell 
leaves  in  the  usual  way. 

In  the  spring  of  1645  ^  ^^w  departure  was  made  in  the 
tobacco  trade  of  the  New  Sweden  Company.  A  tobacco  spin- 
ner was  engaged  at  Gothenburg  and  1,261  >4  lbs.  of  the  to- 
bacco which  came  from  New  Sweden  were  "spun."^^  But 
the  experiment  was  probably  not  a  paying  one,  and  it  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  repeated  until  1648.  Large  quantities 
of  unsold  tobacco  were  then  on  hand  in  the  company's  store- 
house in  Stockholm.  To  make  this  supply  more  saleable  it  was 
decided  to  spin  it  and  Peter  Trotzig  was  ordered  to  hire  a 
spinner  and  to  buy  a  tobacco  press  and  other  necessary  supplies 
for  the  manufacture  of  "roll  tobacco."  Accordingly  Trotzig 
engaged  Thomas  Schwartwout  at  a  salary  of  50  florins  a  month. 
A  press  and  other  instruments  were  made  in  Holland  and 
shipped  to  Sweden.  Schwartwout  arrived  in  Stockholm  on  May 
10,  1648,  and  began  almost  immediately  to  make  preparations 
for  the  manufacture  of  roll  tobacco.  A  storehouse  and  work- 
shop were  rented  on  Sodermalm  and  towards  the  end  of  May 
102  casks  of  tobacco  were  brought  from  the  storehouse  of  the 
New  Sweden  Company  and  placed  in  the  factory.  October  18 
the  first  sale  (1,000  lbs.)  of  manufactured  tobacco  was  made 

^^July  8,  164s,  2,890  lb.  bt.  for  1,083:24  D.  were  received  by  Bonnell;  Sep- 
tember 30,  5,731  lb.  (cost  2,149:4  D.)  ;  October  26,  3,265  (cost  2,285:16  D.)  ; 
May  6,  1646,  10,980  lb.  bt.  for  3,643:28  D.;  August  JO,  1,743^/2  lb.  (cost  578:20 
D.)  ;  November  6,  3,746i/4  lb.  (cost  663:13  D.)  ;  November  28,  10,2261/^  lb.  (cost 
i,8io  D.)  ;  July  8,  1647,  379  lb.  bt.  for  379  D.;  May  2,  1648,  (^a^lV^  lb.  bt.  for 
2,245:28  D.;  June  13,  3,6161/2  lb.  (cost  1,356:6  D.)  ;  August  2,  8,066  lb.  (cost 
2,676:24  D.)  ;  July  14,  1649,  5,947  'b.  bt.  for  i,95+:5  D.;  September  5,  7,241  lb. 
(cost  2,403  D.)  ;  October  I,  7,648  lb.  (cost  1,972:20  D.),  etc.  Journal,  nos.  422, 
423,  465,  469,  483,  486,  488,  490,  492,  494,  528,  538,  543,  544,  552,  568,  571, 
591,  ^93,  598,  60s,  618,  619,  643,  660,  662,  664,  687,  698,  725,  727,  837,  852, 
857,  867,  etc. 

^Journal,  no.  461. 


296      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  from  now  on  practically  all  the  tobacco  sold  by  Bonnell  had 
been  treated  at  the  factory.  From  the  eighteenth  of  October, 
1648,  until  the  fifteenth  of  October,  1649,  1 5^650  lbs.  were 
spun,  valued  at  2,347:16  D.,  and  most  of  this  lot  was  then 
already  sold.  The  expenses  connected  with  the  spinning  such 
as  Schwartwout's  salary  and  lodgings  (which  were  paid  by  the 
company) ,  the  purchase  of  syrup,  wood  and  some  other  articles 
used  in  the  manufacture,  were  relatively  small,  making  the 
business  very  profitable,  for  the  tobacco  was  greatly  increased 
in  price. ^^ 

In  March,  1649,  ^^^  contract  made  with  Schwartwout  was 
changed  and  instead  of  a  salary  he  was  to  be  paid  4  stivers  a 
pound  for  the  tobacco  treated  by  him.  For  that  sum  he  should 
pay  all  expenses,  such  as  rent  and  necessary  material  used  in  the 
manufacture.^^ 

In  the  spring  of  1649  ^he  contract  of  the  Tobacco  Company 
expired,  and  in  October  the  government  withdrew  the  privileges 
given  to  the  New  Sweden  Company,  permitting  a  free  impor- 
tation and  sale  of  tobacco  by  any  person,  whether  Swede  or 
foreigner,  on  the  payment  of  duty.^^  For  two  years  the  free 
and  unrestricted  importation  of  tobacco  was  continued.  Kail- 
meter  and  Wissman,  members  of  the  old  Tobacco  Company, 
were  still  heavy  buyers  from  Bonnell,^^  and  considerable  quan- 
tities of  tobacco  were  sold  by  him  from  the  beginning  of  1650 
until  the  autumn  of  1651.^" 

When  the  Tobacco  Company  was  disbanded  in  1649  't  owed 
the  New  Sweden  Company  large  sums  of  money .^^  Part  of  it 
was  paid,  but  a  considerable  debt  remained  unsettled  in  1653, 
which  Jacob  Blome  and  his  associates  refused  to  pay.     Kramer 

'*  Journal,  nos.  684,  693-7,  737,  75°  ff-,  759-1,  766,  769,  770,  773,  783-S,  789, 
795-803,  805,  807,  808,  813,  815,  817,  819,  833,  836,  841,  etc. 

"  Journal,  no.  797. 

"  Stiernman,  II.  602-3. 

^^  Journal,  nos.  929,  937,  948,  1007,  1018. 

*"  In  April,  1650,  the  journal  states  that  Bonnell  sold  several  hundred  pounds 
to  the  "  Toback  Contracttanten."  By  "  Toback  Contr."  is  undoubtedly  meant  the 
members  of  the  old  company,  as  there  was  no  company  in  existence  at  this  time 
as  far  as  is  known.      Journal,  nos.  922,  923. 

*^  Journal,  nos.  1060,  1066,  1145. 


The  Trade  of  the  Company.  297 

brought  a  suit  against  him  and  secured  a  judgment  instructing 
Blome  to  pay  the  amount.'*^  But  he  still  refused,  maintaining 
that  he  had  traded  bona  fide,  that  he  would  not  pay  twice  for 
the  same  lots  nor  for  tobacco  he  had  not  received.  The  case 
was  then  brought  before  the  Commercial  College  and  Kramer 
and  Blome  presented  their  bills  and  documents  before  that  body 
in  the  spring  of  1654.  The  college  found  that  Kramer's  bills 
and  demands  were  just  and  correct  and  Blome  was  told  to  pay 
10,000  D.  at  once.  The  other  bills  could  be  cleared  up  later, 
when  he  had  time  to  try  to  disprove  their  validity.  On  closer 
examination  it  was  found  that  the  Tobacco  Company  had  been 
charged  for  436  D.  by  Bonnell  more  than  had  actually  been 
delivered;  but  the  rest  of  the  debts  were  pronounced  bona  fide 
and  they  were  gradually  paid.^' 

It  soon  became  evident  that  unrestricted  importation  of 
tobacco  was  not  practicable.  Tobacco  was  smuggled  Into  the 
country  In  larger  quantities  than  ever  and  the  excise  was  materi- 
ally reduced.  It  was  therefore  decided  to  restore  the  old  order 
of  things,  and  on  the  twenty-second  of  September,  165 1,  a 
patent  for  the  tobacco  trade  was  Issued  by  the  Queen,  granting 
to  the  New  Sweden  Company  the  sole  right  to  Import  and  sell 
tobacco  under  any  pretext  whatever,  and  transgressors  would 
be  punished  according  to  the  Ordinance  of  1647.^^  ^^^  tobacco 
in  the  kingdom  must  be  delivered  to  the  company  and  a  reason- 

*^Rechn.  och  forslag  efter  kambnare  domen  huru  mycket  Jacob  Blome  och 
bans  intressenter  annu  skydlige  ahre. 

Debit. 

Efter  .  .  .  Kramers  .  .  .  Reck  .  .  .  summa  K.  M D.  18,991:12 

Credit. 

Befriade  fran   D.     6,120:25 

Pro  Saldo  forblifver  J.  Blome  och  bans  intr.  efter  K.  Domen 

skyldige  till   10  Dec.  Anno  1650 K.  M.  12,870:29 

K.  M.  D.  18,991:22 
Kramer  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  December  15,  1653  (copy);  "Ex.  Prot.  pa  Rattens 
Wegnar,"  etc.,  December  10,  1653,  "  Rech.,"  etc.,  Ox.  Saml. 

" "  Forteckn.  ofwer  sum.  i  domen  emot  J.  Blome."  Among  letters  from 
Kramer  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  Ox.  Saml.  Com.  Col.  Prot.,  1654,  Mar.  2-7  (R.A.). 
Letter  from  J.  Blome  to  Com.  Col.,  February  25,  1654;  tvvo  otbjer  letters  from 
Blome  to  Com.  Col.  (no  date),  Com.  Col.  Acta,  1653-9  (K.A.)  ;  Journal,  nos. 
1145  ff.,  1315  (December  31,  1654). 
**  See  above. 


298      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

able  price  should  be  paid  for  it.^^  A  new  Tobacco  Company  was 
also  organized  by  "  Johan  Fischbeck,  Daniel  Junge,  Johan  Focke 
and  consorts, "^*^  and  the  trade  was  well  systematized.  The 
New  Sweden  Company  had  21,558  lbs.  in  its  storehouse  and 
this  was  weighed  and  arrangements  made  to  have  it  trans- 
ferred to  the  Tobacco  Company.  But  the  stockholders  refused 
to  pay  more  than  half  a  D.  copper  money  per  pound.  An  agree- 
ment could  not  be  reached  and  the  differences  were  referred  to 
the  government.  It  was  finally  ordered  that  three  marks  copper 
money  should  be  paid  for  each  pound  or  6,467  :i2^  D.  for  the 
lot,  to  be  delivered  in  several  instalments  from  June  until  Octo- 
ber, 1652.  6,777  ^bs.  of  confiscated  tobacco  were  also  sold  by 
Bonnell,  but  it  was  spoilt  through  its  long  storage  and  only 
793  D.  19  ore  were  realized  on  it.^^ 

The  new  regulations  did  not  improve  matters.  The  mayors 
and  magistrates  of  the  cities  interpreted  the  patent  to  suit  their 
own  interests.^^  In  some  cases  the  agents  of  the  Tobacco  Com- 
pany and  others  sent  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  trade 
and  guard  the  interests  of  their  employers  were  attacked  and 
ill  treated.  The  company  complained  and  in  1652  another 
patent  in  five  articles  was  published.  But  all  efforts  of  the 
Crown  and  the  company  to  regulate  the  trade  and  prevent 
smuggling  were  to  no  avail,  and  in  April,  1653,  the  importa- 
tion and  trade  of  tobacco  was  again  made  free,  the  privileges 
granted  the  New  Sweden  Company  being  withdrawn.  A  duty 
of  3>^  ore  a  pound  was  to  be  paid  by  the  importer,  when  the 
herb  was  loaded  on  a  mounted  Swedish  ship,  while  a  somewhat 
higher  duty  was  imposed  if  imported  on  other  vessels.  But 
illegal  importation  continued,  and  still  another  ordinance  was 
issued  in  July  of  the  same  year.*^ 

"  Stiernman,  IL  678-9. 

*"  Journal,  no.  1048.  The  Co.  was  formed  in  the  autumn,  1651,  Patent,  etc., 
Sept.  22,  1651. 

"Journal,  nos.  1048,  1055,  1059. 

**  In  the  spring  the  Mayor  of  Upsala  wrote  to  the  Commercial  College  on 
behalf  of  some  citizens  requesting  permission  to  buy  some  tobacco  direct  from 
the  company  and  not  through  their  agents.  But  it  was  denied.  Rising  to  the 
Mayor  of  Upsala,  March  26,  1652.      Cora.  Col.  Reg.  (R.A.). 

"Stiernman,  II.  692  ff.,  708  ff.,  718  ff. 


The  Trade  of  the  Company.  299 

The  sale  of  tobacco  was  now  free  for  more  than  a  year  until 
privileges  for  the  importation  of  the  article  were  again  granted 
to  the  new  "American  Company. "^*^ 

The  tobacco  trade  of  the  New  Sweden  Company  was  discon- 
tinued in  1652  and  it  handled  no  more  tobacco  for  about  two 
years.  The  entire  profits  on  the  sales  was  26,638  :834o  D.,  and 
a  little  more  than  one  fourth  of  this  sum  was  realized  on  the 
roll  tobacco  manufactured  by  Schwartwout.^"^ 

Benjamin  Bonnell's  services  for  the  company  practically 
came  to  an  end  in  the  fall  of  165 1  when  he  was  commissioned 
to  go  to  England  as  a  representative  of  the  Trading  Company^^ 
to  obtain  the  release  of  a  ship  which  had  been  captured  on  her 
way  from  Portugal  to  Sweden  with  a  cargo  of  salt.^^  An  in- 
struction in  six  articles  was  given  to  him  by  the  government  on 
August  30  and  a  passport  and  credentials  were  made  out  for 
him  the  same  day.^^  In  September,  1652,  he  was  again  sent 
to  England  by  the  government  "  in  the  position  of  a  commis- 
sary, especially  to  observe  there  the  things  that  concerned  the 
commerce  and  navigation  of  the  Swedish  crown  and  its  citizens  " 
and  to  try  to  enter  into  some  agreement  with  Parliament.^^  He 
was  also  commissioned  to  present  the  injuries  done  by  the 
English  to  the  New  Ship  Company  and  endeavor  to  obtain 
reasonable  damages.^^ 

Bonnell's  services  for  the  New  Sweden  Company  were  now 
entirely  ended.  He  owed  the  company  a  considerable  sum  of 
money,  due  to  the  fact  that  he  had  not  turned  over  all  the  cash 
to  Beier  received  from  the  Tobacco  Company,  and  as  he  was 
unable  to  pay  in  cash  he  transferred  his  shares  in  the  Shipbuild- 
ing  Company   at  Vastervik   to   the   New   Sweden    Company. 

»»Cf.  below,   Chap.  XLVHI. 

"  Journal,  no.   1087   ff. 

"  "  Handelscompagniet." 

"  He  should  sail  there  on  the  company's  ship  Gotland,  R.R.,  August,  1651, 
fol.  968. 

"R.R.,  August  30,  1651,  fol.  968  ff.,  970  ff.,  971-2- 

"Memorial  for  Com.  B.  Bonnell  (in  seven  articles),  September  30,  1652,  R.R. 
fol.  1729  ff. 

"Article  6,  R.R.,  September  30,  1652,  fol.  1734. 


300      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

These  shares  were  valued  at  i,8oo  D.,^^  but  his  account  was 
still  3,730  D.  1854  ore  short.  This  sum,  however,  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  account  of  the  government  and  the  Queen  ordered 
it  to  be  paid  on  Bonnell's  behalf,  since  he  had  performed  valu- 
able services  to  the  Crown.^^ 

"The  market  value  of  the  shares  was  only  1,575  D.  however.  Journal,  no. 
1075. 

^^  Journal,  no.  1075-6:  "  Opct  tillgiflFts  bref  for  Benjamin  Bonnell,"  etc., 
November  15,  1652,  R.R.  fol.  2118-19;  Beier  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  October  4,  1649, 
September  8,  1651.  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.).  "  B.  Bonnells  Reck,  mitt  d.  lob.  Sod. 
Comp."  (no  date  but  about  the  autumn  of  1652)  among  letters  from  Bonnell 
to  Oxenstierna,  Ox.  Saml.,  "  Aufs.  iiber  demj.  w.  B.  Bonnell  d.  S.  Comp.  schul. 
ist,"  May  29,  1652,  Soderk.,  1637-59  (R.A.).  The  entire  bill  is  15,643:13  D. 
copper  money. 


Johan  Printz,  Governor  of  New  Sweden.     From  the  portrait  presented  by  King  Gus- 
taf  V.  to  the  Swedish  Colonial  Society. 


PART   II. 

THE  COLONY  UNDER  PRINTZ,  1643-1653. 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

The  Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony. 

I. 

Governor  Kidder,  with  his  few  soldiers  and  colonists,  was 
quietly  passing  the  winter  of  1 642-1643  at  Fort  Christina. 
The  New  Year's  festivities  were  over.  An  occasional  hunting 
expedition,  the  daily  morning  and  evening  prayers  and  now  and 
then  an  Indian  visit  were  almost  the  only  diversions  in  the 
monotonous  life.  Storm  and  snow  swept  over  the  Delaware 
region  on  the  sixth  and  seventh  of  February  and  the  colonists 
were  compelled  to  remain  round  their  fire-places  in  the  log 
cabins;  but  the  sun  appeared  again,  the  snow  melted  and  all 
was  as  before,  half  spring,  half  winter,  for  the  climate  of  the 
Delaware  is  generally  undecided  at  this  time  of  year.  About 
the  beginning  of  February  we  may  suppose  that  Indians  brought 
news  to  the  little  settlement  that  ships  had  appeared  in  the 
river.  Were  they  Swedish  vessels  or  Dutch?  Of  course  the 
Indians  did  not  know.  Hope  revived  the  drooping  spirits;  the 
vessels  might  be  from  Gothenburg.  Eager  eyes  spied  the  Dela- 
ware for  days  and  about  noon  on  February  15  two  ships  were 
seen  slowly  carried  up  the  river  by  the  slight  breeze.  Every 
man  in  the  fort  watched  the  sails.  There  was  a  bustle  and  a 
hurry  everywhere.  The  news  spread  and  the  colonists  came 
running  in  from  their  plantations.  Sure  enough  the  Swedish 
colors  were  waving  from  the  top-masts !  In  an  instant  the 
gold-blue  cross  banner  was  flung  to  the  breeze  on  the  flag  pole 
of  Christina  Fort  and  a  shout  of  welcome  greeted  the  Swan  and 
the  Fama,  as  they  came  sailing  up  Christina  River.    At  two  in 


302      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  afternoon  the  ships  anchored  in  Christina  Harbor  and  the 
passengers  and  sailors  went  ashore.  Rev.  Torkillus  "  with  his 
entire  flock  "  stood  on  the  bridge  to  receive  them  and  Governor 
Ridder,  surrounded  by  his  little  staff  of  officers  and  soldiers, 
did  homage  to  the  arriving  governor,  while  some  Indian,  lurk- 
ing with  his  bow  and  arrow  behind  the  pine  trees  on  the  island, 
was  watching  the  scene.  The  passengers  were  greeted  with 
tears  of  joy  and  the  handshakings  and  questions  seemed  never 
to  cease!  But  to  work,  to  work!  There  were  cargoes  to  be 
unloaded  and  horses  and  cattle  to  be  brought  ashore.  Until 
evening  came  the  work  proceeded.  Shelter  was  sought  for  the 
newcomers,  but  some  were  compelled  to  sleep  in  the  ships,  for 
there  was  not  room  enough  for  so  many  in  the  colony.  The 
fires  were  supplied  longer  that  evening  than  usual  and  the 
candles  or  fir-torches  were  kept  burning  till  morning  hours. 
News  from  Sweden,  from  relatives  and  friends  was  asked  for, 
the  progress  of  the  war,  the  victories  won  by  Swedish  armies, 
what  new  decrees  had  been  made,  what  new  taxes  levied,  who 
among  the  relatives  and  acquaintances  of  the  colonists  had  been 
drafted  and  sent  to  German  battlefields — such  and  a  hundred 
other  questions  we  may  be  sure  were  asked.  And  when  the 
settlers  were  told  of  the  great  victories  at  Glogau,  at  Schweid- 
nitz  and  at  Breitenfeld  and  the  glorious  exploits  of  Torstens- 
son  and  Baner,  their  patriotism  rose  within  them  and  they  were 
proud  of  belonging  to  such  a  nation  and  of  being  its  represen- 
tatives in  the  new  world.  But  the  journey  across  the  ocean  was 
not  forgotten.  The  sufferings  on  the  way  from  Gothenburg 
to  Godyn's  Bay  were  related  and  the  storms  and  mishaps  at  the 
Horn  Kill  were  described.  Gradually  the  night  came  on.  The 
fires  went  out.  Soon  the  tired  travellers  were  fast  asleep  and  all 
was  quiet. 

Early  in  the  morning  every  one  was  at  work  again.  In  the 
afternoon  the  colonists  were  assembled  in  Fort  Christina,  Rid- 
der delivered  his  authority  to  Printz  and  the  instructions  and 
orders  of  the  government  were  read  in  the  presence  of  the 
people.    Within  the  next  few  days  the  commissioners  were  busy 


1  ill 


U       X 


~    V    Z- 


3   > 


J        <; 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        303 

making  an  inventory  of  the  merchandise  in  the  storehouse  and 
planning  preparations  for  the  return  voyage  of  the  ships. 

Spring  was  rapidly  approaching  and  every  day  was  valuable. 
The  newly  arrived  freemen  were  anxious  to  begin  the  erection 
of  buildings  and  the  clearing  of  forests  and  the  governor  de- 
sired to  select  the  location  for  a  new  fort.  For  this  reason  as 
well  as  to  be  able  to  make  a  report,  Printz,  in  company  with 
Radder,  some  soldiers  and  perhaps  an  Indian  guide,  "passed 
over  the  territory  of  New  Sweden,  first  from  Cape  Henlopen 
unto  Bomkin's  Hook  and  then  from  there  all  the  way  up  to 
Sankikan."  This  inspection  gave  the  governor  an  idea  of  the 
possibilities  of  the  country,  which  he  found  especially  suitable 
for  agriculture.  He  took  notice  of  the  parts  most  adapted  for 
farms  and  as  soon  as  possible  the  new  colonists  were  assigned 
places  for  building  homes  and  clearing  ground. 

But  to  look  after  the  defence  of  the  country  and  to  safeguard 
it  against  attacks  were  the  first  duties  of  the  governor  and  it  is 
probable  that  he  planned  to  begin  the  erection  of  "  an  addi- 
tional bulwark  against  the  enemies"  shortly  after  his  tour  of 
inspection.  In  1640  Ridder  had  proposed  that  a  second  fort 
should  be  built  at  a  convenient  point  on  the  banks  of  the  Dela- 
ware, as  Christina  was  too  far  away  from  the  latter  river  to  be 
of  real  service.  Johan  Beier  was  requested  to  ascertain  whether 
or  not  it  would  be  necessary  and  practicable  to  do  so,^  and  we 
may  assume  that  he  reported  favorably  on  the  suggestion,  for 
Printz  was  instructed  by  the  government  to  erect  "  a  new  strong- 
hold either  at  Cape  Henlopen  or  on  Jacque's  Island  or  at  any 
other  suitable  place,  so  that  the  South  River  could  be  closed 
and  guarded  by  it."^ 

He  was  also  ordered  to  keep  the  Swedish  title  intact  to  the 
district  at  Varkens  Kill  on  which  the  English  were  residing  and 
to  assert  the  authority  of  the  Swedish  government  over  them. 
To  place  a  fortress  there  would  be  one  of  the  most  effective 
means  of  securing  this  authority  and  the  fortifications  could 

^Ridder  to  Oxenstierna,  Ox.  Saml.;  "Memorial  for  Beier,  1640,"  N.S.,  L 
(R.A.). 

^Instruction,  1642.     Jacque's  Island    (Jacobs  O),   Chester  Island. 


304      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

serve  the  main  and  additional  purpose  of  closing  the  river 
against  all  intruders.^  Accordingly  a  convenient  spot  was  found 
and  preparations  for  the  laying  of  the  foundation  timbers  were 
at  once  begun.  We  are  not  now  able  to  determine  the  date  on 
which  the  erection  was  commenced,"*  but  it  must  have  been  soon 
after  Printz's  arrival,  for  it  is  stated  that  Rev.  Holg  Fluviander 
served  seven  months  at  Fort  Elfsborg  prior  to  October  i,  1643, 
which  would  bring  us  to  March  i,  as  about  the  date  of  the  pre- 
liminary preparations."^  The  work  was  rushed  to  such  an  extent 
that  on  June  13  the  building  is  mentioned  as  "  Fort  Elfsborg" 
in  one  of  the  documents.^  It  is  also  stated  that  an  English 
bark  arrived  before  Elfsborg  on  May  6  and  that  Mans  Larsson 
died  there  July  3,  1643."^  When  the  walls  on  the  water  side 
were  nearly  finished  most  of  the  laborers  were  withdrawn  and 
sent  up  to  Tinicum  Island,  where  still  another  fort  was  being 
built.  The  date  of  the  completion  of  the  stronghold  is  un- 
known. It  was  not  ready  in  October,^  but  it  seems  to  have  been 
able  to  serve  its  purpose  of  compelling  foreign  vessels  to  lower 
their  flags  as  early  as  May  6,  and  the  name  of  Fort  Elfsborg 
was  given  to  it  about  this  time,  when  the  cannon  had  been  placed 
in  position  on  the  walls  and  the  Swedish  salute  could  be  given.^ 
The  fort  was  located  on  the  east  shore  of  the  Delaware,  a  little 
south  of  Mill  Creek,  on  an  island  of  upland  at  "  Elsingburg 

'Sprinchorn,  mainly  following  Acrelius  and  Hazard,  is  mistaken  in  supposing 
that  the  erection  of  this  fort  gave  the  first  occasion  for  collision  with  the  rivals 
of  the  Swedes.    See  Sprinchorn,  p.  17;  Acrelius,  p.  39;  Hazard,  p.  72. 

*  Sprinchorn  as  well  as  Hazard  rightly  correct  the  date  of  the  erection,  given 
by  Acrelius.     Sprinchorn,  p.  n,  note  2;  Hazard,  p.  70,  Acrelius,  p.  39. 

^Journal,  648.  "  Und  nach  dem  er  vor  obgedachte  Zeit  [October  i,  1643]  in 
die  7  Monatt  den  Gottesdienst  bey  dennen  Volckern  in  dem  Fort  Elfsborgh  ver- 
richtet  hat,  Laut  sein  Testimonium.  .  .  ."  It  cannot  of  course  mean  that  the  fort 
was  ready  in  March,  for  we  know  that  it  was  not  ready  on  October  13,  1643. 
Cp.  below.  Huddle  says  "  [It]  was  ordered  to  be  erected  there  by  the  aforesaid 
Johan  Printz  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  river."     Doc,  XII.  29. 

' "  Oncosten  aen  de  Heer  Gouver.  Jan  Printz  voor  6  kannen  Brandewijn 
de  hoog.  Compagnia  verstreckt,  so  aen  de  soldaten  door  hem  bij  de  Schans 
Elsborgh  uijtgegeven  .  .  .  zV^  fl.  de  kan  gerechent  fl.  15,"  Junij  13,  1643,  ^<^<^- 
B.,  1643-8. 

'' Rulla,  1644;  Report,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  38. 

*  De  Vries  (transl.),  p.  122-3.     Cf.  below. 

'  The  fort  was  called  after  Fort  Elfsborg,  at  that  time  a  strong  fortress  near 
Gothenburg. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.       305 

Fort  Point."  It  was  an  earthwork  constructed  "  on  the  English 
plan  with  three  angles  close  by  the  river"  and  "the  carpenter 
made  a  beautiful  portal"  for  it.^*^  The  largest  cannon  in  the 
colony  were  planted  on  its  walls,  consisting  of  "  eight  12  lb.  iron 
and  brass  guns  and  one  mortar,"  It  was  the  best  garrisoned 
fort  in  the  river,  thirteen  soldiers  being  quartered  here  in  the 
summer  of  1644  (New  Gothenborg  having  only  eight  and 
Christina  only  three)  and  Sven  Skute,  at  this  time  next  in  rank 
to  Printz,  was  placed  in  command.  Johan  Matsson  was  gunner ; 
the  chief  guard  Gregorius  van  Dyck  and  the  drummer  Sven 
Andersson  were  stationed  there. ^-  Here  De  Vries  had  to  strike 
his  colors  in  1643;  ^^  this  fort  Aspinwall  was  forced  to  lower 
his  flag  and  even  pay  for  the  shot  that  compelled  him  to  stop, 
and  all  Dutch  vessels  were  required  to  anchor  before  its  walls 
on  their  way  up  the  river.  At  times  they  were  rather  roughly 
handled  and  Hudde  bitterly  complained  that  Printz  by  means 
of  this  fortress  "held  the  river  locked  for  himself. "^"^ 

Printz  had  a  right  to  choose  his  place  of  residence  in  the 
colony.  He  dwelt  at  Christina  for  some  time  after  his  arrival, 
but  as  soon  as  the  work  at  Varkens  Kill  was  under  way,  he 
selected  a  favorable  location  on  Tinicum  Island^^*  for  a  dwell- 

"  Hazard,  p.  71;  Ferris,  pp.  68-70;  Winsor,  IV.  462;  Doc.  XII.  28,  29.  "This 
island  was  most  judiciously  selected  for  the  erection  of  a  fort,  being  protected  by 
the  river  on  the  west,  on  the  north  by  Fishing  Creek  (Mill  Creek),  turning  east 
and  south,  on  the  south  by  an  immense  expanse  of  wild  marsh."  Quoted  frona 
a  letter  of  Col.  R.  G.  Johnson,  by  Hazard,  p.  71.  That  the  fort  was  located  on 
an  island  is  further  borne  out  by  Printz's  Report.  Printz  says  that  "  the  Indians 
set  fire  to  the  timber  on  the  island"  and  from  the  Account  Book  of  1643-8  we 
are  informed  that  this  timber  was  at  Elfsborg.  Report,  1644,  §10;  Odhner, 
N.S.,  p.  34;  Ace.  B.,  1643-8    (June  30,  1643). 

"De  Vries,  pp.  122-3.  Doc,  XII.  29.  The  translation  of  Hudde's  report  ia 
Doc,  XII.  29,  is  ambiguous  on  this  point.  "  Four  guns,  iron  and  brass,  of  twelve 
pounds  iron  (balls)"  can  hardly  mean  that  there  were  eight  cannon.  Hudde 
undoubtedly  wanted  to  convey  the  idea  that  there  were  four  brass  and  four  iron 
guns. 

^Rulla,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  37.  Cf.  below.  Hudde  says  that  the  fort 
was  usually  garrisoned  by  12  men.     Doc,  XII.  29. 

^De  Vries,  Korte  Historiael;  Doc,  XII.  29,  cf.  below. 

""  Tinicum  Island  "  is  about  two  miles  long  or  a  little  more  and  a  mile  and  a 
half  wide."     It  "  is  separated  from  the  west  shore  .  .  .  bj-  a  small  creek  as  wide 
as    a    ditch,    running   through   a    marsh."      Sluyter's   Journal,    (1679),   Mem.    of 
Long  Isl.  Hist.  So.,  I. 
21 


3c6      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

ing  and  made  provisions  for  the  fortification  and  defence  of  the 
place.  The  foundations  for  a  fort  were  laid  in  the  spring  or 
early  summer,  but  here,  as  in  the  case  of  Fort  Elfsborg,  it  is 
not  possible  to  determine  the  date  of  its  completion.  It  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  ready  in  the  beginning  of  July,  1643,  ^^^ 
the  court  which  tried  Lamberton  sat  at  Christina  and  it  is  likely 
that  these  transactions  would  have  been  conducted  at  Tinicum 
Island  had  the  place  been  ready  for  them. 

The  work  on  the  fort  and  on  the  dwellings  around  it  was  so 
far  advanced  in  May  that  it  is  stated  in  the  Account  Book  oT 
1 642-1 65 6  that  "Anders  Swensson  Bonde  was  taken  into  the 
service  of  the  Crown  on  May  i,  1643,  and  appointed  gunner" 
at  Tinicum. ^^  The  stronghold  was  perhaps  ready  towards  the 
end  of  July  or  the  beginning  of  August  and  the  name  of  New 
Gothenborg^^  was  given  to  it.^®  It  was  "made  of  hemlock 
beams,  laid  one  upon  the  other"  and  it  was  armed  with  "  four 
small  copper  cannon."  It  was  built  near  the  water's  edge  on  a 
high  point  of  Tinicum  Island  and  the  guns,  which  were  pointed 
towards  the  Delaware,  commanded  the  river. ^'^  There  seem 
to  have  been  two  gunners,  Sven  Vass  and  Anders  Bonde, ^® 
besides  whom  there  were  eight  soldiers  in  the  fort.  As  it  was 
not  favorably  located  for  protecting  the  settlement  on  the  island 
in  case  of  Indian  attacks,  it  is  probable  that  a  large  storehouse 
was  built  on  the  land  side,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  soldiers 
could  hold  the  savages  at  bay  from  there  and  defend  the 
settlers,  if  the  war-cry  should  ever  startle  the  peaceful  com- 
munity.^® 

^*Monaig.  B.,  1642-56,  fol.  41  and  87,  N.S.,  U.  (R.A.). 

"  Nya  Goteborg. 

"When  De  Vries  visited  the  place  on  October  13,  1643,  he  found  New  Gothen- 
borg  ready.     See  A^.  Y.  Hist.  Col.,  2  S.,  HL  122-3.     Cf.  below. 

"Doc,  Xn.  29;  Rulla,  1644,  N.S.,  H.   (R.A.)  ;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  38. 

"  Vass  is  given  in  Printz's  Rulla  as  "  Constapelz  .  .  .  Swenn  Waass "  and 
in  the  Monatg.  B.  it  is  stated  that  "  Anders  Swenson  Bonde  [war]  Constapell 
auff  N.  Gothenburg."     Monatg.  B.,  fol.  41 ;  Rulla,  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  38. 

"Doc,  xn.  29.  From  Hudde's  Report  it  is  clear  that  two  fortifications 
were  built  on  the  island  and  that  one  of  these  was  merely  a  storehouse  is  more 
than  likely.      Cf.  below. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.       307 

A  blockhouse  was  also  built  on  an  elevated  place  at  Upland,^® 
where  some  of  the  colonists  had  been  given  land  and  Christer 
Boije  was  placed  in  command  there. ^^ 

In  the  meantime  Fort  Christina  was  repaired.  The  arma- 
ment probably  remained  the  same  as  before,  the  gunner  Mats 
Hansson  had  charge  of  the  cannon,  Erick  Andersson  was 
trumpeter  and  the  provost-marshal,  Johan  Olofsson,  lived 
there.  The  general  storehouse  continued  to  be  at  this  place. 
The  bellows  in  the  blacksmith  shop  were  mended  in  June  and 
other  repairs  were  probably  made.^^ 

As  soon  as  the  fortifications  were  planned  and  their  erection 
begun,  Governor  Printz  turned  his  attention  to  other  business. 
Trade  with  the  savages  was  to  be  the  principal  industry  of  the 
settlement,  but  agriculture  and  cattle  raising  were  to  be  fostered 
and  cared  for  with  all  diligence,  and  Printz  was  instructed  to 
put  so  much  grain  into  the  ground,  as  soon  as  circumstances 
allowed,  that  the  people  could  be  supplied  with  food  from  the 
cultivation  of  the  land.  About  the  middle  of  April  he  made 
his  first  relation  or  report^^  to  the  government  about  the  condi- 
tion of  the  colony  and  the  situation  and  nature  of  the  land. 
He  found  that  "  it  was  a  remarkably  beautiful  country,  with  all 
the  glories  that  a  person  can  wish  on  earth  and  a  pity  and  regret 
that  it  was  not  occupied  by  true  Christians  ...  It  was  adorned 
with  all  kinds  of  fruit-bearing  trees.  The  soil  was  suitable  for 
planting  and  sowing,  and,  if  Her  Majesty  would  only  make  a 
serious  beginning,  the  country  would  soon  become  a  desirable 
place  to  live  in."^^ 

Printz  was  anxious  to  make  proper  use  of  this  "suitable 
soil"  and  of  the  many  advantages  that  he  found  here,  and  it  is 
probable  that  land  was  allotted  to  some  of  the  colonists  as 
early  as  March.    Somewhat  later  new  ground  was  assigned  for 

*  Probably  so  named  from  the  fact  that  some  of  the  colonists  settled  there 
came  from  Upland  in  Sweden. 

^  Rulla,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  38;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

^ Monatg.  B.,  1642-56,  fol.  48;  Report,  1644,  §8. 

^This  report,  dated  April  13,  1643,  is  now  lost. 

**  Printz  to  Brahe,  April  12,  1643,  and  to  Oxenstierna,  April  14,  1643,  Ox. 
Saml,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.). 


30  8      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaw!\re. 

the  company's  use,  where  the  hired  or  Indented  servants  were 
put  to  work,  while  the  freemen  labored  to  found  new  homes 
surrounded  by  fertile  fields. 

A  strange  sight  met  the  eyes  of  the  savage  chief  as  he  made 
his  visits  to  the  western  bank  of  the  Delaware  from  Christina  to 
New  Gothenborg  in  the  spring  of  1643.  There  was  bustle 
and  life  everywhere.  The  stillness  of  the  early  morning  was 
broken  by  the  sound  of  the  woodman's  axe,  and  the  echoes  of 
its  regular  stroke,  answered  from  various  quarters,  were  inter- 
rupted now  and  then  by  the  crash  of  falling  trees.  Surprised 
quails  would  fly  up  with  a  chirp  at  the  sound  and  the  noise 
of  the  thundering  wings  of  partridges  Intermingled  with  the 
general  commotion.  For  a  moment  all  is  quiet.  The  wood- 
man looks  on  the  fallen  tree  as  if  to  measure  Its  length.  Then 
the  axe  Is  again  put  in  motion;  the  branches  and  limbs  are 
stripped  off  from  the  trunk  and  thrown  in  a  pile  to  be  burned, 
when  the  sun  has  dried  them  sufficiently.  The  trunk  Is  meas- 
ured and  cut  off  from  the  top  and  a  log  fit  to  be  placed  in  the 
wall  of  a  new  building  is  ready. 

This  went  on  day  after  day,  while  Printz  was  selecting  the 
location  for  new  homesteads  and  supervising  the  erection  of 
forts  and  his  hall.  Anders  Timmerman,  Claas  Claason, 
Thomas  Timmerman  and  others  were  daily  at  work  on  new 
habitations,  while  the  soldiers  with  other  carpenters  were  pre- 
paring timber  and  other  materials  for  the  fortifications. 
Gradually  the  branches  and  other  rubbish  were  burnt  or  re- 
moved from  the  clearings  and  the  little  farms  were  ready  for 
cultivation. 

Printz  was  Instructed  to  plant  tobacco  on  the  new  planta- 
tions and  appoint  certain  planters  so  that  a  good  quantity  could 
be  sent  to  Sweden  direct  from  the  colony  on  the  returning  ships, 
making  It  unnecessary  to  buy  tobacco  from  English  merchants. 
But  Ridder  advised  the  governor  to  plant  corn  in  large  quanti- 
ties, saying  that  "  one  man's  planting  would  produce  enough 
corn  for  nine  men's  yearly  food."  With  this  in  view  Printz 
planted  corn  on  almost  all  available  places  belonging  to  the 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        309 

company  in  1643,  but  a  number  of  smaller  tobacco  patches  were 
also  prepared  and  an  expert  planter  was  engaged  at  a  salary 
of  35  fl.  a  month.  The  Swedish  freemen  probably  followed 
the  example  of  the  governor,  largely  planting  corn  on  their 
fields  and  some  tobacco,  and  it  is  likely  that  they  sowed  at  least 
some  grain.  The  English  at  Varkens  Kill  seem  to  have  prin- 
cipally  cultivated  tobacco. ^^ 

Printz  was  instructed  to  keep  peace  with  his  neighbors  as  far 
as  possible  and  to  seek  to  give  free  and  undisturbed  course  to 
the  correspondence  and  commerce  already  begun  by  his  pre- 
decessors. He  was  to  try  to  supply  the  Indians  with  such 
articles  as  they  needed  and  he  was  to  endeavor  to  win  their 
trade  by  underselling  the  English  and  Dutch  and  by  treating 
them  with  humanity  and  respect,  so  as  to  gain  their  good  will. 
The  beaver  traffic  was  to  be  conducted  for  the  benefit  of  the 
company  and  freemen  and  others  were  to  be  prohibited  from 
trading  with  the  savages.  In  all  these  things  Printz  was  largely 
successful  as  long  as  sufficient  means  were  at  his  disposal.  He 
arrived  in  New  Sweden  on  February  15.  In  May  he  had 
begun  dealings  with  the  Indians  and  presents  worth  22  fl.  were 
given  to  the  Minquas  to  induce  them  to  trade  with  the  Swedes 
as  well  as  to  inspire  their  confidence.  At  the  same  time  sewant, 
valued  at  607  fl.,  were  exchanged  for  972  bushels  of  Indian 
corn  and  additional  gifts  were  presented  to  some  Indians  for 
bringing  the  com  to  Christina. 2*^  About  the  same  time  100 
knives  were  exchanged  for  25  yds.  of  sewant  and  many  smaller 
sales  were  made.^^ 

The  Swan  and  Fama  brought  only  small  cargoes  to  the 
colony  in  1643  ^"^  hence  it  was  necessary  for  Printz  to  buy 
cloth  and  other  merchandise  from  the  English  and  Dutch.  In 
May  John  Willcox  came  from  Virginia,  having  been  informed 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Swedish  expedition,  and  he  offered  a  great 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1644;  Rulla,  1644;  Instruei'ion,  1642;  Printz  to 
Brahe,  July  19,  1644,  Skokl.  Saml. 

^The  value  of  these  presents  was  6  fl.  Hence  the  corn  was  brought  to  Fort 
Christina,  perhaps  from  a  distance  of  several  miles,  for  about  $3  and  the  total 
eost  of  972  bushels  was  613  fl. 

^  Ace.  B.,  1642-8   (May,  1643);  Instruetion,  §§7,  8,  15. 


3IO      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

variety  of  goods  for  sale  at  reasonable  prices.  On  May  22  he 
sold  a  bark  of  ten  lasts-'*  and  on  the  same  day  he  sold  2  fowling 
pieces,  82  yds.  of  sail  cloth,  862 ><  yds.  of  sewant,  144  knives, 
3  kettles,  15  axes  and  a  variety  of  other  things,  in  all  amounting 
to  7,224  fl.  One  thousand  and  fifty  florins  were  paid  him  in 
beaver  skins  and  a  draft,  drawn  on  Spiring  in  Holland,  was 
given  to  him  for  the  remainder.^^ 

Huygen  was  now  making  strenuous  efforts  to  obtain  cargoes 
for  the  returning  ships  and  towards  the  end  of  May  he  pur- 
chased 3,000  lbs.  of  tobacco^"  from  a  "Virginian  merchant 
by  the  name  of  Moore,"  who  was  then  trading  in  the  river. 
The  supply  of  beaver  skins  was  not  large,  but  in  the  beginning 
of  June  communications  were  established  with  the  Black  Min- 
quas  and  a  supply  of  peltries  was  soon  brought  to  Christina. 
On  June  3,  50  knives,  6  axes  and  100  lbs.  of  corals  were  pre- 
sented to  the  savages.  At  the  same  time  675  beavers  were 
bought  for  1,771  yds.  of  sewant  and  a  large  number  of  other 
articles  were  exchanged  for  beavers. ^^ 

Towards  the  end  of  May  preparations  were  made  for  a  jour- 
ney to  New  Holland.  Goods  were  bought  by  Printz  for  18 
beavers  and  pork  was  purchased  from  Peter  Jansen  for  two 
beavers.  The  object  of  this  expedition  was  twofold.  Several 
colonists  had  deserted,  probably  leaving  debts  behind  them. 
Hendrick  Huygen  and  Christer  Boije  were  sent  to  bring  them 
back  to  Fort  Christina  as  well  as  to  buy  supplies  for  the  colony 
and  probably  also  for  the  returning  ships.  On  May  30  Printz 
wrote  a  letter  to  Governor  Kleft,  recommending  his  agents  to 
him,  and  we  may  assume  that  the  bark  left  New  Sweden  shortly 
afterwards.  The  bark  arrived  at  the  Dutch  fort  about  the 
middle  of  June,  and  not  many  days  later  Hendrick  Huygen 
received  several  hundred  yards  of  sewant  from  Marion  Andries- 
sen  on  the  condition  that  they  be  paid  for  In  cloth.  Huygen  also 
bought  324  yds.  of  duffels  from  Governor  Kieft  at  3  fl.  a  yard 

"The  bark  was  bought  for  1,575  fl. 

"See  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Journal,  no.  307. 

""The  tobacco  was  bought  for  488  yds.  of  sewant. 

'^Jcc.  B.,  1643-8. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        3 1 1 

as  well  as  200  yds.  of  sewant,  all  to  be  paid  for  in  beavers  at  a 
later  date.  Beaver  skins  and  sewant  were  used  for  the  current 
expenses  on  the  voyage  (for  the  beaver  skins  and  wampum 
were  the  currency  in  these  parts  during  this  early  period)  and 
it  seems  that  beer  was  brought  to  New  Amsterdam  for  treating 
the  soldiers  there.  Huygen's  board  consisted  of  smoked  pork, 
bread  and  butter  and  peas  and  the  cost  of  these  was  nine 
beaver  skins,  valued  at  63  fl.  For  lodgings  at  the  inn  Huygen 
paid  five  skins.  The  sails  of  the  bark  having  been  torn  by  the 
wind  were  repaired  at  the  cost  of  six  beaver  skins.  The  expe- 
dition returned  to  New  Sweden  about  the  beginning  of  June.^^ 

The  two  ships  were  probably  ready  to  set  sail  for  Europe 
about  this  time,  although  only  a  small  cargo  was  on  hand. 
When  the  vessels  sailed  several  officers  and  soldiers  left  the 
colony,  some,  however,  with  the  intention  of  returning.^^  Printz 
sent  requests  for  large  supplies  and  more  colonists,  and,  in  order 
to  give  force  to  his  arguments,  he  despatched  Johan  Papegoja 
to  make  an  oral  report. 

While  the  English  from  New  Haven  were  antagonizing 
Printz  and  endeavoring  to  make  settlements  on  the  Delaware 
and  to  enter  Into  direct  communication  with  the  Indians,  those 
of  Virginia  and  Maryland  sought  to  establish  more  cordial  re- 
lations with  the  Swedes  and  to  lay  the  foundations  for  commer- 
cial intercourse.  They  had  made  offers  to  sell  cattle  and  mer- 
chandise to  RIdder  and  they  were  now  ready  to  renew  them  to 
Printz.  While  Huygen  was  In  New  Netherland,  William 
Cox^^  sailed  up  to  Christina  with  a  large  cargo.  Towards  the 
end  of  June  he  sold  more  than  200  yds.  of  cloth,  over  300  lbs. 
of  Dutch  cheese^^  and  brandy  or  cognac.  In  all  valued  at  sev- 
eral hundred  florins.  The  total  bllP*^  was  as  usual  paid  In 
beavers.     In  July  Richard  Lord  was  In  New  Sweden  and  about 

"  See  Latin  letter  of  Printz  to  Kieft,  May  30,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)   and  Ace. 
B.,  1643-8  (May  and  June,  1643). 
^'Cf.  Chaps.  XXV.,  XXVL,  above. 

"This  might  be  a  mistake  for  Willcox(?).     The  Document  has  Willera  Cor. 
**The  cheese  was  sold  for  seven  stivers  a  lb. 
^  1,068  fl. 


312      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  middle  of  the  month  he  sold  220  yds.  of  sewant  for  140 
beaver  skins,  valued  at  800  fl.^^ 

At  this  time  3  yds.  of  duffels  and  the  same  amount  of  sewant 
were  given  to  an  Indian,  who  was  sent  to  bring  the  Minquas  to 
Fort  Christina.  In  the  beginning  of  August  the  savages  ar- 
rived and  exchanged  a  large  quantity  of  beaver  skins  for  duffels 
and  sewant  and  about  the  middle  of  the  month  they  sold  over 
400  bushels  of  corn  for  cloth  and  Indian  money.  As  usual 
knives,  corals  and  other  small  presents  were  given  to  them  for 
carrying  the  corn  to  the  fort.  A  little  later  large  purchases  of 
beavers  from  the  Indians  are  again  recorded  and  about  the  same 
time  Cornelis  Leendertsen^^  came  to  New  Sweden  to  sell  his 
cargo  of  sewant,  cloth,  and  the  like.^^  The  hay  for  the  winter 
supply  of  the  horses  and  cattle  had  been  cut  in  June  and  July 
and  the  grain  was  probably  harvested  about  the  same  time.^'' 

We  have  no  means  of  knowing  what  the  summer  of  1643 
was  like  or  what  the  grain  crop  yielded,  but  the  corn  crop  was 
poor  and  did  not  come  up  to  expectations.  Printz  writes:  "  I 
got  as  well  on  the  one  [plantation]  as  the  other  from  the  work  of 
nine  men  hardly  one  man's  yearly  nourishment."^^  The  Swedes 
undoubtedly  learnt  from  the  Dutch  and  Indians  how  to  culti- 
vate and  use  the  corn  and  it  is  likely  that  later  crops  brought 
better  results.  The  tobacco  crop  was  probably  fair.  The  Eng- 
lish colonists  at  Varkens  Kill,  who  had  sworn  allegiance  to  the 
Swedish  Crown,  could  sell  some  2,45  i  lbs.  from  their  growth 
of  this  year  and  the  expert  tobacco  planter,  who  had  been  em- 
ployed by  Printz,  "  showed  good  proofs  of  his  skill. "^^ 

Since  the  corn  crop  was  poor  Printz  decided  to  sow  more 
grain  for  the  following  year.  In  agriculture,  as  in  other  re- 
spects, the  customs  in  Sweden  and  Finland  were  largely  adhered 

"Ace.  B.,  1643-8,  Instruction    (Aug.  15,  1642). 

**  He  sold  goods  for  2219  fl. 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643-S  (Aug.  10). 

*"  Various  kinds  of  seed  were  brought  over  in  the  vessels  with  Printz  and  he 
shipped  over  "  all  kinds  of  seed  for  sowing  "  on  his  own  account.  Monatg.  B., 
1642-56;  Journal,  N.S.,  HL   (K.A.). 

*^  Report,  1644,  Odhner,  N.S.,  pp.  29-30. 

*^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1644.  Perhaps  the  first  large  crop  of  tobacco  raised 
in  New  Sweden  was  harvested  in  1643. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        313 

to  by  the  colonists  in  New  Sweden. ^^  "  Old  rye,"  says  Brahe 
in  his  Oeconomia,  *'  should  be  sown  from  Olofsmas  until  Lars- 
mas^'*  .  .  .  and  new  rye  is  sown  in  August."  A  great  deal 
of  rye  was  thus  put  into  the  ground  in  Sweden.  The  grain 
sprang  up  and  the  fields  were  green  for  some  time.  In  Novem- 
ber, or  as  soon  as  the  frost  came,  the  sheep  were  often  let  loose 
to  graze  on  the  rye-acres,  when  the  grain  was  thick  and  long 
enough/^  The  winter  months  covered  the  fields  with  a  white 
sheet,  protecting  the  grain  against  the  severe  cold,  and,  as  the 
sun  melted  the  snow  and  brought  back  warm  weather  to  the 
north,  the  roots  sprouted  again.  This  method  was  now  to  be 
employed  in  the  colony  on  the  Delaware  and  in  the  autumn 
Printz  made  arrangements  to  sow  some  winter  grain.  Corn 
could  be  planted  without  ploughing  or  much  work,  but  for  rye 
the  ground  had  to  be  broken  and  somewhat  well  prepared. 
There  were  not  enough  animals  in  the  colony  for  such  work, 
nor  was  there  a  sufficient  supply  of  grain,  but  the  deficiency 
could  be  supplied  in  New  Holland.  Accordingly  another  jour- 
ney was  made  by  sea  to  Manhattan  towards  the  end  of  August. 
Again  beaver  skins  were  the  ready  money  used  on  the  trip  and 
Hendrick  Huygen  was  in  charge.  Huygen  bought  seven  oxen 
at  New  Amsterdam  for  124  beaver  skins,  valued  at  868  fl,  and 
one  cow  for  22  skins  worth  154  fl.  He  also  purchased  75 
bushels  of  rye  for  32  beaver  skins,  valued  at  seven  florins  a 
piece.^^  While  in  New  Amsterdam  Huygen  paid  some  of  the 
debts  contracted  on  the  former  voyage.  The  expenses  of  this 
expedition  were  comparatively  large,  it  seems.  Kieft  alone  was 
paid  over  49  fl.  for  the  board  of  Huygen  and  his  assistants  and 
35  fl.  were  paid  for  their  lodgings.  Some  of  the  cattle  were  led 
across  the  country  to  New  Sweden  by  two  Hollanders  and  the 
cost  for  this  labor  was  five  beaver  skins.  The  rest  of  the  cattle 
were  taken  by  sea  to  the  colony  on  Kieft's  sloop  about  the  first 
of  October,  also  at  the  cost  of  five  beaver  skins. ^"^ 

«  Cp.  below,  Chap.  XXXIII. 

**July  29  to  August  10. 

^  Brahe,  Oeconomia,  pp.  109-110,  113. 

*" The  rje  was  valued  at  3  fl.  a  bushel  or  225  fl. 

*""  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  30. 


314      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  seed  and  the  oxen  arrived  rather  late  and  It  probably 
took  some  time  (perhaps  towards  the  middle  of  October)  be- 
fore the  three  plantations  to  be  sown  were  ready  for  that  pur- 
pose. One  bushel  of  seed  is  usually  required  to  the  acre.  At 
this  rate  at  least  75  or  100  acres  were  put  into  rye  in  the  fall  of 
1643  O"  th^  farms  belonging  to  the  company  and,  if  some  rye 
was  available  in  the  colony,  which  is  very  likely,  the  number  of 
acres  would  be  further  increased.  In  the  late  autumn  more 
ground  was  cleared  and  prepared  for  fields.  The  oxen  could 
now  be  used  for  skidding  the  logs  into  piles  to  be  burnt  and  the 
building  of  houses  was  made  easier.  It  is  also  likely  that  the 
freemen  sowed  winter  rye  on  certain  tracts,  but  to  what  extent 
is  not  known.^^ 

In  September  a  journey  was  made  to  New  England  to  buy 
supplies  for  the  winter.  The  trade  was  poor  in  the  fall  and 
practically  no  sales  were  entered  in  the  Account  Book  for  some 
weeks,  but  in  October  some  English  arrived  with  a  large 
number  of  oak  planks,  2,700  ft.^^  of  which  were  bought  by  the 
Swedes  for  use  in  Fort  Elfsborg.  Transactions  with  the 
Indians  were  again  begun  about  this  time  and  beaver  skins  and 
nearly  200  bushels  of  Indian  corn  were  exchanged  for  sewant, 
cloth  and  axes.'^^ 

The  well-known  Petersz.  de  Vries  was  now  in  the  river. 
He  arrived  at  Fort  Elfsborg  on  October  3(13),  where  a  shot 
from  one  of  the  guns  compelled  him  to  lower  his  flag.  About 
four  in  the  afternoon  he  landed  at  New  Gothenborg,  received 
a  friendly  reception  from  Governor  Printz  and  remained  in  the 
colony  until  October  10(20).  It  is  probable  that  Printz 
bought  part  of  his  cargo  and  the  captain  of  the  vessel  sold  "  a 

**  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1644. 

^^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8   (October  4,  1643).  The  bill  is  as  follows: 

1,150  ft.  of  oak  planks,  6       fl-  @  100 69  fl. 

750  ft.  of  oak  planks,  6       fl.  @  loo 45  fl. 

800  ft.  of  oak  planks,  4^4  fl.  @  100 36  fl. 

2,700  150  fl. 

The  bill  was  paid  for  by  23  beaver  skins, 
"^ff.  B.,  1643-8. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        315 

good  quantity  of  wine  and  sweetmeats  to  individual  Swedes. "'^^ 

It  was  now  late  in  the  fall.  Few  traders  arrived  and  the 
colonists  were  left  more  or  less  to  themselves.  As  winter  ap- 
proached barns  and  sheds  were  built  for  the  shelter  of  the 
cattle  and  the  dwellings  of  the  freemen  were  improved.  Some 
of  the  swine  that  ran  wild  were  shot  and  hunting  expeditions 
brought  in  a  supply  of  deer,  geese  and  other  game  for  the 
winter  months.  In  December  wood  was  probably  cut  to  last 
till  spring,  while  ale  was  brewed  and  other  preparations  made 
for  Christmas.^^ 

The  supply  of  food  was  poor  in  1643  ^"^  the  hard  labor  and 
change  of  climate  was  too  much  for  the  people.  As  a  result 
there  was  much  illness  among  the  settlers  in  the  summer  and 
autumn.  Printz  supplied  Spanish  wine  and  various  articles  to 
the  sick  in  Fort  Christina  and  at  the  other  settlements,  but  one 
officer,  ten  of  the  company's  servants,  five  soldiers  and  three 
freemen,  besides  the  Rev.  Torkillus,  died  between  July  and  De- 
cember.^^ 

The  illness  of  the  people  was  a  great  drawback  to  the  colony 
and  caused  the  governor  to  abandon  many  of  his  plans.  In  the 
spring  of  1643  timber  had  been  cut  and  sawed  at  Elfsborg  for 
a  keel-boat  or  barge  and  men  were  at  work  on  it  already  in 
June,  but  the  construction  was  delayed  on  account  of  the  illness 
of  the  carpenters  and  later  "  the  Indians  set  fire  to  the  island 
during  the  night  and  burnt  some  of  the  timber. "^^ 

We  have  no  means  of  knowing  how  Governor  Printz  and  his 
family  spent  their  first  Christmas  in  New  Sweden,  nor  are  we 
able  to  say  how  the  Christmas  and  New  Year  holidays  were 
celebrated,  but  they  were  probably  observ^ed  with  more  strict- 

"  De  Vries  has  given  us  a  number  of  interesting  facts  about  his  visit.  He 
left  New  Amsterdam  on  October  8 ;  on  the  twelfth  he  was  in  the  South  River 
(all  N.S.).     De  Vries,  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  IIL  121-3. 

"  Cf.  Brahe,  Oeconomia,  p.  113  ff.  In  November  Sieter  (Sieton)  Thompson 
was  at  Christina  trading  with  the  Swedes. 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8  (November,  1643)  ;  Rulla,  1644;  Report,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S., 
p.  38-9.  29,  34;  Report,  1647;  Papegoja  to  Brahe,  July  15,  1644,  Skok.  Saml. 
(R.A.). 

**  Report,  1644.  Printz  supplied  goods  for  the  people,  who  worked  on  the 
keel-boat  (June  30,  1643).     See  Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 


3i6      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

ness  than  ever  before  and  "  in  the  good  old  Swedish  manner." 

The  winter  seems  to  have  been  passed  in  quietness.  The 
grain  was  thrashed  and  ground,  logs  were  cut  for  new  dwell- 
ings, barns  and  granaries  and  when  sowing  time  came,  the  area 
of  "  improved  land  "  had  greatly  increased. 

The  year  1643  was  successful  in  trade  and  otherwise.  New 
land  had  been  cleared  and  the  country  had  been  well  fortified. 
Two  commercial  journeys  had  been  made  to  New  Amsterdam. 
English  merchants  from  Virginia  and  Dutch  from  Manhattan 
had  visited  the  colony  and  the  Indians  had  been  well  disposed 
towards  the  settlers,  selling  their  skins  and  corn  in  exchange 
for  other  wares.  But  there  was  a  setback  in  the  beginning  of 
1644.  The  Swedes  lacked  merchandise  and  Printz  lamented 
the  fact  that  his  goods  were  failing  and  that  trade  with  the 
Indians  was  very  slight  in  the  first  two  months  of  the  year. 

Merchants  from  the  neighboring  colonies  continued  to  visit 
the  river,  however,  and  in  January  some  Englishmen  from 
New  England  were  trading  on  the  Delaware.  Captain  Turner 
and  Isaac  Allerton  were  also  there,  partly  at  least  for  the  pur- 
pose of  trade,  and  Captain  Turner  sold  over  100  yds.  of  duffels 
at  Christina  on  January  10.  The  savages  visited  the  settlement 
in  small  groups  from  time  to  time,  but  they  brought  little  for 
sale,  as  the  ship  and  supplies  for  which  the  colonists  were  wait- 
ing failed  to  appear.^^ 

As  a  result  of  the  long  delay  of  the  expedition  from  Gothen- 
burg the  company  suffered  a  loss  of  over  20,000  florins,  for  the 
beaver  trade  went  to  the  Dutch  and  English  and  merchandise 
had  to  be  purchased  from  these  at  high  prices.  In  March  the 
ship  Fama  at  last  arrived.  Part  of  the  cargo^^  had  been 
ruined  while  lying  in  a  cellar  in  Gothenburg,  due  to  Schottlng's 
neglect,"  but  a  large  number  of  articles  necessary  in  the  settle- 
ment were  landed  in  safety,  including  three  large  saws  for  a 
saw-mill,  eight  grindstones,  one  pair  of  stones  for  a  hand-mill, 
one  pair  of  large  mill  stones,  five  anchors,  six  pumps  with  neces- 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

"'  Cloth  and  stockings. 

'"Report,  1644,  §2   (omitted  by  Odhner),  §4;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  28. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.       317 

sary  repairs  and  a  hide  of  pump  leather,  twelve  small  and  eight 
large  augers,  four  compasses,  thirty-six  blocks,  two  hundred 
and  fifty  copper  kettles,  several  barrels  of  lime  and  pitch,  a  few 
thousand  bricks,  two  hundred  barrels  of  flour,  twenty  barrels 
of  Spanish  salt,  ten  hogshead  of  French  wine,  one  hogshead  of 
brandy,  several  hundred  yards  of  cloth  for  flags  and  for  the  use 
of  the  people,  ten  gilded  flag-pole  knobs,  three  hundred  pairs  of 
shoes,  two  hundred  pairs  of  stockings,  one  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  shirts,  besides  other  goods  and  merchandise.^^ 

In  the  spring  of  the  preceding  year  Printz  had  applied  to 
the  government  for  a  grant  of  Tinicum  Island.  The  Council 
of  State  complied  with  his  request  and  a  "  capital  donation  of 
that  place  called  Tinnaco  or  New  Gothenborg  for  Printz  and 
for  his  lawful  heirs,"  dated  November  6,  was  on  the  ship.^^ 

Johan  Papegoja,  the  two  young  noblemen  Per  and  Knut 
Liljehok,  the  barber-surgeon  Hans  Janeke,  a  number  of  sol- 
diers and  a  few  colonists  arrived  with  this  expedition,  but  when 
the  ship  returned  others  left  the  colony  and  hence  the  popula- 
tion was  but  slightly  increased  in  1644. 

Towards  the  end  of  March  Huygen  made  an  inventory  of 
the  goods  in  the  storehouse  and  the  Indian  trade  could  now 
begin  anew.  Preparations  for  the  homeward  journey  of  the 
Swan  were  soon  begun  and  Governor  Printz  exerted  himself  to 
obtain  a  cargo  for  the  ship.  He  sent  messengers  to  the  Indians, 
requesting  them  to  bring  their  skins  to  the  trading  station  on 
the  Schuylkill,  and  gave  them  presents  and  assurances  of  friend- 
ship and  of  good  will.  As  a  result  the  Indian  trade  was  very 
lively  in  May,  axes,  knives,  corals,  sewant  and  cloth  being  given 
in  exchange  for  large  quantities  of  beaver  skins,  and  corn  and 
more  than  300  skins  were  bought  at  the  Schuylkill  alone  before 
the  Swan  returned  to  Sweden.  A  cargo  of  tobacco  was  also  to 
be  loaded  into  the  vessel.  Two  thousand,  four  hundred  and 
fifty-one  lbs.  were  purchased  from  the  English  planters  at 
Varkens  Kill  and  about  the  same  amount  was  obtained  from 

^Journal,  nos.  220  flF.,  300  flf. ;  Bill  of  van  Schotting,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.). 
Cf.  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  above  Chap.  XXVI. 

^ ''  Donation,"  etc.,  R.R.,  Nov.  6,  1643,  fol.  1183. 


3i8      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  Swedish  freemen, ^°  but  these  supplies  were  not  sufficient. 
Accordingly  several  thousand  pounds  had  to  be  found  else- 
where. English  merchants,  however,  being  informed  of  the 
matter,  brought  more  tobacco  to  the  colony  than  was  necessary 
to  complete  the  cargo.  Towards  the  end  of  May  7,333  lbs. 
were  purchased  from  William  Whiting^^  at  six  stivers  a 
pound  and  in  the  beginning  of  June  7,743  lbs.  were  bought 
from  Richard  Malbon  of  New  Haven  at  seven  stivers  a 
pound.®^  Isaac  Allerton,  who  similarly  imported  a  quantity  of 
tobacco  to  New  Sweden,  was  not  so  successful  in  selling  his 
supply.  When  the  ship  had  departed  for  Europe,  he  reduced 
the  price  from  seven  to  five  stivers  a  pound  and  sold  1 1,346  lbs. 
at  that  rate. 

These  merchants  likewise  sold  a  large  quantity  of  other 
goods.  One  thousand  and  twenty  yards  of  sewant  at  4  fl.  a' 
yard  were  bought  from  William  Whiting,  who  also  did  a  large 
business  in  beer,  selling  over  ten  barrels  of  it  to  private  persons 
during  his  stay  in  the  river,  and  Richard  Malbon  sold  several 
hundred  yards  of  sewant  and  about  100  bushels  of  corn*^^  at 
Fort  Elfsborg. 

But  trade  and  commercial  activities  were  not  allowed  to  inter- 
fere with  agriculture  and  other  domestic  duties.  The  old  plan- 
tations were  enlarged  during  the  winter  and  early  spring  and 
the  forest  had  probably  been  removed  from  comparatively  big 
areas,  as  seeding  time  was  at  hand.  New  ground  had  been 
cleared  "  in  the  Schuylkill,"  where  a  strong  blockhouse  was 
erected  for  the  safety  of  the  settlers.  The  blockhouse  probably 
served  the  double  purpose  of  a  dwelling  house  for  the  lieutenant 
and  his  men  and  of  a  storehouse  and  trading  post.  It  was 
located  on  *'  the  island  in  the  Schuylkill,"  where  Fort  Korsholm 

"  Eight  stivers  a  lb.  were  paid  for  the  tobacco  bought  from  the  New  Sweden 
planters.  The  Swedish  planters  supplied  2,540  lbs.  for  the  cargo.  Ace.  B., 
1643-8. 

"  Variously  spelt  in  the  Swedish  and  Dutch  Records  as  Wellem  Wayting,  etc, 

"The  two  bills  were  paid  in  beavers. 

"  He  sold  1,059^4  yds.  of  sewant  for  4,564  fl.  and  102H  bushels  of  corn  at 
164  fl.     Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 


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Bill  of  lading,  showing  the  number  of  beaver  skins  and  hogsheads  of  tobacco 
shipped  from  New  Sweden  in  July,  1644.  Original,  signed  by  Johan  Printz  and 
Hendrick  Huygen,  preserved  in  N.  S.  I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.       319 

was  later  built^^  "  and  little  stone  cannon  were  placed  upon  it."^'^ 
Lieutenant  Mans  Kling  was  stationed  there.  He  had  no  sol- 
diers under  his  command,  but  it  is  likely  that  the  freemen  and 
servants,  who  lived  there,  were  called  upon  to  do  service  in  case 
of  need.  Several  dwellings  seem  to  have  been  erected  in  the 
neighborhood  as  time  went  on. 

When  planting  time  drew  near,  the  newly  cleared  fields  were 
broken  and  the  slow,  steady  oxen  could  be  seen  plodding  their 
way  among  the  stumps,  where  the  plough,  "turning  over  the 
ground,"  prepared  the  sod  for  the  grain,  while  laborers  were 
at  work,  planting  tobacco  at  several  openings  in  the  wood. 

Since  the  corn  failed  to  produce  the  desired  results  and  since 
it  could  be  bought  cheaply  from  the  Indians,  none  was  planted 
this  spring  and  all  the  corn  plantations  of  the  previous  year 
were  put  into  tobacco.  There  were  now  three  large  plantations 
in  New  Sweden,  besides  one  or  two  smaller  ones.  The  most 
important  one  was  at  Upland.  Here  twelve  men,  including  the 
expert  planter,  were  engaged.  Christina  was  the  next  largest 
tract  and  eleven  tobacco  planters  were  stationed  there.  On  the 
Schuylkill  seven  men  were  employed  to  cultivate  the  herb.  It 
is  not  possible  to  determine  the  exact  location  of  this  settlement, 
but  it  was  either  on  the  "island"  around  the  blockhouse,  or 
farther  up  the  river.^® 

Not  only  was  agriculture  improved  and  placed  on  a  more 
prosperous  footing  with  the  arrival  of  Printz,  but  cattle  raising 
was  also  looked  after.  The  swine  which  had  formerly  been 
allowed  to  run  wild  were  now  partly  kept  in  captivity  under  the 
care  of  Anders  Mink  and  his  son,  who  were  engaged  to  look 
after  them.  The  cattle  belonging  to  the  company  do  not  seem 
to  have  grazed  on  enclosed  pastures  for  the  first  few  years,  but 
were  allowed  to  roam  at  large  through  the  woods  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  settlements,  herded  by  Sven  Svensson.     The 

«-  Cf.  below,  II. 

"Iron  cannon  throwing  stone  bullets  (?). 

^Report,  1644;  Rulla,  1644.  The  plantation  was  most  likely  on  the  island 
around  the  blockhouse,  for  in  1653  it  was  stated  that  there  were  eight  morgens 
cultivated  land  at  Ft.  Korsholm.     Cf.  below.  Chap.  XLIL,  n.  49. 


320      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sheep  were  probably  confined  within  fenced  areas,  as  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  keep  them  from  the  growing  grain,  and  the  goats  were 
likely  chained  to  posts  and  moved  from  place  to  place,  or 
allowed  to  follow  the  cattle  or  sheep.  We  may  assume  with  a 
fair  degree  of  probability  that  the  orchards  and  certain  other 
smaller  tracts  were  fenced  in  to  keep  out  the  cattle  as  they 
were  driven  home  at  night.  The  cattle  were  undoubtedly 
"  kept  in  the  barnyard  "  during  the  night  to  prevent  them  from 
being  lost  and  it  seems  that  the  horses  were  always  fenced  in.®'^ 

In  Sweden  the  milking  was  done  by  the  women,  but  it  is 
probable  that  it  was  often  done  by  the  men  in  the  colony,  as 
they  were  compelled  to  do  various  kinds  of  "women's  labor." 

Printz  also  attempted  to  establish  manufactories  in  com- 
pliance with  his  instruction.  Two  of  the  three  regularly  em- 
ployed carpenters  had  been  ill  most  of  the  winter  and  spring, 
but  the  third  man  was  kept  busy  on  lighter  work  and,  as  soon  as 
the  others  were  able,  they  built  "  two  large  beautiful  boats,  one 
for  use  at  Elf  sborg,  the  other  at  Fort  Christina."  The  boats  were 
constructed  near  Fort  Christina,  where  a  wharf  was  built,  the 
first  on  the  Delaware.  At  this  place  Lauris  the  cooper  and  Lukas 
Persson  made  barrels,  wooden  milk  pails,  tubs,  tobacco  casks 
"  and  other  kyperj."^"'^  There  seem  to  have  been  two  black- 
smith shops  in  New  Sweden  at  this  time,  one  at  Upland  and  one 
probably  within  the  walls  of  Christina.  Mickel  Nilsson  worked 
at  the  former  place  and  Hans  Rosback  at  the  latter  and  they 
made  new  tools  and  farm  implements  and  did  the  necessary 
repairs  in  the  colony .^^ 

"Rising's  Journal;  Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

"'^  Kuiperij,  cooper's  trade. 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1644;  Rulla,  1644.  Whale  fishery  and  the  silk 
worm  industry,  which  Printz  was  instructed  to  begin,  if  possible,  could  not  be 
tried  for  lack  of  people  and  means.  Whale  fishery,  one  of  the  objects  of  De 
Vries's  first  voyage  to  the  Delaware,  continued  to  occupy  the  minds  of  the  early 
settlers.  See  A  Further  Ace.  of  the  Pro.  of  Penn.,  etc.,  by  W.  Penn  (1685), 
Penn.  Mag.,  IX.  63  ff.  "  A  Lycence  "  for  the  taking  of  "  whales  and  other  royal 
fish"  on  the  N.  Jersey  coast  was  given  in  1704,  Penn.  Mag.,  IX.  118.  Silk  worms 
were  also  kept  here  in  early  times  and  excited  great  interest  in  Philadelphia.  The 
Am.  Phil.  So.  often  discussed  the  industry.  Cf.  Hazard's  Reg.,  IV.  77,  120,  179, 
etc.     Poulson's  Am.  Daily  A  divert. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        321 

New  Sweden  was  now  on  a  prosperous  footing.  As  summer 
approached  the  conditions  had  improved.  With  the  new  sup- 
plies health  and  happiness  returned  among  the  people  and  the 
hope  for  the  future  was  bright.  The  colony  had  been  reor- 
ganized and  divided  into  districts,  which  were  well  protected 
against  the  savages  and  the  attack  of  foreign  vessels  by  three 
strong  forts  and  two  blockhouses. 

Two  sloops  and  two  large  boats  were  available  for  trading 
expeditions  to  the  neighboring  colonies  and  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  goods,  and  it  is  likely  that  the  freemen  had  small  boats 
and  canoes  for  fishing  and  for  going  from  place  to  place.  The 
windmill  ground  most  of  the  corn  bought  from  the  Indians  as 
well  as  the  grain  harvested  in  the  colony.  In  June  Printz 
wrote  that  "Anders  Dreijer  was  continually  in  the  mill"  and 
it  is  probable  that  he  continued  his  work  there  throughout 
1 644.^9 

Much  was  still  wanting  in  the  settlement,  however,  and 
Printz  asked  for  a  brickmaker,  a  wagonmaker,  a  tanner,  a 
mason  and  a  fortification  engineer (  P)"^^  besides  20,000  bricks 
and  various  other  supplies, "^^  and  Papegoja  suggested  that  the 
company  should  send  over  more  "  good  axes,  good  thick  iron 
spades,  good  hoes  to  hoe  up  the  ground  with  and  another  kind 
of  broad  hoes  with  which  to  hoe  the  grass."  But  the  most 
pressing  need  was  for  people.  "  There  is  a  great  cry  for  people, 
for  here  are  few,"  says  Papegoja,  and  Printz  likewise  com- 
plained that  there  were  entirely  too  few  colonists. '^^ 

Several  improvements  were  also  suggested  by  Printz.  The 
soldiers  and  servants  were  often  supplied  from  the  goods  bought 
from  foreign  merchants,  who  visited  New  Sweden,  but  the 
governor  found  that  this  system  was  unpractical,  since  the 
profits  of  the  company  were  not  only  reduced  but  even  a  loss 
was  at  times  suffered.    Hence  he  proposed  that  a  store  should 

'"Report,  1644;  Rulla,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  27  ff.,  37  ff, 
"The  original  has  tValmester. 

*^List  of  articles  requested  by  Printz  in  1644,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 
"Papegoja  to  Brahe,  July  15,  1644,  Sko.  Saml.   (R.A.)  ;  Report,  1644;  Ace. 
B.,  1643-8  (September  28,  1644). 


322      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

be  built  and  supplied  with  "  all  sorts  of  cloth,  provisions  and 
other  goods."  "A  wise  and  faithful  man  [should  be  ap- 
pointed to  superintend  it],  who  could  give  them  on  their  salaries 
as  much  [of  the  goods]  as  each  one  needed."  Plans  were  also 
suggested  for  the  increase  of  the  population  and,  in  a  letter  to 
Brahe  of  July,  it  was  proposed  that  a  lot  of  Finns  should  be 
sent  here  under  the  command  of  an  industrious  and  thrifty 
man.  "  It  would  cost  bravely  the  first  four  years  or  longer," 
but  then,  the  writer  thought,  large  profits  would  be  made. 
Printz  had  found  that  the  trade  with  the  Indians  could  not  be 
conducted  to  advantage  without  a  supply  of  sewant.  As  the 
South  River  Indians  were  poor,  and  had  little  or  no  "money," 
the  Swedes  were  compelled  to  buy  "sewant  from  New  Amster- 
dam and  from  New  England,  where  it  was  made."  Here  it 
could  be  bought  cheaply  from  the  savages  and,  in  order  that 
the  company  might  be  able  to  watch  the  market  and  buy  the 
wampum  direct  from  the  makers,  Printz  was  of  opinion  that  a 
"  faithful  agent "  should  be  permanently  stationed  at  the  above 
mentioned  places. '^^ 

In  1643  the  Dutch  at  Manathans  captured  several  Spanish 
prizes  valued  at  over  50,000  R.D.,  according  to  their  own 
statements,  and  Printz  was  of  the  opinion,  since  New  Sweden 
was  better  situated,  being  nearer  the  Spanish  colonies,  that  it 
would  be  to  the  advantage  of  the  government  to  have  a  good 
and  well  armed  ship  in  the  river  for  the  purpose  of  preying  on 
the  "  Spanish  silver  fleets."  Governor  Printz  embodied  his 
suggestions  in  a  long  Report  and  made  a  list  of  the  things  neces- 
sary in  the  settlement,  as  the  Swan  was  about  to  set  sail  in 
June.^* 

The  usual  work  occupied  the  colonists  during  the  summer — 
the  cultivation  of  the  tobacco  plantations,  the  cutting  of  hay 
and  the  harvesting  of  the  other  crops.  The  weather  was  favor- 
able for  the  grain  in  1644  and  a  good  crop  was  undoubtedly 
harvested  and  put  into  the  sheds.     We  do  not  know  definitely 

^'Report,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  33. 

^*  Report,  1644.     Cf.  above,  Chap.  XXVL 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        323 

how  the  tobacco  turned  out.  In  March,  1645,  6,920  lbs. 
were  stored  away,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  whole  crop. 
At  the  rate  of  seven  stivers  a  lb.  the  tobacco  would  be  worth 
2,422  fl.  Twenty-nine  men  were  engaged  in  the  work  and  this 
would  make  83  >^  fl.  as  the  amount  realized  on  the  labor  of 
each  man — not  a  very  satisfactory  result  it  would  seem. 

The  Indian  trade  was  poor  during  the  summer  and  early 
autumn,  only  a  few  smaller  sales  being  recorded.  The  English 
merchants  returned  in  the  fall  to  collect  their  outstanding 
accounts  as  well  as  to  trade,  and  Isaac  AUerton  sold  fourteen 
bushels  of  barley  for  seed,  one  pair  of  mill  stones"^^  and  a  Dutch 
bushel  measure.  About  this  time  oak-planks,  rafters,  boards 
and  other  such  material  were  brought  to  New  Sweden  and  sold 
there  by  English  merchants.'^®  William  Whiting  likewise  re- 
turned during  September  to  collect  payment  for  his  previous 
sales  and  on  the  last  of  the  month  he  was  given  1,0693^  lbs.  of 
beaver  skins,  valued  at  4,277  fl.'^^  As  the  powder  and  other 
ammunition  sent  from  Sweden  was  not  sufficient  for  the  want 
of  the  colony,  127  lbs.  of  powder  and  226  lbs.  of  lead  were 
exchanged  for  1,007  ^^s.  of  tobacco  in  October  and  in  Novem- 
ber Joachim  Calfood(?)  sold  several  hundred  yds.  of  sewant 
to  Swedes.  A  few  smaller  sales  are  also  on  record  during  the 
late  autumn,  but  the  trade  as  a  whole  was  very  poor  for  the 
remainder  of  1644.  In  the  fall  a  journey  to  New  England  was 
made  with  the  sloop,  but  little  is  known  about  the  expedition.''^^ 

'°  The  mill-stones  were  valued  at  130  fl.  and  the  barley  at  42  fl.  Ace.  B., 
1643-8. 

"Thomas  Marod  sold  950  ft.  of  oak  planks  for  47 5^  fl.  and  John  Wall  sold 
six  large  rafters  and  200  ft.  of  oak  planks.     Another  bill  is  as  follows: 

750  voet  [Eyckenplancken]   a  6  fl.  @  100 fl.     45 

1,450  voet  [Eyckenplancken]   a  5  fl.  @  100 fl.     72:10 

1,998  voet  [Eyckenplancken]  a  4  fl.  @  100 fl.     79 

2,300  clabborden  a  5  fl.  @  100 fl.  115 

100  voet  plancken  voor fl.       6 

6,598  317:10 

Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

"Elias  Baily,  Robert  Coxwell  and  William  Braunvell,  the  English  at  Varkens- 
kill,  are  also  mentioned  in  connection  with  commercial  transactions  at  this  time. 

'Mcf,  B.,  1643-8. 


324      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

II. 

No  records  are  left  to  inform  us  how  the  colonists  and  their 
governor  spent  the  winter  of  1644-45,  ^^^  ^^  the  extant  docu- 
ments have  much  to  say  about  the  social  life  in  New  Sweden 
during  1645.  I"  February  the  Indians  began  to  bring  in  their 
furs  and  corn  and  many  smaller  purchases  were  made  from 
them  in  March.  In  April  Sven  Skute  bought  several  hundred 
beavers  from  the  savages  and  Mans  Kling  also  did  some  busi- 
ness with  them.  On  May  26  four  hundred  and  seventy-seven 
skins  were  bought  for  1,086  yds.  of  sewant  and  in  June  the 
savages  sold  large  quantities  of  corn  to  the  Swedes. 

In  the  early  spring  merchants  from  the  neighboring  colonies 
arrived  as  usual  to  collect  old  accounts  and  to  sell  their 
cargoes.*^^ 

As  the  warm  weather  returned  the  freemen's  labors  of 
former  years  repeated  themselves.  The  grain  was  sown,  the 
gardens  were  made  ready  and  the  cattle  were  left  to  wander 
through  the  woods  or  across  the  grassy  meadows  under  the 
care  of  the  herdsman. 

A  new  journey  was  made  to  Manhattan  in  the  summer  of 
1645.  The  special  object  in  going  there  was  to  buy  cattle  and 
provisions.  Four  oxen  were  purchased  for  fifty-five  beaver 
skins,  and  one  horse  for  thirty  beaver  skins.  "A  pair  of  mill 
stones  for  the  windmill"  were  obtained  for  two  beavers,  and 
shirts,  a  barrel  of  tar  and  other  necessaries  for  the  trade  and 
use  in  New  Sweden  were  likewise  bought  on  this  journey.  In 
August  the  commiss  was  again  sent  to  New  Amsterdam  with 
the  sloop  to  buy  oxen  and  goods.^°  Five  oxen  valued  at 
fifty-one  beaver  skins  and  twelve  barrels  of  lime  worth  one 
skin  were  the  result  of  the  expedition.^^ 

"Joachim  Calfood  was  paid  1,568  florins  on  old  accounts  and  somewhat 
later  he  sold  several  hundred  yards  of  sewant  and  duffels.  John  Willcox  sold 
1,968  yds.  of  sewant  and  123  yds.  of  duffels  in  the  colony  at  this  time;  Isaac 
Allerton  made  large  sales  to  individual  colonists;  William  Whiting  and  Richard 
Malbon  also  made  large  sales  of  sewant  and  cloth  and  Jurian  Whitschut  (  ?)  is 
mentioned  in  connection  with  commercial  transactions  (being  also  paid  175 
beavers  on  old  accounts).     Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

'°  The  expenses  of  both  expeditions  were  paid  in  beavers. 

'Mff.  B.,  1643-8   (June-Aug.,  1645), 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.        325 

During  this  month  trade  was  established  with  the  Indians 
at  the  Schuyllcill  and  on  the  sixth  449  beavers  were  purchased 
for  1,234%  yds.  of  sewant.  In  September  an  Indian  guide 
was  sent  to  invite  the  Minquas  to  the  settlement  for  trading 
purposes,  and  many  of  these  savages  made  their  appearance 
shortly  afterwards  with  skins  and  corn.  But  the  Indian  trade 
could  not  be  conducted  with  much  vigor,  for  there  was  a  lack 
of  merchandise.  The  governor  and  colonists  waited  for  ships 
and  supplies  from  Sweden,  but  the  summer  came  and  went,  the 
grain  grew  and  was  harvested  and  no  ships  arrived.  John 
Willcox,  Jeremiah  Clerk  and  Mr.  Spindel  brought  new  cargoes 
to  the  settlement,  however,  which  supplied  the  most  pressing 
needs  of  the  people  and  merchandise  for  the  peltry  trade.^^ 

The  colony  was  growing  in  prosperity.  A  pair  of  mill  stones 
had  been  purchased  at  Manhattan  and  the  windmill  was  re- 
paired for  the  autumn  grinding.  The  cattle  bought  at  New 
Amsterdam  enlarged  the  possibilities  of  agriculture  and  it  is 
likely  that  the  fields  were  somewhat  increased  in  1645.  Some 
new  land  had  also  been  occupied,  which  was  not  "  properly 
bought  from  the  Indians"  and  dispute  arose  concerning  the 
title.  Two  chiefs  demanded  pay  for  the  tracts  and  on  Septem- 
ber 20  they  were  given  four  yards  of  cloth  and  about  nine 
yards  of  sewant  for  their  claim.  This  seems  to  have  settled 
the  question  and  it  appears  that  the  colonists  were  henceforth 
undisturbed  in  their  possession.^^ 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  the  winter.  The  grain  and 
hay  were  stacked  or  put  into  sheds,  provisions  were  purchased 
from  the  neighbors  and  necessary  supplies  for  the  cold  weather 
were  provided.    Omens  were  more  favorable  than  the  previous 

^ Ace.  B.,  1643-8  (August,  September,  October,  1645)  October  20,  1645,  John 
Wilcox  sold  the  following  goods: 

382^  yds.  of  duffels  a  4  fl i,53o  fl. 

336      yds.  of  sewant  a  4  fl i)344  A- 

"2,874  fl. 
"Ace.  B.,  1643-8  (June  ff.  1645).  This  purchase  is  not  mentioned  in  any 
other  documents  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  find  and  none  of  the  older  writers 
refer  to  it.  It  is  not  possible  to  determine  the  situation  of  the  land,  but  it  was 
probably  some  new  tracts  near  the  Schuylkill,  perhaps  somewhat  above  present 
West  Philadelphia. 


326      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

year,  but  a  month  before  the  Christmas  holidays  a  lamentable 
misfortune  befell  the  little  colony.  The  governor  had  gone  to 
rest  in  Printz  Hof,  the  soldiers  and  settlers  at  New  Gothenborg 
had  withdrawn  to  their  quarters  for  the  night,  the  lights  in  the 
dwellings  were  extinguished.  All  was  quiet  and  peaceful.  The 
gunner,  Sven  Vass,  was  on  duty  as  watchman.  But  Vass  fell 
asleep  and  left  his  candle  burning.  Between  ten  and  eleven  an 
alarm  was  given.  The  candle  had  set  fire  to  the  fort  !^^  The 
people  rushed  out  of  their  dwellings  to  save  what  could  be 
saved.  But  the  flames  grew  with  great  rapidity.  The  powder 
chest  exploded  with  terrible  force.  In  a  short  while  nearly 
everything  was  consumed  in  the  storehouse.^^  Printz'  Hall 
also  caught  fire,  and  the  governor  lost  property  to  the  value  of 
5,584  R.D.  When  morning  dawned  on  the  island  of  Tinicum, 
November  26,  1645,  the  little  settlement  there  had  greatly 
changed  its  appearance.  Nothing  but  the  barn  remained,  cold 
set  in  and  the  river  froze  over,^*^  preventing  aid  from  reaching 
the  island.  The  unfortunate  colonists  suffered  greatly  and  from 
December  until  March  they  were  cut  off  from  the  mainland.^^ 
But  warmth  came  at  last  and  connections  were  established  with 
the  other  settlements.  Great  efforts  were  made  for  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  destroyed  houses  and  the  foundations  for  a  new 
church  were  laid.    The  fort  was  also  rebuilt. 

The  governor  had  warned  the  company  that  if  supplies  were 
not  speedily  sent  to  Christina  the  losses  would  run  into  thou- 
sands.    Printz  waited,  months  passed,  but  no  news  came  from 

"  It  was  said  that  the  fire  was  maliciously  started,  but  this  is  not  probable. 
Cf.  below. 

'^A  list  in  the  Account  Book  puts  the  loss  at  410  beaver  skins,  382^^  yds.  of 
duffels,  768  yds.  of  sewant,  6,798  lbs.  of  tobacco,  100  bushels  of  pease,  2,000  lbs. 
of  "  English  bread "  and  various  other  articles,  the  total  value  of  which  was 
8,933:10  fl.  ... 

"'Records  of  the  river  being  frozen  over  are  published  in  Hazard's  Register 
and  Penn.  Mag. 

"Report,  1647,  report  of  the  court  held  at  New  Gothenborg,  February  8-11, 
1647,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.);  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Doc.,  XIL,  p.  29;  Winthrop,  II.  254; 
Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  N.S.,  I.  429  ff.  The  date  given  in  the  Ace.  Book  is  September 
25,  but  this  must  be  a  mistake,  for  Hudde  says  that  the  fort  was  burnt  on 
December  5  {Doc,  XII.  29),  and  Printz  says  that  it  happened  on  November  25 
(n.s.  December  5). 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.       327 

Sweden.  The  trade  during  the  first  half  of  1646  was  very 
slight,  partly  on  account  of  the  severe  weather,  and  some  deer 
skins  and  a  few  bushels  of  corn  were  the  only  purchases  made 
from  the  Indians  from  January  until  June.  In  January  John 
Willcox  collected  1,949:10  fl.  (in  goods)  at  Christina  and  sold 
provisions  there.  In  July  William  Whiting  sold  250  bushels 
of  rye,  some  sewant  and  250  lbs.  of  leather.  Printz  also  sent 
his  sloop  to  Manhattan  for  provisions,  although  he  was  not  on 
good  terms  with  the  Dutch,  and  100  bushels  of  Indian  corn  or 
wheat  were  bought  there.  In  August  Jacob  Evertssen  Sandelin 
arrived  in  the  South  River  with  his  ship  the  Scotch  Dutchman.^^ 
He  sold  356^4  yds.  of  duffels,  20  shirts,  30  pairs  of  shoes,  15 
dozen  knives,  a  quantity  of  cloth  for  sails,  one  hogshead  of 
French  wine  and  other  goods,  the  bill  amounting  to  2,500  fl.  of 
which  242  :3  fl.  were  the  governor's  private  purchases.  As  the 
Swedes  had  neither  money  nor  beaver  skins,  Printz  was  com- 
pelled to  give  him  a  draft  for  the  amount,  drawn  on  Peter 
Trotzig  in  Holland.  The  draft  was  transmitted  through 
Laurens  Laurenssen  to  Rev.  Bogardus,  who  was  to  send  it  to 
Europe,  but  when  the  transaction  became  known  to  the  council 
at  New  Amsterdam,  a  resolution  was  passed,  ordering  Rev. 
Bogardus  to  deliver  up  the  draft,  since  Sandelin  had  traded  In 
South  River  without  permission  from  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  The  draft  was  finally  sent,  however,  but  when  it 
arrived  in  Sweden  the  company  refused  to  honor  it  be- 
cause they  did  not  know  for  what  purpose  it  had  been  drawn 
and  the  sum  was  put  on  Printz's  private  account,  until  a  report 
could  be  received.^^ 

Conditions  were  now  very  unfavorable  for  the  prosperity  of 
New  Sweden.  Ships  had  not  for  a  long  time  come  from  the 
mother  country  and  weeks  were  still  to  pass  before  aid  arrived. 
To  aggravate  matters  the  crops  were  poor  and  It  was  even 

**  Sandelin  was  a  Scotchman.  He  accompanied  Minuit  to  the  Delaware  in 
1638.      Cf.  Chap.  XIV.  above. 

^^Acc.  B.,  1643-8;  Journal,  no.  596,  N.S.,  IIL  (K.A.)  ;  Doc,  XIL  26-7; 
Penn.  Mag.,  II.  443. 


328      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

found  necessary  to  send  Huygen  to  New  Amsterdam  to  buy 
rye  for  seed.®'' 

In  spite  of  unfavorable  circumstances  some  improvements 
were  made  and  new  land  was  occupied.  The  old  windmill  did 
not  work  well  and,  as  the  fields  increased,  it  became  necessary 
to  make  other  provisions  for  grinding  the  grain.  Several  places 
were  suitable  for  the  erection  of  water  mills,  but  the  most  con- 
venient spot  was  some  distance  north  of  New  Gothenborg,  "  no 
doubt  on  Cobb's  Creek,  a  tributary  of  Darby  Creek,"  where 
the  water  offered  sufficient  power  for  the  driving  of  a  water 
wheel  large  enough  to  turn  a  pair  of  mill  stones.  Here  Printz 
built  a  dam  and  erected  a  mill  in  the  summer  or  autumn  of 
1646.^^  A  miller  was  also  stationed  there  continuously  for 
some  years.  The  colonists  took  their  grain  to  the  mill,  where 
it  was  ground  for  a  certain  toll,  and  the  crop  of  1646  was  prob- 
ably ground  there.  A  blockhouse  was  built  near  the  mill  to 
protect  the  settlement,  which  was  made  there,  and  the  place  was 
called  Molndal,^^  "because  the  mill  was  there."  A  short  dis- 
tance south  of  Molndal  another  blockhouse  was  erected  about 
this  time  to  which  the  name  of  Vasa^^  was  given.®^ 

In  October,  1646,  there  was  joy  in  the  settlement;  the  Gyllene 
Ha']  cast  anchor  before  Christina.  The  ship  carried  large  sup- 
plies for  the  Indian  trade  and  for  the  colony's  need  and  some 
new  settlers  and  soldiers  also  arrived.  They  were  all  ill  on 
account  of  the  troublesome  journey,  but  it  is  probable  that  they 
recuperated  quickly  after  their  landing. 

In  his  report  of  1644  Printz  requested  to  be  released  from 

"^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

"  It  is  probable  that  the  windmill  was  used  at  times  during  the  autumn 
of  1646,  but  it  must  have  been  discarded  and  allowed  to  go  to  ruin  soon  after- 
wards. 

■^  Near  Gothenburg  in  Sweden  was  also  a  place  called  Molndal,  which  prob- 
ably suggested  the  name.  See  Berg,  Saml.  till  Got.  hist.,  I.  i6o.  It  is  now  an 
important  manufacturing  place.      See  Rosenberg,  Handlexicon,  II.  216. 

"'  Vasa  was  a  place  in  the  north  of  Finland,  founded  by  King  Gustaf  Vasa  I. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  the  name  was  changed  to  Nicolaistad. 

^Report,  1647,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ;  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  complaints  of  some  freemen 
and  Printz's  reply,  August  3,  1653,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ;  Rising's  Journal;  Hazard, 
p.  78 ;  Ferris,  p.  73  ;  Doc,  XII.  p.  29  flf. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      329 

his  post  as  soon  as  his  term  of  three  years'  service  had  expired, 
but  in  1646,  when  the  Haj  was  being  prepared,  the  government 
could  find  no  one  suitable  for  the  place  and  the  Queen,  in 
answer  to  his  request,  instructed  him  to  remain  in  the  country 
yet  for  some  years.  The  governor  had  now  managed  the 
colony  for  nearly  five  years  and  "  these  years  were  longer  and 
more  arduous  to  him  than  all  the  previous  twenty-four  years 
in  which  he  had  served  his  dear  fatherland."  He  was  there- 
fore anxious  to  be  relieved  from  his  duties  and,  when  the 
Queen's  letter  arrived,  he  "became  sad,"  "but  as  he  saw  the 
signature  by  Her  Royal  Majesty's  own  hand,  he  was  so  happy 
that  he  no  longer  remembered  his  former  sadness. "^^ 

The  outlook  was  now  brighter  for  the  little  settlement.  The 
inhabitants  could  prepare  for  the  winter  with  more  eagerness 
than  formerly  and  they  could  celebrate  their  Christmas  with 
more  joy  in  their  hearts  than  in  1645. 

Duffels,  corals,  axes,  kettles,  knives,  plates,  goblets  and  bowls, 
horn  combs,  thousands  of  fish-hooks  as  well  as  a  great  variety 
of  other  trinkets  were  available  for  the  beaver  trade,  and 
shortly  after  the  ship  arrived  several  presents  were  given  to  an 
Indian  chief.  Not  many  weeks  later  Hendrick  Huygen  and 
Van  Dyck  with  eight  soldiers  and  an  Indian  guide  were  sent 
fifty  German  (230  English)  miles  into  the  Minquas'  country  to 
renew  the  old  friendship  with  them  and  to  reestablish  the  trade. 
Rich  gifts  of  mirrors,  corals,  combs  and  the  like  were  presented 
to  the  chiefs,  who  promised  to  traffic  freely  with  the  Swedes 
and  to  discontinue  the  beaver  trade  with  the  Dutch  entirely. 
A  few  purchases  of  beaver  skins  and  corn  were  made  from  the 
savages  in  the  beginning  of  1647,  but  the  trade  was  slow  in 
recuperating.®^ 

Efforts  were  now  being  made  to  buy  a  cargo  for  the  Haj  and 
the  sloop  was  sent  "  down  the  bay  to  try  to  trade,"  but  it  had 
small  success.  The  season  of  the  year  was  unfavorable  for  the 
peltry-trade  and  only  6,920®'^  lbs.  of  tobacco  could  be  furnished 

"^Report,   1647;   Printz  to  Brahe,   February   20,   1647;   Skokl.  Saml.    (R.A.)  ; 
The  Queen  to  Printz,  February  6,  1645,  R.R. 
"^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1647. 
^  It  seems  that  about  five  or  six  thousand  pounds  belonged  to  the  company. 


330      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

by  the  planters  in  the  colony,  as  some  had  been  lost  In  the  fire, 
but  English  merchants  again  came  to  the  rescue.  February  12 
Isaac  Allerton  sold  11,422  lbs.  at  six  stivers  per  pound  and 
shortly  afterwards  24,144  lbs.  were  loaded  upon  the  Haj. 

The  sloop  seems  to  have  been  sent  to  Manhattan  twice  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  provisions  for  the  colony  and  for  the 
victualling  of  the  ship  on  its  long  voyage.  Printz  supplied 
394  fl.  from  his  own  means  for  provisions  and  twelve  beaver 
skins  were  given  to  Papegoja  for  his  travelling  expenses.  The 
preparations  for  the  return  of  the  Haj  were  completed  about 
the  middle  of  February  and  some  time  later  the  vessel  set  sail. 
The  Rev.  Fluviander  and  some  colonists  returned  home  on  the 
ship  and  Johan  Papegoja  was  again  sent  to  the  mother  country, 
at  the  request  of  the  soldiers  and  officers,  to  make  an  oral 
report.  Printz  sent  a  long  list  of  articles,  which  he  needed,^^ 
suggested  many  improvements  and  requested  the  company  to 
send  him  a  brickmaker  as  well  as  carpenters  and  other  laborers, 
for  he  had  a  large  barge  almost  ready,  but  its  completion  had 
to  be  postponed  until  the  arrival  of  more  skilled  workmen. 
The  governor  also  prepared  a  long  report  (dated  February  20, 
1647)  to  the  New  Sweden  Company  and  sent  it  with  Papegoja 
to  be  delivered  on  his  arrival  in  Stockholm. ^^ 

From  the  report  we  are  able  to  form  an  idea  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  colony  at  this  time.  The  population  was  still  very 
small,  only  183  souls  in  all.  The  condition  of  the  freemen 
had  improved  since  1643,  but  the  soldiers  and  servants  were 
dissatisfied  and  desirous  of  returning  home.  A  few  of  the 
servants  of  the  company  were  deserted  soldiers  or  others,  who 
had  committed  some  slight  offense,  and,  when  they  had  served 
here  a  certain  number  of  years,  depending  on  the  nature  of 
their  crime,  they  were  made  free  and  were  often  given  land 
to  cultivate.     In  1647  the  total  number  of  freemen  settled  on 

**  He  requested  200  spades,  50  muskets,  6  good  drums,  2  metal  cannon  of  13-Ib. 
calibre,  and  a  variety  of  other  articles. 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Report,  1647;  Printz  to  Brahe,  February  20,  1647,  Skokl. 
Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  list  of  articles  which  Printz  asked  for,  1647  (in  Kramer's  hand- 
writing), Ox.  Saml. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      331 

farms  or  plantations  was  twenty-eight,  but  we  do  not  know  the 
extent  of  their  fields  nor  the  number  of  cattle,  sheep  and  other 
domestic  animals  they  had.  Sixteen  oxen,  a  cow  and  a  horse 
had  been  purchased  for  the  company  from  New  Amsterdam 
since  the  arrival  of  Printz,  but  two  of  the  oxen  had  either  died 
or  been  sold  to  the  freemen,  for  in  February  the  company  owned 
only  fourteen  of  these  animals.  The  cattle  sent  from  Sweden 
by  the  company  had  now  increased  to  ten.  As  to  the  swine, 
goats  and  sheep  we  know  nothing,  but  it  is  probable  that  the 
freemen  had  a  good  supply  of  them  at  this  time.  The  horse 
purchased  from  the  Dutch  seemed  to  have  fared  well  and  he 
was  likely  used  for  work  on  the  land  belonging  to  the  company 
and  by  Printz  in  travelling  about  the  settlements.^*^^  About 
this  time,  as  we  shall  see,  complications  arose  with  the  Dutch 
in  the  Schuylkill  region.  The  blockhouse  built  there  was  for 
a  protection  against  the  Indians  and  it  could  not  oppose  the 
Dutch  nor  keep  out  trading  vessels.  As  Printz  found  that  he 
was  unable  to  regulate  and  monopolize  the  Indian  trade  in 
these  quarters  by  his  present  stronghold  and  maintain  the 
Swedish  jurisdiction  against  his  neighbors,  he  made  preparations 
for  the  building  of  a  fort.  "About  a  gunshot  in  the  Schuyl- 
kill, on  the  south  side  of  it,"  there  was  "  a  very  convenient 
island,"  and  here  the  fort  was  erected.  Logs  and  timber  were 
cut  during  the  early  part  of  1647  ^^^  the  previous  autumn  and 
in  February  the  fort  was  almost  ready.  We  are  unable  to  say 
when  the  stronghold  was  finished,  nor  do  we  know  what  arma- 
ment was  placed  on  its  walls.  It  must  have  been  of  consider- 
able strength,  and  well  protected,  for  Hudde  says  that  it  con- 
trolled the  Schuylkill.  The  name  of  Fort  New  KorshoW^^ 
was  given  to  it,  indicating  its  location, ^*^-  and  Mans  Kling,  who 

'""In  December,  1646,  he  ran  away,  but  he  was  caught  by  an  Indian  and 
brought  back  to  Printz.  The  Indian  was  richly  rewarded  for  his  trouble  and 
given  several  yards  of  cloth,  two  axes,  six  knives,  two  combs,  two  mirrors,  etc. 
See  Ace.  B.,  December  6,  1646. 

"^  Nya  Korsholm.  It  was  located  on  Province  Island,  called  Drufiveeijland 
or  Mana'tpingh  by  the  Swedes. 

"^  Holme  is  the  old  Scandinavian  word,  meaning  island.  The  word  is 
found  in  several  Swedish  names  of  places  and  cities,  as  Stockholm,  Gripsholm, 
D]uisholm,  Drottning/t olm,  etc. 


332      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

was  commander  in  the  blockhouse,  was  now  given  charge  of  the 
fort.     A  gunner  and  some  soldiers  were  also  stationed  there. ^'^^ 

Some  new  dwellings  were  built  in  the  spring  and  the  territory 
of  New  Sweden  was  somewhat  increased  by  purchases  from  the 
Indians.  In  May  Printz  entered  into  communication  with  the 
Minquas  (Mantas?)  concerning  the  sale  of  certain  tracts  of 
land,  and  on  the  twenty-first  the  purchase  was  made  in  the 
presence  of  several  chiefs.  The  price  paid  for  it  was  consider- 
able for  that  time,  consisting  of  24  yds.  of  cloth,  65  yds.  of 
sewant,  6  axes,  4  kettles,  7  knives,  5  lbs.  of  corals,  2  silvered 
chains,  450  fish  hooks,  besides  a  number  of  other  trinkets. ^^* 
The  deeds  are  not  known  to  exist,  but  from  a  later  document 
we  are  able  to  determine  the  location  of  the  land.  It  was  un- 
doubtedly the  same  as  that  referred  to  by  Mattahorn  in  165 1, 
as  having  been  bought  by  Printz  three  or  four  years  before, 
extending  "on  the  west  shore  .  .  .  from  Wychquahoyngh 
unto  Mechechason."^^'^  "This  land,"  said  Mattahorn,  "was 
bought  from  two  chiefs  Siscohoka  and  Mechekyralames  of  the 
Mantas^*^*^  Indians  and  Printz  "set  his  fence  thereupon. "^'''^ 

It  appears  that  tobacco-raising  had  proven  itself  unprofitable, 
for  after  1647  there  is  no  record  of  shipment  of  tobacco  to 
Sweden,  which  had  been  grown  in  the  colony.  Grain  and 
Indian  corn  were  now  the  staple  products  and  New  Sweden  had 
already  become  an  agricultural  rather  than  a  commercial  colony, 
due  to  the  lack  of  support  from  the  mother  country  and  the 
nature  and  inclinations  of  the  settlers. 

The  Indian  trade,  begun  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  Haj, 
was  of  small  account  and  it  continued  to  be  poor  for  several 
weeks  ;^*^^  but  in  the  early  spring  Huygen  was  sent  into  the 
country  of  the  Black  Minquas  with  merchandise. ^^^    The  good 

^'^  Report,  1647;  Doc,  XH.  29. 

^"^Acc.  B.,  1643-8   (May  21,  1647). 

"'Wychquahoyngh,  Wichquacoing,  Wigquakoing,  Wicacoa  (Philadelphia) 
unto  Mechechason   (Trenton  Falls).     Cf.  Doc,  \.  292,  593. 

'"'Probably  the  same  as  the  Minquas  mentioned  in  the  Ace  B. 

^"^  Doc,  L  598. 

"°  On  February  22,  1647,  sixty  beavers  were  bought  for  79  3/9  yds.  duflFels. 
Ace  B.;  1643-8. 

'*"  It  was  carried  by  soldiers  and  some  Indian  guides. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      333 

will  of  the  chiefs  was,  as  usual,  bought  by  handsome  gifts  and 
the  journey  was  very  successful,  resulting  in  the  purchase  of 
several  hundred  skins.  The  sloop  was  sent  into  the  Schuylkill 
and  down  the  bay  for  trade,  gifts  being  distributed  to  the  sav- 
ages at  each  place,  and  the  peltry  traffic  was  continued  through- 
out the  summer  with  good  profit.  The  English  merchants  who 
visited  the  river  bought  many  of  these  beavers  for  their  wares, 
which  were  again  exchanged  for  other  skins. 

"An  English  bark,"  valued  at  200  fl.,  was  purchased  by 
Governor  Printz  from  Robert  Roberts  [on]  for  98  skins,  and 
sewant  and  grain  to  the  value  of  thousands  of  florins  were  sold 
to  the  Swedes  in  payment  for  beavers  by  Kirsfoot,  Whiting, 
Willcox  and  Andriessen,  who  were  also  paid  large  sums  on  their 
old  claims. 

Another  journey  was  made  to  New  Amsterdam  in  the  sum- 
mer for  the  purpose  of  buying  Indian  corn,"^  and  about  the 
same  time  Knut  Persson  was  sent  to  New  England  to  procure 
sewant  and  some  oxen  for  merchandise,  which  had  arrived  on 
the  Haj.  He  purchased  1,000  yds.^^^  of  wampum  for  a  great 
variety  of  goods,  including  cloth,  hats,  caps,  combs,  mirrors, 
hatbands,  fish-hooks,  knives  and  the  like,  and  he  gave  forty 
beaver  skins  for  a  pair  of  oxen.  Persson  returned  to  Christina 
in  the  early  autumn.^  ^^ 

The  beaver  trade  with  the  Black  Minquas  was  renewed  in 
August  and  a  supply  of  maize  for  the  winter  was  bought  from 
the  River  Indians.  It  is  probable  that  the  crops  were  poor  in 
1647,  ^^^  '^^  October  100  bushels  of  peas,  120  bushels  of  rye 
and  a  large  quantity  of  corn-flour  were  purchased  from  William 
Whiting.  Other  foreign  merchants  also  traded  with  the  Swedes 
in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1647  ^^^  Allerton  was  paid  some 
3,800  fl.  on  his  old  accounts/^^ 

Little  is  known  about  the  internal  history  of  the  settlement 

""Three  hundred  bushels  of  Taru  or  tariv  (=  Mod.  D.  Tarvje,  German, 
Weizen;  maize)  were  bought  for  loo  beavers.      Ace.  B.,  16^.3-8. 

^The  original  has  nl,ooo. 

^^  Ace.  B.,  1643-8.  Various  expenses  were  connected  with  the  voyage  and 
the  pilot  was  given  six  beaver  skins  for  his  work. 

""'Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 


334      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

from  March,  1647,  until  the  beginning  of  1648,  It  is  said 
that  a  Christian  Indian^^^  from  New  France  visited  the  Swedes 
on  his  way  to  Andastoe  in  1647.  ^^  is  reported  to  have  re- 
proached the  Swedes  for  their  immorality  and  for  thinking 
more  of  the  beaver  trade  than  of  converting  the  savages  to 
Christianity.^  ^^ 

In  January,  1648,  the  Swan  anchored  in  Christina  Harbor. 
The  vessel  carried  a  few  new  colonists^^^  and  one  of  the  largest 
cargoes  ever  sent  to  New  Sweden.  Printz  now  expected  his 
recall.  In  1646  he  had  been  instructed  to  stay  at  his  post,  but 
in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year  he  made  new  appeals 
for  his  recall  and  petitioned  for  more  pay  and  more  donations 
in  Sweden.  A  reply  to  his  letter  came  on  the  Swan.  Again  he 
was  disappointed.  He  was  once  more  directed  to  remain  in 
New  Sweden  until  another  could  be  sent  to  replace  him,  but  he 
was  given  promise  of  reward,  although  his  solicitations  for  a 
grant  of  land  in  Sweden  were  answered  rather  evasively  by  the 
Queen.^^'^ 

The  first  large  brewing  kettle  was  brought  to  the  colony  on 
the  Swan.  The  kettle  was  sent  here  by  the  company  and  we 
may  suppose  that  a  brewery  was  built  in  the  spring  or  summer 
and  that  large  quantities  of  ale  were  brewed  there,  which  was 
sold  to  the  colonists.  New  supplies  of  iron,  steel  and  lead  were 
also  on  the  ship  and  the  blacksmiths  were  kept  busy  for  some 
time,  mending  the  old  implements  for  the  freemen  and  making 
new  ones  for  use  in  the  fields. 

The  supplies  which  arrived  on  the  ship  for  the  colonists  and 
soldiers  greatly  improved  their  comfort.  Printz  displayed  his 
usual  activity.     New  land  was  allotted  to  freemen  and  large 

"*  His  name  was  Ondaaiondiont. 

^^  Jesuit  Relations  (Thwaites),  XXXHL  129  ff.  Ondaaiondiont  also  stated  on 
his  return  to  the  French  settlement  that  the  Europeans  he  visited  had  no  church 
for  prayer  (  !)  and  that  their  interpreter  was  a  born  Frenchman.  The  Andastoes 
are  supposed  to  be  the  Susquehannas. 

"'Johan  Papegoja  returned  to  the  colony  on  this  ship  and  Rev.  Lock  was  also 
among  the  passengers.     Cf.  Chap,  XXVHL,  above. 

"'  Queen  to  Printz,  September  r6,  1647,  R.R.;  A.  Oxenstierna  to  Printz,  Sep- 
tember 7,  1647;  Hazard,  pp.  95-96. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      335 

quantities  of  timber  were  prepared  at  the  Schuylkill  during  the 
winter  for  new  dwellings.  It  seems  that  the  governor  bought 
the  island  of  Mekekanckon  near  Trenton  Falls  about  this  time 
from  an  Indian  chief  by  the  name  of  Tomashire.  In  the  spring 
a  few  new  dwellings  were  erected,  probably  on  the  Schuylkill, 
and  new  ground  was  put  under  cultivation  there,  corn  being 
planted  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Beversreede."^ 

The  Indian  trade  had  continued  almost  uninterruptedly  for 
nearly  a  year,  as  the  Swan  brought  new  supplies  and  gave  new 
impetus  to  the  same.  From  February  until  May,  1648,  three 
different  journeys  were  made  inland  for  thirty  Swedish  miles.^^^ 
There  was  an  agreement  between  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  that 
they  should  not  go  into  the  country  to  trade  with  the  savages, 
but  the  Hollanders  had  for  two  years  conducted  this  harmful 
trade  into  the  interior  and  would  not  desist  from  it,  although 
they  were  warned  by  the  Swedes,  says  Huygen  in  the  Account 
Book,  and  on  this  ground  he  justifies  the  actions  of  his  governor. 
The  trade  was  so  successful  that  over  1,200  skins  were  obtained 
for  the  cargo  of  the  Swan  before  she  returned  to  Gothenburg. 
That  English  and  Dutch  merchants  traded  in  the  colony  also 
in  1648  is  certain,  but  the  records  of  these  transactions  are 
lost.120 

In  the  spring  "  a  list  of  the  people  who  were  still  alive  in 
New  Sweden  "  was  made.  Only  the  male  inhabitants  of  age 
are  given  and  the  list  contains  only  79  names,  including  the 
slave. ^^^  The  officers  and  soldiers  were  all  anxious  to  return 
home,  but  the  life  of  the  freemen  was  more  tolerable  than  ever 
before  and  many  seem  to  have  reached  some  degree  of  pros- 
perity. 

In  May  the  Swan  returned  to  Sweden  and  now  the  colony 
lost  some  of  its  most  faithful  servants,  a  number  of  soldiers  and 

^^  Rising's  Journal;  Doc,  XII.  46. 
"'About  i8o  English  miles.     Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 
"^Acc.  B.,  1643-8. 

"^  Rulla  der  Volcker,  etc.,  1648,  N.S.,  II.  (R.A.).  Some  names  were  omitted 
on  the  list,  however.     Cf.  below,  appendix  B. 


33^      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

two  or  three  freemen  and  laborers. ^^-  Printz  sent  his  fourth 
relation  and  other  documents  (all  of  which  seem  to  be  lost) 
and,  on  the  day  before  the  vessel  sailed,  Papegoja  wrote  to  the 
chancellor  requesting  permission  to  leave  the  country  and  enter 
the  naval  service  unless  more  colonists  should  soon  arrive.^ -^ 
The  account-books  and  journals  in  which  the  monthly  salaries 
of  the  officers,  soldiers  and  servants  and  their  accounts  with  the 
company  and  with  the  governor  were  entered,  and  In  which  the 
sales,  purchases  and  all  commercial  transactions  with  laborers 
and  savages  were  recorded  from  1643  until  May  25,  1648, 
were  also  sent  to  Sweden  on  the  Swan^^^  In  care  of  Mans 
Kling.^-^  According  to  these  accounts  the  regularly  employed 
officers  and  servants,  whose  salaries  were  provided  for  by  the 
budget  of  1642,  had  been  paid  10,902  D.  in  goods  and  cash 
from  the  supplies  of  the  company  in  New  Sweden  and  from 
the  private  means  of  the  governor,  and  the  sums  paid  to  the 
"extraordinary  officers  and  servants"  were  also  comparatively 
large. ^^^  Big  sums  of  money  had  also  been  paid  in  Sweden  to 
the  men  who  returned  from  the  colony,  and  small  amounts 
were  often  given  to  the  wives  of  those  who  came  here.  It 
sometimes  happened  that  soldiers  were  given  more  goods  and 
cash  than  was  due  to  them  and  two  or  three  cases  are  on  record, 
where  soldiers  who  owed  the  company  deserted  and  left  their 
debts  behind. ^^^ 

^Cf.  Chap.  XXVHL  above.  Rettel  returned  on  the  ship.  He  had  been  in 
New  Sweden  for  7  years.  His  wife  died  here  and  in  April  Printz  gave  him  a 
passport  to  return  to  Sweden  with  his  son,  who  was  14  years  old.  See  "  Pass  for 
C.  Rettel,"  April,  1648,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

^^  Papegoja  to  Oxenstierna,  May  15,  1648,  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^^  They  were  sent  at  the  request  of  the  company. 

"°The  Ace.  B.  kept  "in  het  fort  Christina"  (April,  1643-May,  1648)  by 
Huygen  is  in  good  condition.  It  is  written  in  Dutch  and  contains  a  record  of 
the  goods  bought  and  sold  in  the  colony  and  given  to  the  Indians  in  the  above- 
mentioned  five  years.  The  book  is  now  preserved  in  N.S.,  I.  (K.A.).  For  the 
"  Schuldt  Boeck,"  also  sent  to  Sweden  on  the  Sivan  and  presented  by  Mans  Kling 
to  the  bookkeeper  of  the  company,  see  above  Chap.  XXI. 

"*  Printz  had  supplied  the  servants,  soldiers,  officers  and  freemen  11,288  D. 
27  ore  from  his  own  means  in  May,  1648,  Journal,  no.  703. 

^^  Journal,  no.  703  flf. ;  Ace.  B.,  1643-8;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      337 

III. 

When  the  Swan  had  left  Christina  Harbor  the  governor  and 
his  people  returned  to  their  usual  labors,  but  there  are  no  records 
to  throw  further  light  on  the  commercial  and  economic  life 
of  the  settlement  in  1648.  Governor  Printz  had  seen  his 
happiest  days  on  the  Delaware,  and  the  remaining  years  of  his 
rule  were  full  of  troubles  and  disappointments.  The  difficul- 
ties with  the  Dutch  were  gradually  increasing  and  soon  almost 
threatened  to  overthrow  the  Swedish  power;  the  expedition  sent 
for  the  relief  of  the  colony  in  1649  was  lost,  and  finally  internal 
troubles  amounting  almost  to  insurrection  disturbed  the  peace 
of  New  Sweden,  making  it  almost  impossible  for  the  governor 
to  continue  at  his  post. 

Printz,  however,  made  the  most  of  the  situation  and  the 
colony  gained  in  prosperity  and  "the  freemen  increased  in 
wealth"  in  spite  of  the  unfavorable  conditions. 

In  1649  Printz  again  secured  title  to  a  small  district.  The 
purchase  was  occasioned  by  the  attempts  of  an  Englishman  to 
settle  on  the  land.  The  savages  were  always  ready  to  sell  any 
tract.  Printz  communicated  with  the  chief,  who  pretended 
to  the  land,  and  offered  to  buy  it.  Deeds  were  drafted  and  the 
presentation  of  gifts  and  the  usual  ceremonies  followed.  The 
land  was  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware,  and  was  the 
narrow  strip  north  of  the  former  limits  of  New  Sweden  between 
the  Mantas  and  Racoon  Creeks.^ ^^ 

If  we  are  to  believe  the  Dutch  reports  the  commercial  activi- 
ties in  the  river  were  very  lively  at  this  time,  for  Hudde  writes 
"  that  the  trade  in  beavers  with  the  savages  amounts  at  present 
[1649]  ^o  30  to  40  and  more  thousands  of  beavers  during  one 
trading  season."  Since  Printz  denied  all  others  the  right  to 
trade  with  the  savages  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  Swedish  traffic 
with  the  Indians  approached  the  above  sum  in  1649,  hut  the 
Dutch  estimate  was  greatly  exaggerated,  for  obvious  reasons, 
and  the  Indian  trade  in  New  Sweden  could  hardly  have  reached 
one  fourth  of  the  above-mentioned  sum  for  that  year. 

^^The  Englishman  was  Broen,  who  lived  among  the  Dutch.  Cf.  below,  pp. 
423,  428,  585. 

23 


33^      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  Dutch  now  did  everything  in  their  power  to  obstruct  the 
free  traffic  on  the  Delaware.  They  claimed  the  right  to  exact 
duties  from  English  merchants  who  traded  there,  and  Dutch 
skippers,  who  were  suspected  of  being  too  friendly  with  the 
Swedes  or  who  had  no  commission,  were  denied  the  privilege  of 
sailing  to  the  South  River.^^^ 

In  1650  the  troubles  with  the  Dutch  increased  and  neither 
news  nor  supplies  came  from  Sweden,  but  the  year  was  pros- 
perous as  the  weather  was  favorable  for  the  grain.  In  the 
summer  Printz  was  informed  of  the  shipwreck  of  Kattan.  A 
Dutch  vessel  was  then  in  the  river  ready  to  return  to  Europe 
and  with  the  ship  Printz  sent  letters  to  the  Queen,  to  the  chancel- 
lor, to  Brahe  and  to  Trotzig,  urging  them  to  ship  over  more 
supplies  and  more  colonists.  He  had  written  five  times  to 
Sweden  in  the  last  two  years  and  three  months,  but  he  had 
received  no  reply  either  from  the  mother  country  or  from  the 
company's  agents  in  Holland.  He  reported  that  large  tracts 
of  land  had  been  purchased  from  the  Indians  (although  "the 
Dutch  protested  against  it  daily"),  but  there  were  entirely  too 
few  colonists  to  take  possession  of  them.  The  freemen  were 
in  a  prosperous  condition  and  "  all  well  except  in  a  few  cases." 
They  were  mostly  provided  with  oxen  and  other  domestic 
animals,  which  were  increasing  and  growing  more  numerous 
yearly.  They  cultivated  the  land  in  earnest  and  could  sell  over 
100  barrels  of  grain.  They  not  only  sold  rye  and  barley,  but 
they  also  prepared  orchards  and  planted  valuable  fruit  trees, 
which  grew  splendidly.  Their  greatest  trouble  was  that  they 
had  no  servants  and  some  of  them  needed  wives !  In  addition 
to  the  letter  Sven  Skute  was  sent  to  Sweden  to  make  an  oral 
report  and  on  August  i  a  recommendation  was  given  to  him  by 
Printz.130 

The  Indians  were  friendly,  but  their  trade  went  almost  entirely 

^^  Doc,  Xn.  370  ff. ;  Acrelius ;  Sprinchorn,  pp.  32-33;  Hazard,  118. 

'^Printz  to  Oxenstierna,  August  i,  1650,  and  to  Brahe  the  same  date.  Ox. 
Samh;  SMokl.  Saml.  (R.A.).  Printz  wrote  to  the  Queen  and  to  Peter  Trotzig  in 
Holland  (perhaps  also  to  Beier),  but  these  letters  seem  to  be  lost.  See  E.  L.  Reg. 
of.  Riksar.  acter.  gam.  orient,  kat.  (R.A.),  and  Trotzig  to  Appelbom,  April  11, 
1650. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      339 

to  the  Dutch,  as  the  Swedes  had  Httle  to  sell.  Traders  from 
Virginia,  New  England  and  New  Amsterdam  visited  the  settle- 
ment as  before,  "  daily  offering  for  sale  everything  one's  heart 
can  desire,  although  at  treble  prices,"  and  English  merchants 
from  Barbadoes  sailed  to  the  Delaware  with  their  goods  this 
year.  In  December  Gyllengren  in  company  with  other  officers 
was  sent  to  New  Amsterdam  to  procure  some  goods  there  and 
"divers  merchandise  amounting  to  the  sum  of  158 >4  good 
.  .  .  winter  beavers"  were  purchased  by  him.  A  note  for  the 
amount  or  a  "  guarantee  to  pay  "  was  given  by  Gyllengren  and 
Allerton.131 

The  summer  and  autumn  of  1650  and  the  winter  of  1650- 
165 1  passed  quietly  and  there  were  few  disturbing  elements. 
The  summer  of  165 1  was  favorable  for  the  crops  and  the  colony 
harvested  "  very  beautiful  grain,  besides  all  other  valuable  fruits 
and  nothing  was  needed,  but  more  colonists."  The  disputes 
with  the  Dutch,  however,  which  took  a  dangerous  turn  in  the 
fall,  menaced  the  little  settlement  and  Printz  was  compelled  to 
concentrate  his  forces  and  to  abandon  some  of  the  fortified 
places. 

The  garrison  at  New  Elfsborg  was  withdrawn  and  the  fort 
was  left  to  decay,  as  it  was  no  longer  "the  key  to  the  river." 
It  is  also  probable  that  MolndaP^^^  ^^d  New  Korsholm  were 
abandoned  about  this  time.  The  Indians  "  fell  off  from  the 
Swedes  "  on  account  of  the  activities  of  Stuyvesant,  the  settlers 
were  dissatisfied  and  there  were  few  on  which  Governor  Printz 
could  depend  in  an  emergency.  The  beaver  trade  was  monopo- 
lized by  the  Dutch  and  consequently  the  trade  with  the  foreign 
merchants  was  also  poor. 

Mr.  AUerton  visited  the  colony  in  May,  offering  goods  for 
sale,  and  he  was  authorized  by  Augustin  Herrman  to  collect  the 
debt  contracted  by  Gyllengren.  In  the  summer  an  English 
bark  from  Virginia  was  also  trading  in  the  river.    When  Stuy- 

'^  Printz  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1650;  Doc,  XII.  65  ff. 

^^  It  is  said  that  the  miller  did  not  dare  to  remain  continually  at  the  mill 
for  fear  of  the  Indians,  which  seems  to  indicate  that  Molndal  was  abandoned. 


340      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

vesant  arrived  he  captured  the  vessel  and  the  goods,  compelling 
the  skipper  to  pay  duty.  Governor  Berkeley  demanded  satis- 
faction for  the  damages  but  to  no  avail.  It  appears  that  other 
English  traders  on  the  Delaware  were  harshly  treated  by  Stuy- 
vesant  in  165 1,  who  compelled  them  to  pay  duty  on  goods  they 
had  sold  to  the  Swedes  during  the  previous  four  years.  It  was 
said  that  a  certain  Roloff  sailed  every  year  from  Amsterdam  to 
the  South  River  at  this  time,  but  the  details  of  his  business  there 
are  unknown. ^^^ 

Things  looked  dark  for  New  Sweden  in  the  autumn.  "  For 
three  years  and  nine  months"  Printz  had  had  "absolutely  no 
orders  nor  assistance "  from  the  mother  country  and  he  was 
becoming  nervous  about  the  situation.  On  the  first  of  August 
he  made  reports  to  the  Queen,  to  the  chancellor,  to  Trotzig  and 
to  Brahe,  imploring  them  to  send  new  cargoes  before  the  fol- 
lowing spring,  but  the  spring  of  1652  came  and  passed,  bring- 
ing neither  ships  nor  supplies  from  Sweden.^ ^* 

Printz  made  use  of  every  means  at  this  command  to  improve 
the  condition.  The  carpenters  were  kept  busy  on  the  mending 
of  the  forts  and  the  building  of  boats,  when  there  were  no  new 
houses  to  be  erected.  We  have  seen  that  boats  were  built  at 
the  wharf  near  Fort  Christina  in  1644.  Again  in  1647  ^  sloop 
was  built  there  for  which  sails  and  other  supplies  were  brought 
over  on  the  Swan  in  1648.  The  sloop  was  used  by  Printz  on 
official  business  and  the  expenses  connected  with  its  construction 
and  rigging  out  were  charged  to  the  admiralty.^ ^^  About  the 
end  of  1 65 1  the  governor  began  the  construction  of  a  large 
sailing  vessel.  He  had  requested  the  company  to  send  over  a 
ship,  which  could  be  used  in  the  river  for  various  purposes,  but 
his  letters  were  not  even  answered.  Consequently  he  deter- 
mined to  make  the  ship  here.  The  vessel  was  built  by  Clas 
Timmerman,  assisted  by  other  servants  and  carpenters,  and  in 

'^Printz  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1651;  Doc.,  XH.  43  ff.;  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So., 
F.  8.  H. ;  Plym.  Col.  Rec. 

"*  Printz  to  Brahe,  Oxenstierna  and  the  Queen,  August  i,  1651,  Skokl.  Saml., 
Ox.  Saml,  E.L.  ori.  kat.   (R.A,). 

'"  The  sloop  was  used  in  the  colony  for  many  years. 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      341 

August,  1652,  Printz  wrote  to  Sweden  that  "  the  ship  was.  ready 
on  the  river,  except  for  tackle,  sails,  cannon  and  crew,  which 
were  too  expensive  to  hire  and  buy  here."  The  ship  was  of  about 
two  hundred  tons  burden  (a  large  vessel  for  that  time)  and  It 
seems  that  she  was  to  be  used  for  defending  the  river  as  well  as 
for  preying  on  Spanish  commerce.*  ^^ 

The  year  of  1652  was  not  prosperous  and  "  the  troubles  were 
daily  increasing."  Heavy  rains  did  damage  to  the  grain,  "but 
the  freemen  had  bread  enough."  On  August  30  Printz  again 
wrote  to  the  authorities  in  Sweden,  describing  the  condition  of 
the  colony  and  complaining  of  its  neglect  by  the  government 
and  the  company.  The  Indian  trade  was  ruined,  since  the 
Swedes  had  no  cargoes  to  sell;  the  savages  showed  signs  of  un- 
rest; the  Hollanders  pressed  hard  upon  the  settlement  and  the 
foreigners  had  the  opinion  that  the  government  at  Stockholm 
had  entirely  forsaken  Its  people  on  the  South  River.  The 
Swedes  themselves  were  dissatisfied  and  many  deserted.  On 
top  of  it  all  Printz  was  ill  and  not  able  to  exert  his  former 
energy.  He  had  proposed  that  the  company  should  invest 
20,000  R.D.  in  the  "North  English  Company,"  but  he  had 
received  no  reply.  He  was  hopeful  of  the  situation,  however, 
as  the  colonists  were  in  good  circumstances.  The  reports  caused 
some  activity  at  Stockholm  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  as  we  have 
seen,  but  it  led  to  nothing  and  Printz  waited  In  vain  for  new 
supplies. 

It  seems  that  trading  expeditions  were  made  to  the  neighbor- 
ing colonies  in  the  autumn  to  obtain  supplies,  and  on  August  18 
a  pass  was  given  at  New  Gothenborg  to  Laurens  Cornelius 
Andriesen,  granting  him  permission  to  sail  to  other  American 
ports. 

In  1653  the  condition  of  the  colony  remained  the  same.  The 
officers  and  soldiers,  as  well  as  the  servants  of  the  company, 
were  more  dissatisfied  than  ever  and  the  majority  desired  to 
leave  their  service.     In  April  and  again  in  July  Printz  sent 

""Printz  to  Brahe  and  to  Oxenstierna,  August  30,   1652,  Skokl.  Saml.,  Ox. 

Saml.  (R.A.). 


342      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

letters  and  reports  to  Sweden.  Supplies  and  people  must  be 
sent,  he  says,  or  "  the  labor  and  expense  which  has  been  applied 
on  this  well-begun  work  will  come  to  nought."  To  emphasize 
the  urgency  of  the  supplies,  he  sent  his  son,  Gustaf  Printz,  to 
make  an  oral  report.^^'^ 

English  and  Dutch  merchants  continued  to  supply  the  colony 
with  necessary  goods  "  at  double  prices,"  but  these  trading  ex- 
peditions to  the  Delaware  became  less  frequent  during  the  war 
and  the  fur  trade  was  entirely  ruined  through  the  feuds  of  the 
Indian  tribes,  who  brought  in  the  beavers.^^^  In  March  Printz 
purchased  a  quantity  of  linen  and  other  cloth,  one  hundred  and 
thirty-four  axes,  four  guns,  two  pistols,  six  ankers^ ^^  of  Spanish 
wine,  three  ankers  of  brandy  and  various  other  goods.  A  bark 
called  the  Eindracht  was  also  bought  for  the  sum  of  1,122 
florins.  The  goods  were  sold  by  Evert  Cornellsen.  Printz 
could  not  pay  him  in  cash  or  in  beavers,  but  gave  a  draft  for 
3,077  D.  8  ore,  which  was  finally  paid  by  the  commercial  col- 
lege, through  Peter  Trotzig  In  Amsterdam. ^^*^  About  the 
same  time  Thomas  Adams,  captain  and  mariner,  purchased  a 
plantation  In  Maryland  and  endeavored  "  to  establish  trade 
with  the  Swedes  in  the  Delaware  Bay."  Permission  was  given 
him  by  the  Maryland  colony  to  trade  there  on  the  condition 
that  his  ships  be  well  armed  and  that  he  conformed  to  the  laws 
of  the  commonwealth. 

Printz  having  heard  through  the  Dutch  and  English  that 
there  was  a  lack  of  tobacco  in  Sweden,  "  made  an  accord  with 
Edmund  Scarborough  .  .  .  that  he  was  to  send  a  small  ship, 
loaded  with  80,000  lbs.  of  tobacco,"  to  Gothenburg.  In  order 
to  insure  the  vessel  against  the  attacks  of  the  Dutch  a  Swedish 
commission  was  given  to  the  skipper  and  it  seems  that  Gustaf 

"'Printz  to  Oxenstierna  and  to  Brahe,  April  26,  July  14,  1653,  Ox.  Saml., 
Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  cf.  above,  Chap.  XXX. 

13S  « 'j'here  is  absolutely  no  profit  any  more  in  the  fur-trade  and  especially  now 
since  the  Arregahaga  and  Susquahanoer  (from  whom  the  beavers  come)  began 
to  make  war  upon  each  other."     Printz  to  Oxenstierna,  April  26,  1653,  Ox.  Saml. 

'^"Ankare,  anker  (firkin),  8-7/11  gallons.      Cf.  Chap.  VL,  above. 

^*°In  October,  1653,  Kramer  sent  a  draft  for  the  amount  to  Trotzig.  Journal, 
no.  1,127.     Eindracht,  probably  Endrdkt  {Harmony). 


Social  and  Economic  Life  in  the  Colony.      343 

Printz  was  placed  in  command, ^^^  who  went  to  Stockholm  to 
make  a  report. 

Affairs  were  now  growing  more  complicated  and  in  the 
autumn  Printz  decided  to  go  to  Sweden  himself.  Some  time 
before  his  departure,  he  exchanged  a  quantity  of  goods  for  sev- 
eral thousand  pounds  of  tobacco,  which  was  shipped  to  Hol- 
land for  the  company.  The  old  sloop  was  also  sold  and  a  new 
one  purchased  in  its  stead.  About  the  same  time  the  skipper, 
Jan  Jansen,  was  trading  on  the  river  and  he  sold  200  lbs.  of 
powder,  29  pairs  of  shoes  and  200  yds.  of  linen  cloth  to  the 
Swedes.  These  articles  valued  at  322  D.  Sfz  ore  were  placed 
in  the  storehouse  at  New  Gothenborg  under  the  care  of  Pape- 
goja.  Under  Jacob  Svensson  at  Christina  there  were  also 
goods  to  the  value  of  2,487  D.  3  ore,  consisting  of  cloth,  guns, 
shoes  and  the  like.  To  further  increase  this  stock  for  the 
winter  Svensson  was  sent  to  New  England  for  the  purpose  of 
trade  and  in  September  Printz  Issued  a  passport  or  sea  letter 
for  Laurens  Cornelius  Andriesen,  who  was  about  to  sail  to 
New  England  on  a  trading  voyage.^^^ 

As  the  Indians  were  unruly  during  the  last  years  of  Printz's 
governorship,  they  could  not  be  depended  upon,  making  life  in 
the  colony  less  safe  and  causing  some  inconvenience  to  the 
settlers,  but  there  were  no  serious  troubles  with  them.  The 
watermill  was  kept  in  order  and  ground  most  of  the  flour,  but 
since  it  could  only  be  run  on  certain  days  for  fear  of  the  savages, 
the  colonists  were  at  times  compelled  to  grind  their  grain  on 
hand  mills.  The  swine  were  occasionally  killed  by  the  savages 
and  they  sometimes  molested  the  cattle  and  stole  guns  and  other 

"^  Printz's  letter  is  somewhat  ambiguous,  but  the  expression  "  medh  een  Svvensk 
Coraraissie  Digt  bfver  forpasserat"  seems  to  indicate  that  the  ship  was  sent. 
The  ship  on  which  Gustaf  Printz  sailed  was  captured  by  the  English  and  never 
reached  Sweden.     Printz  to  Brahe,  July  14,  1653,  Skokl.  Saml. 

^*' Journal,  nos.  1126-1130,  1180,  1210-11;  Printz  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  August  i, 
1650,  August  I,  1651,  August  30,  1652,  April  26,  July  14,  1653;  Ox.  Saml.  and 
letters  of  the  same  dates  from  Printz  to  Brahe,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Complaints 
against  Printz,  etc.,  1653,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)  ;  Doc,  XII.  63-5,  70  ff.,  370  ff. ;  Hazasd, 
139,  115  ff-;  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  Fund  S.,  II.  7  flf.;  Md.  Archives,  III.,  pp.  300^^ 
301;  "Copia  von  L.  Andriesen  sein  Pass,"  etc.,  August  18,  1652,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ; 
Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Deeds;  Penn.  Mag.,  VI.  489;  Mss.  in  Penn.  Hist.  So.     Cf.  below'. 


344      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

property  from  the  Swedes.  The  population  had  been  increased 
by  birth  and  new  arrivals  since  1643,  but  many  had  returned  to 
Sweden,  while  others  had  deserted,  going  to  Virginia  and  else- 
where, and  the  total  number  of  inhabitants  was  only  about  200 
souls. ^^2 

'"See  Com.  Col.  Prat.,  1652;  Penn.  Mag.,  U.  225;   cf.  below,  Chap.  XLH. 
Lasse  Cock  was  b.  1646;  Peter  Rambo,  June  17,  1653,  etc.     Cf.  appendix  below. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists,  i 643-1 653. 

The  dwellings  erected  by  the  Finns  immediately  on  their 
arrival  were  probably  of  the  simplest  form  known  to  them  in 
their  home  country,  namely  the  kota}  This  structure,  of  the 
same  general  type  as  the  Lapplander's  hut,^  resembled  an 
Indian  wigwam.  It  was  made  by  placing  poles  of  a  few  inches 
thickness  and  about  fifteen  feet  long  close  together  in  a  circle 
(of  about  ten  feet  in  diameter)  with  their  tops  adjoining  one 
another.  A  second  layer  of  poles  was  at  times  employed  to 
close  up  the  large  opening  in  the  first  layers,  and  moss  or 
other  material  was  further  used  to  fill  up  the  cracks,  improving 
the  comfort  of  the  occupants.  An  opening  was  left  on  one  side 
for  a  door,  covered  with  a  skin  or  a  piece  of  cloth.  Across  the 
**  tenthouse,"  about  half-way  between  the  ground  and  the  top, 
a  pole  was  fastened  by  which  the  kettle  and  other  cooking 
utensils  could  be  suspended  on  an  extensible  wooden  hook,^ 
beneath  which  the  fire  was  made.^  Here  the  newly  arrived 
Finnish  (and  probably  an  occasional  Swedish)  settler  found 
shelter  and  almost  as  much  comfort  as  he  was  used  to  at  home.^ 
As  soon  as  he  was  able,  however,  he  erected  a  more  comfortable 
dwelling,  por/e/  (pirtti)  .^  This  form  of  living  house  was  com- 
mon in  Finland  in  olden  times  and  the  Finnish  settlers  in  Sweden 
employed  it  almost  exclusively  in  the  seventeenth  century.'^ 

The  port  was  a  log  cabin  (varying  in  size)  built  of  round  tim- 

^  A  Finnish  word  meaning  "  house,"  "  cooking-house,"  etc. 

'  Cf .  the  illustration  in  Nilsson's  Skansen,  p.  72. 

^The  hook  was  sonnetimes  made  out  of  iron. 

*Retzius,  Finland,  p.  20  flF. 

"It  is  more  than  probable  that  such  dwellings  were  erected  here  on  the  first 
arrival  of  the  Finns,  for  these  people  used  them  in  Sweden,  during  their  first 
years  of  settlement  there.    Cf.  Nordmann,  p.  92  ff. 

'"Pirtti"    (Finnish),   "port"    (Swedish),   "cabin,"   "cot,"   "smoke-house." 

^  Cf.  Nordmann,  p.  92. 

345 


34^      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

bers.  The  roof  was  gabled.  On  one  of  the  end  walls  was  a 
door,  and  two  or  three  small  openings  on  the  other  walls,  covered 
with  slide  boards,  served  the  purpose  of  windows.  The  floor 
was  made  out  of  split  or  hewn  logs.  The  fire-place,  constructed 
out  of  boulders  or  roughly  formed  granite  blocks,  was  built  in 
a  comer  of  the  room  on  a  foundation  of  timbers.  There  was 
probably  no  chimney  at  first,  the  smoke  being  allowed  to  float 
about  freely  in  the  room,  from  whence  it  gradually  escaped 
through  an  opening  in  the  roof,  which  could  be  closed  by  a 
board.  Later  on  a  chimney  was  installed,  made  out  of  the 
trunk  of  a  hollow  tree.  There  was  only  one  room,  so  ar- 
ranged that  it  could  serve  the  purpose  of  a  "  Finnish  bath- 
house," dwelling-house  and  bed-chamber.® 

If  we  could  have  made  a  visit  to  one  of  these  early  dwellings 
on  the  Delaware,  we  should  have  found  it  very  much  resembling 
those  used  by  the  settlers  in  Sweden  and  Finland  before  they 
came  here.  Remnants  of  this  type  of  dwellings  are  still  to  be 
seen  in  the  north  and  one  of  them  has  been  moved  to  Skansen 
in  Stockholm.  Let  us  enter  this  old  relic  from  a  by-gone  age ! 
We  must  stoop  to  get  through  the  door,  which  is  located  a  little 
to  the  side  on  one  of  the  gable  ends.  To  the  right,  as  we  come 
in,  is  the  fireplace  and  the  oven,  made  from  rough,  heavy  stones 
(the  oven  sometimes  being  clayed  over  and  chalked  on  the  front 
side).  On  the  floor  near  by,  along  the  same  wall,  is  the  bed 
with  its  loose  straw,  covered  with  a  sheepskin.  The  table  is  to 
the  left,  behind  which  is  a  seat  or  bench  nailed  to  the  wall.  The 
spinning  wheel,  the  chair  made  from  the  hollow  trunk  of  a 
tree,  the  birch-bark  shoes,  the  pipe  and  the  tobacco  leaves  for 
smoking,  the  skin  coat,  the  wooden  plates  and  bowls,  the 
copper  kettle  and  the  fir-sticks  for  lighting  purposes  are  all 
there,  hung  up  or  arranged  in  their  proper  places.  The  big 
room  is  gloomy  even  in  the  daytime,  for  only  two  little  open- 
ings or  "windows"  in  the  walls  admit  light  and  the  thick 
smoke,  which,  when  the  fire  is  burning,  floats  about  above  the 
heads  of  the  occupants,  before  it  finds  its  way  out  through  the 

'  Cf.  Retzius,  p.  54  ff. ;  Nordmann,  p.  92  ff. ;  Nilsson,  p.  60  ff. ;  Heikel. 


The  exterior  of  a  ko/a,  showing  the  entrance  and  fireplace.     R. 


Cross-section  of  the  kola,  showing  the  hook 
carrying  a  pot  suspended  on  a  pole  across 
the  hut.     R. 


Wooden  hook  used   in  the  kola,  for 
suspending  the  pot  over  the  fire. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.        347 

hole,  leading  up  into  the  wooden  chimney  on  the  roof,  tends  to 
increase  the  gloom.  Such  was  the  early  Finnish  (and  some 
Swedish)  dwellings  on  the  Delaware,  but  the  freemen  lived 
happy  and  enjoyed  their  new  homes,  for  many  of  the  difficulties 
encountered  in  their  native  land  were  absent  here. 

The  first  dwellings  erected  by  the  Swedish  colonists  were 
likewise  simple  log-cabins  made  of  round  timber.  The  door 
was  on  the  gable  end,  over  which  the  roof  projected  three  or 
four  feet  and  on  the  other  side  were  two  or  three  little  openings 
which  admitted  light.  The  first  fires  were  made  on  the  ground 
and  there  was  no  chimney,  the  smoke  finding  its  way  through 
an  opening  in  the  roof,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Finnish  houses. 
As  soon  as  opportunity  allowed  a  fireplace  was  made,  on  the 
same  principles  as  those  in  the  Finnish  huts.  The  beds,  which 
were  made  on  the  floor,  the  chairs  made  by  cutting  off  a  piece 
from  the  trunk  of  a  large  tree  and  a  table  near  the  wall  were 
among  the  first  necessities  and  continued  to  be  the  only  furni- 
ture for  some  time.  When  the  freemen  increased  in  wealth 
and  prosperity,  they  built  large  houses  and  made  many  im- 
provements, but  we  shall  leave  this  until  the  next  chapter.^ 
The  mode  of  building  was  influenced  by  the  Dutch  and  English 
and  "  an  English  house  "  was  erected  in  Fort  Elfsborg.^° 

"  On  Tinicum  Island  .  .  .  Gov.  Printz  caused  a  Hall  to  be 
built,  which  was  called  Printz  Hall,  very  splendid  and  well 
built,  with  an  orchard,  a  pleasure  house  and  more  such  things."^  ^ 
Churchill  states  in  one  of  his  novels  that  the  bricks  used  in  the 
building  of  Carvel's  House  were  brought  from  England  and 
"legends"  have  been  circulated  to  the  effect  that  the  "Old 
Swedes'  Church"  (Gloria  Dei)  was  built  from  Swedish  bricks! 
It  has  likewise  been  said  as  late  as  1909  that  "Printz  Hall" 

"The  description  given  in  a  previous  chapter  largely  applies  to  the  houses  built 
in  the  beginning  of  this  period.  One  or  two  little  "  glass  windows  "  would  be 
added  to  the  dwellings  of  the  most  prosperous  settlers  and  other  conveniences  were 
supplied. 

'"Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 

"Lindestrom,  Geogr.  Amer.;  Holm,  p.  79  (transl.)  ;  Acrelius,  p.  43  (trans!.). 
This  description,  however,  refers  to  Printz  Hall  No.  2  (the  one  built  after  the 
fire). 


348      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

was  built  out  of  bricks  brought  from  Sweden, ^^  ^hile  others 
have  denied  that  bricks  were  shipped  here  at  all.  Both  of  these 
theories  are  equally  erroneous.  We  have  already  seen  that 
about  500  bricks  were  carried  over  on  the  first  journey  and  in 
1643  "  6000  bricks  together  with  half  a  last  of  lime  were  con- 
signed to  Governor  Printz  [at  his  request]  for  the  need  of  the 
country  in  New  Sweden. "^^  This  was  the  last  direct  shipment 
of  bricks  made  to  the  colony,  although  several  thousand  were 
imported  from  Holland  by  the  company.  It  is  probable  that  a 
few  bricks  were  taken  here  as  ballast  on  some  of  the  expeditions, 
but  Swedish  bricks  were  in  no  case  used  for  building  purposes. 
Printz  Hall  was  undoubtedly  completed,  as  far  as  its  exterior 
was  concerned,  before  the  beginning  of  1644.  The  large  ship- 
ment of  bricks  did  not  arrive  here  before  the  spring  of  1644 
and  in  any  case  it  is  clear  that  a  spacious  and  "  well  built  Hall " 
could  not  be  erected  with  6,000  bricks,  which  were  used  for 
other  purposes. ^^ 

Printz  Hall  was  in  all  likelihood  built  out  of  hewn  logs.^^  It 
was  probably  two  stories  high  and  so  arranged  that  it  could  be 
defended  in  case  of  attack.  The  lumber,  which  was  brought 
here  on  the  Fama,  was  used  for  the  interior  of  the  mansion^^ 
and  ovens  and  two  or  more  fire-places  with  chimneys  were  con- 
structed out  of  some  of  the  bricks.  The  mansion  had  several 
rooms,  lighted  by  windows  of  glass, ^'^  and  it  was  not  devoid  of 

''Penn.  Mag.,  XXXHL  10. 

"The  cost  of  the  bricks  was  22  R.D.  They  were  loaded  upon  the  Fama, 
Journal,  nos.  350-51. 

"  Fireplaces  and  chimneys  were  built  out  of  these  bricks  as  far  as  they  lasted. 
It  is  estimatctd  that  about  400  bricks  will  make  a  good  sized  fireplace.  At  that 
rate  probably  some  15  to  18  new  fireplaces  were  made. 

""On  Tendkong  12  men,  four  at  the  time,  built  (timbrade)  a  large  house  out 
of  logs  in  8  days.  .  .  .  We  have  assisted  in  the  work  on  all  the  houses  which  are 
on  the  estate  as  well  with  the  building  as  with  the  masonry  (murandet)." 
"  Forklaring,"  etc.,  July  7,  1654,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.).  That  there  were  no  brickhouses 
on  the  island  is  clear  from  Sluyter's  Journal,  Mem.  of  the  Long  Isl.  Hist.  Soc.,  L 

"Journal,  305.     Twelve  "  tolfter  "  were  on  the  ship,  valued  at  19  D.  16  ore. 

^''Journal,  304  ff.  On  the  authority  of  Peter  Kalm  (who  quotes  an  old  set- 
tler) it  has  been  stated  that  "  the  Swedes  made  windows  out  of  isin-glass,  when 
they  first  came  here,"  and  from  this  it  has  been  inferred  that  no  windows  were 
used.  But  in  1644  "twenty  four  windows"  were  brought  here  on  the  Fama. 
Some  were  used  for  Printz'  Hof  and  the  rest  for  the  houses  in   Fort  Christina, 


Porlc,  now  erected  at  Skansen,  Stockholn 

I 


Finn 


\&\i  porle  and  bath-house  of  the  eighteenth  century  built 
of  hewn  logs.     (From  Tavastland,  Finland.     R.) 


Interior  of  the  porlc  from  Tavastland  having  the  fireplace 
to  the  left.     R. 


Types  of  wooden  chimneys  used  in  Sweden  and  Finland  in  early  times  and  still 

employed.     R. 


The  "  fire-rake  "  or  poker  (made  of  wood)  for  stirring  the  fire.     R. 


8.  The  "window  "  of  the  porte,  showing  the  "  slide-board. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.       349 

comfort,  we  may  even  say  of  luxury.  From  the  articles  con- 
sumed in  the  fire  of  1645,  when  Printz  Hall  was  burnt,  we  may 
form  some  idea  of  the  way  Printz  lived.  They  are  given  in  a 
list,^^  made  at  an  examination  during  a  court  in  February, 
1647,  ^s  follows: 

R.D.    St. 

The  governor's  library,  estimated  to  at  least 200 

The  governor's  clothes  and  other  articles,  figured  as  far  as  it 

was  possible  to  remember  them 1,200 

The  underlinen  of  Governor  Printz's  wife 240 

Pearls  and  precious  stones  of  Governor  Printz's  wife,  all  lost 

in  the  fire 1,200 

The  every  day  and  best  clothes  of  Governor  Printz's  wife, 

estimated  at  800 

Curtains  and  the  like 120 

Copper,  tin  and  household  articles 120 

Gold,  silver  and  money,  except  that  which  was  reclaimed...  600 

120   lbs.  of  light   [candles] @  10  st.  24 

180  bushels  of  rye,  his  own  crop @  3  fl.  216 

100  bushels  of  malt @  3  fi.  120 

200   lbs.    of   hops @  I  fl.  5  St.     100 

3,000  lbs.  of  salted  pork @  6  st.  360 

560  lbs.  of  smoked  pork @  6  st  91 :  10 

224  lbs.  of  pork-fat @  10  st.  44 :  40 

80  lbs.  of  cheese @  5  st.  8 

120  lbs.  of  butter @  10  st.  24 

200  lbs.   of   fish @  3  St.  12 

500  lbs.  of  salted  meat @  4  st.  40 

Summarium  5,520:2 

In  1646  Printz  Hall  was  rebuilt,  larger  and  more  beautiful 
than  before.^* 

Printz  was  accused  of  enriching  himself  at  the  expense  of  his 
subjects  and  it  was  said  that  he  carried  on  an  unlawful  beaver- 
trade, ^'^  but  most  of  the  charges  against  him  were  probably 
unjust.  He  made  large  advances  of  money  and  goods  to  the 
colonists,  from  time  to  time,  and  in  some  instances  he  was  paid 

Fort  Elfsborg,  etc.  Windows  were  probably  also  used  for  the  dwellings  of  some 
of  the  prosperous  freemen.  Kalm,  Resa,  etc.,  II.  217,  III.  70.  In  a  poem 
written  towards  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  it  is  stated  that  the  Swedes  on 
the  Delaware  used  isin-glass  in  their  windows,  proving  that  this  material  was 
really  employed  by  the  colonists  at  an  early  date. 

"List  in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

"'  Cf .  above,  Chap.  XXXII. 

"  See  below,  Chap.  XXXVIII. 


350      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

in  beaver-skins,  bought  for  the  company  from  the  savages.^^ 
He  had  a  perfect  right  to  sell  these  beaver-skins  in  any  way  he 
saw  fit,  as  much  so  as  the  merchants  in  Stockholm  or  Amster- 
dam, who  bought  skins  from  Bonnell  and  Andersson;  for  he 
had  not  infringed  on  the  rights  of  the  company,  which  alone 
could  buy  from  the  Indians.  Printz  of  course  sold  his  skins  at 
a  gain ;  most  of  the  work  on  his  plantation  was  done  by  servants 
and  colonists,  without  pay  it  seems,-^  and  through  wise  manage- 
ment he  collected  almost  a  little  fortune  on  the  Island  of  Tini- 
cum.  Some  of  the  colonists  got  into  heavy  debts  to  the  gover- 
nor.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  "  Lasse  the  Finn,"  who 
with  his  wife  settled  a  plantation  at  Upland.  They  were  also 
accused  of  disturbance  and  witch-craft,  on  account  of  which 
they  were  removed  from  their  plantation  probably  about 
1646,^^  but  they  were  given  better  land  and  situation  by  the 
governor,  "  although  they  owed  [him]  three  times  as  much  as 
the  value  of  their  former  plantation,"  which  was  taken  by 
Printz  in  lieu  of  his  claims  "  and  called  after  his  own  name, 
Printz  Torp."^^  The  plantation  was  probably  rented  by  Printz 
to  some  colonist,  who  paid  for  its  rental  by  the  work  of  a  cer- 
tain number  of  days  a  year,^^  becoming  what  might  be  termed 
a  crofter. 2^ 

="€£.  above,  chap.  XXXH.,  Ace.  B.,  1643-48. 

^"  Forklaring,"  etc.,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)  ;  Acrelius,  p.  83.  It  seems  that  such  work 
was  considered  their  taxes,  due  the  governor. 

^  In  1662  Beeckman  writes  that  he  had  been  informed  that  Printz  Torp  had 
been  in  possession  of  Printz  and  his  daughter  jor  sixteen  years.  That  would 
bring  us  to  the  year  164.6.      Doc,  XII.  412;  Hazard,  339. 

^Petition,  etc.,  and  Printz's  Answer,  July  27  and  August  3,  1653,  N.S.,  I. 
(R.A.).  Hence  we  see  that  the  plantation  was  not  "granted  to  Printz  in  accord- 
ance with  his  petition"  in  1647,  as  was  suggested  by  Smith,  Hist,  of  Del.  County, 
p.  47,  and  by  other  historians. 

*°  Printz  Torp  was  also  designated  by  its  Dutch  form,  Printz  Dorp,  in  some  of 
the  documents  (Beeckman's  Declaration,  September  19,  1662,  Doc,  XII.  412)  and 
it  is  so  written  in  Winsor,  IV.  463;  Hazard,  p.  220,  339;  Smith,  Hist,  of  Del. 
County,  pp.  47,  82.  Swedish  t  often  becomes  Dutch  d.  Cf.  Dutch  dapper  and 
Swedish  tapper,  etc.  Cf.  Noreen,  Abriss  der  Urg.  Lautlehre,  p.  232,  etc.  The 
Dutch  form  has  given  rise  to  a  misconception  of  the  meaning  of  the  word. 
Hazard  translates  it  by  village  and  he  is  followed  by  Smith  and  others  (Hazard, 
p.  339;  Smith,  Hist,  of  Del.  County,  p.  83).  The  Swedish  word  torp  has  of  course 
not  the  same  meaning  as  the  Dutch  dorp,  nor  the  German  Dorf  (village), 
although  they   are  etymologically  the   same  words,   and   in   Middle   H.   German 


v.^i  isi 


-•iju 


Splint-stick-liolder  of  iron,  shosviiig-  the  burning  splint.     R. 


flM|IM!|l!|li^H      I  A '.I 

Movable  splint-stick-holder  of  wood.     S. 


i--^ 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.        351 

The  dwelling-rooms  of  the  settlers  were  lighted  partly  with 
tallow-candles  and  partly  with  so-called  pertstickor  or  sping- 
stickor.  These  splinter-sticks  were  used  very  extensively  and  the 
custom  was  very  old,  being  mentioned  in  Kalevala  and  in  the 
oldest  writers  of  the  North.  "The  lighting-splints  were  thin 
and  flat,  about  a  yard  in  length  and  they  were  made  by  split- 
ting pine-trunks  (preferably  such  as  were  of  a  resinous  quality) 
into  the  proper  size."  One,  two  or  more  of  these  splints  were 
fastened  in  the  walls  of  the  room,  usually  quite  high  up.  They 
were  stuck  into  the  crevices  between  the  logs  or  fastened  into 
a  "stick-holder  of  iron."  The  splint  sloped  downward.  "It 
was  the  free  end,  hanging  down,  which  was  lighted."  In  burn- 
ing the  stick  produced  much  smoke.  After  a  few  minutes  such 
a  splint  was  consumed  and  a  new  one  was  placed  in  the  holder 
and  lighted  as  before.  Two  or  three  burning  sticks  lighted  the 
room  sufficiently  for  ordinary  purposes.  The  splint-holders 
were  of  two  general  types.  The  one  was  a  short  iron  bolt, 
one  end  of  which  formed  a  clasp  for  holding  the  splint,  the 
other  end  being  sharpened  to  stick  into  the  wall.  The  other 
type,  generally  made  of  wood,  had  an  upright  shaft  a  yard  or 
more  in  height,  placed  on  a  base.  This  holder  could  readily  be 
moved  from  place  to  place  and  was  therefore  more  serviceable 
and  convenient  than  the  former  kind.^^  Candles  were  also 
employed  in  New  Sweden,  especially  by  the  commissioner  and 

Dorf  sometimes  means  Gehoft.  The  Swedish  torp  (Old  Eng.,  Porp,  meaning 
village;  Gothic,  Paurp,  meaning  land,  field;  Old  Norse,  Porp,  meaning  village, 
land  and  an  isolated  farm,  cf.  Vigfusson,  An.  Icel.  Die,  p.  742)  means  a  small 
farm  or  plantation  often  belonging  to  a  neighboring  larger  estate.  The  one 
occupying  a  torp  was  called  a  torpare.  Cf.  Sunden,  Ordbok,  pp.  506-7 ;  Bjork- 
man,  Ordbok,  p.  1164;  Kluge,  Etym.  Worterb.,  p.  75.  Concerning  torp  and 
torpare  in  Sweden  in  the  seventeenth  century  see,  Rddspr.,  IV.,  p.  71 ;  VII.,  p. 
200;  IX.,  p.  36-7. 

*  The  institution  of  torpare  exists  in  Sweden  to-day.  "  [Torpare  or]  crofters 
rent  for  themselves  small  parcels  of  land,  belonging  to  their  employers,  on  the 
condition  of  rendering  a  certain  number  of  day's  work  on  the  estate."  "  The 
crofter  is  in  Sweden  a  kind  of  tenant  of  smaller,  cultivated  plots  of  lands 
[torps]."    Sundbarg,  Siveden,  p.  610,  6ii  ff. 

"  Retzius,  Finland,  p.  73  ff. ;  Stolt,  Minnen,  p.  24  ff.  Cf.  Kalevala,  Rune 
XXL;  Magnus,  Hist,  de  gent.,  etc.,  77.  This  historian  (middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century)  represented  the  Swedish  matron  holding  the  lighted  splint  in  her  mouth, 
while  she  worked  her  distaff. 


352      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

bookkeeper  In  the  forts.  As  time  went  on  they  probably  be- 
came more  common  here  than  in  the  mother  country  and  in  the 
Monthly  Account-Book   (1642-56)   we  find  entries  like  this: 

"  To  Pafvel  Jonsson,  4  lbs.  of  light  at  8  st fl.  i :  12." 

The  candles  were  made  of  tallow  grease  which  was  heated 
and  poured  into  an  old  churn  or  other  vessel.  Wicks  (of  hards- 
heddle,  sometimes  suspended  by  hooks  on  a  circular  disk  to 
which  a  handle  was  attached)  were  dipped  into  the  fluid  until 
a  sufficient  coating  of  tallow-grease  had  collected  around  them 
to  form  a  candle  of  desired  size.  Candlesticks  were  employed 
and  it  is  likely  that  "candle-lanterns"  were  in  use.  These 
lanterns  "were  usually  composed  of  a  round  wooden  bottom 
below,  an  upper  side  with  a  round  hole  in  it,  and  then  thin 
spokes  between  them,  so  that  it  became  a  frame-work.  Around 
this  the  lantern-membrane  was  wrapped,  which  was  carefully 
[collected  and]  preserved  from  the  fish-family."^^ 

The  dress  of  the  people  was  simple.  In  the  first  years  they 
wore  clothes  mostly  made  in  Europe,  but  later  the  garments 
were  also  made  here.  Joen  Skraddare  was  undoubtedly  a 
tailor, 2^  as  his  nick-name  indicates,  but  it  is  unlikely  that  he 
found  time  to  make  all  the  clothes  necessary  and  it  is  probable 
that  some  of  the  colonists  made  their  own  wearing  apparel. 
Brown  or  gray  wadmaP''  and  duffel,  linen  and  frieze  were  the 
most  common  cloth,  in  fact  almost  the  only  kind  shipped  here 
for  the  need  of  the  settlers  and  from  this  their  garments  were 
made.  The  retail  cost  of  these  materials  from  1643  until  1654 
was  as  follows: 

1.  Frieze,  four  florins  a  yard. 

2.  Duffel,   four  florins  a  yard. 

3.  Linen  cloth,  one  florin  a  yard. 

4.  Wadmal,  twelve  stivers  a  yard. 

5.  Hards-cloth,  half  a  florin  a  yard. 

Shoes  were  shipped  into  the  colony  in  fairly  large  numbers, 
but  they  were  also  made  here.^^     The  shoemaker  mended  old 

^Stolt,  Minnen,  p.  25  fF.;  Ace.  B.,  1643-48. 

^See  Rulla,  1644,  appendix. 

°°  A  kind  of  coarse  woollen  cloth. 

^  Cf.  below  and  above. 


Interior  of  a  dwelling  from  Jonkopmg,  Sweden,  sliowing-  the  splint-holder,  the  table 
with  its  wooden  dishes,  the  fire-place  and  the  "  clothes-hangers." 


Interior  showing  the  table  with  its  candlestick,  the  clock  (marked  1747),  and  the  bed- 
stead. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.        353 

shoes  and  sole-leather  was  shipped  over  (Van  Dyck  buying  two 
pounds  of  it  at  one  and  a  half  florins  a  pound).  The  shoes 
varied  in  price  from  two  and  a  half  to  three  florins.  Erick 
Andersson,  the  Trumpeter,  bought  six  pair  of  shoes  from  1643 
until  1648  at  two  and  a  half  florins  a  pair,  making  one  pair  a 
year,  which  was  the  average  for  the  soldiers  and  servants.'^ 
Shirts  (the  only  undergarments  mentioned)  were  largely 
bought  by  the  colonists  from  the  supplies  sent  over,  their  price 
varying  from  three  to  five  florins  a  piece.  It  seems  that  the 
officers  wore  a  more  expensive  kind.^^  The  stockings  were  made 
of  felt,  wool  and  linen,  and  their  average  cost  was  as  follows: 

1.  Felt  stockings,  five  florins  a  pair. 

2.  Woolen  stockings,  four  florins  a  pair. 

3.  Linen  stockings,  one  florin  a  pair. 

Gloves  were  worn  by  the  officers  and  soldiers  and  we  find 
several  bills  for  Russian  gloves,  whose  cost  was  one  florin  a 
pair.  "  Hats  with  ribbons  "  and  "  English  caps  "  were  worn 
by  the  colonists  and  soldiers.  "  An  English  cap  "^^  cost  from 
three  to  four  florins^^  and  a  hat  was  valued  at  five  florins  (in- 
cluding ribbon,  six  stivers  extra) . 

The  food  of  the  colonists  and  soldiers  consisted  of  deer-meat 
and  other  game;  fish,  pork,  salted  or  smoked  (except  in  the 
autumn  when  the  animals  were  butchered),  dried  meat,^^  beef 
(fresh  or  salted),^'  cheese,  butter,  "English  bread"  and  bread 
made  out  of  wheat,  rye,^^  Indian  corn  and  at  times  a  mixture  of 
the  last  two.^^  Of  vegetables  they  had  pease,  beans,'*'^  turnips 
and  watermelons.     Pepper,  ginger  ("natural  and  prepared"), 

^■Monatg.  B.,  1642-1656. 

^Junker  Per  Liljehok  bought  7  •hemden  from  1643  to  1648  at  the  cost  of  5 
florins  each.  Peter  Jonsson  bought  7  hemden  for  three  florins  each,  etc.  Monatg. 
B.,  1642-56,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

^Acc.  B.,  1643-1648;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-1656. 

^  1643-54  is  always  meant. 

"^  "  Drog  fleisch." 

"  "  Oxen  Fleis,"  etc. 

^  Other  grains  were  oats  and  barley,  Lindestrom,  Geegr. 

^  On  the  method  of  making  this  bread  cf.  below,  Chap.  XLIII. 

"  Also  Turkish  beans.     Geogr.    Potatoes  were  also  used.    Rising's  Beskr. 
24 


354      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

vinegar,  and  other  necessaries  were  brought  here  from  Europe.^^ 

Beer  was  the  standard  beverage,  as  brewing  was  common 

among  the  Swedes  and  Finns  from  the  earliest  times.*^    Kale- 

vala,  the  Finnish  Epic,  describes  the  making  of  beer  as  follows : 

"  Osmotar,  the  beer  preparer, 

Brewer  of  the  drink  refreshing, 

Takes  the  golden  grains  of  barley, 

Taking  six  of  barley  kernels, 

Taking  seven  tips  of  hop-fruit, 

Filling  seven  cups  with  water. 

On  the  fire  she  sets  the  caldron. 

Boils  the  barley,  hops  and  water, 

Lets  them  steep  and  seeth  and  bubble." 

"  Ripe  cones  from  the  fir-tree,"  yeast  from  "  the  grottoes  of  the 
growler,"  honey  "  from  the  calyces  of  flowers,"  were  finally 
thrown  into  the  liquor  and 

"...  the  beer  was  ready. 
Beverage  of  noble  heroes, 
Stored  away  in  cask  and  barrels. 
There  to  rest  a  while  in  silence."*^ 

The  beer  was  brewed  here  in  large  quantities  by  the  individual 
freemen  and  at  the  forts,  under  the  supervision  of  the  gover- 
nor. Malt  was  taken  here  in  large  quantities  on  the  journey 
in  1642-1643;^^  but  it  was  also  made  in  the  colony  and,  when 
the  fields  began  to  bring  forth  enough  grain  for  the  supply  of 
food,  there  was  no  necessity  for  importing  malt.  "  Beer 
was  also  brewed  from  red,  blue,  brown,  flesh-colored  and  spot- 
ted corn.  This  beer  was  very  strong  and  thick  and  not  very 
clear."^» 

**  "  Ingemachten  Ingefehr  "  sold  at  three  florins  a  pound.  Monatg,  B.,  1642-56, 
P.  Jonsson's  and  J.  Olofsson's  accounts.  Pepper  was  sold  for  two  florins  a 
pound.     Wine  vinegar  cost  one  florin  a  "kanna"   (half  a  gallon). 

*^  Cf.  Introduction  above. 

^  Kalevala,  Rune  XX.   (transl.)  by  Crawford. 

**  Gov.  Printz  took  over  30  barrels  of  malt  for  his  own  use.  Monatg,  B.,  1642- 
56,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.). 

"  Lindestrom,  Geogr.  In  Danker's  and  Sluyter's  Journal  (1679)  it  is  stated 
that  they  "  drank  very  good  beer  here  [Takanij],  brewed  by  the  Swedes,  who, 
although  they  have  come  to  America,  have  not  left  behind  them  their  old  customs." 
Mem.  of  the  Long  hi.  Hist.  So.,  I.  177. 


Spoon  of  wood. 


Dipper  of  wood. 


Beer-pot"  of  wood  from  Sweden.     S. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.       355 

Wild  grape  vines  were  very  numerous  in  certain  parts  of  the 
river.^^  "The  grapes  and  their  juice  were  not  all  of  the  same 
kind,  or  of  one  color,*'^  some  being  blue  (of  different  shades), 
others  reddish  and  still  others  entirely  white.  Nor  were  they 
of  the  same  size  and  quahty."  In  the  autumn  these  grapes  were 
gathered  in  large  quantities  and  made  into  three  or  four  kinds 
of  "  delightful  wine,  year  after  year,"  white,  reddish  or  dark. 
But  the  colonists  also  cultivated  grape  vines,^^  which  produced 
as  good  grapes  and  as  fine  wine  as  were  to  be  found  in  Germany 
or  France. ^^ 

Brandy  was  also  a  common  article.  It  was  carried  over  on 
the  expeditions,  bought  from  foreign  merchants  and  also  manu- 
factured in  the  settlement.  Some  time  after  July,  1644,  Printz 
erected  an  ale-house  on  Tinicum  Island  and  here  beer,  wine  and 
brandy  were  sold  to  the  soldiers  and  servants,^^  "  French  and 
Spanish  wine  "  are  often  mentioned  in  the  account-books.  It 
was  used  on  the  governor's  table  and  by  officers  and  servants  in 
the  employ  of  the  company.^^ 

Dishes  and  utensils  were  to  a  large  extent  of  European 
origin,  but  some  were  made  or  bought  here.  Knives  were  brought 
over  in  large  quantities,  but  forks  are  not  mentioned.  Tin 
pots  with  covers,  as  well  as  iron  pots,  were  used  for  cooking  and 
other  purposes.  Tin-cups  ("glasses"),  tin  goblets,  tin  beakers 
and  tin  bowls  are  mentioned  in  the  accounts,  and  goblets  and 
cups  of  horn.  These  were  brought  from  Europe  and  cups  and 
saucers  were  sometimes  purchased  from  the  English.  Wooden 
utensils,  however,  were  mostly  used.  Cups,  plates,  spoons, 
dippers,  knives,  bowls,  pails,  churns  and  casks,  of  this  material 
could  be  seen  in  every  household  and  in  the   forts.     These 

**  Up  at  the  falls  of  the  Delaware  there  were  a  very  large  number  of  vines. 
Lindestrom,  Geogr. 

"Rising  says  there  were  four  kinds  of  grapes.     Beskrifiiing  (R.A.). 

"Van  der  Donck  says:  "...  Hebben  de  Sweetse  Inwoonders  de  heele  oude 
stocken  in  de  Aerde  gelegt,  dat  noemense  suygen  en  sy  trecken  en  genieten  daer 
veel  schoone  lieflijcke  Wejnen  Jaer  op  Jaer,"  p.  20. 

"Van  der  Donck  (1656),  p.  20;  Rising,  Beskrifning  (R.A.)  ;  Lindestrom, 
Geogr. 

'"Rising's  Journal,  1654;  Report,  1644. 

■"Cf.  Ace.  B.,  1643-48;  Journal,  N.S.,  IIL   (K.A.). 


356      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

articles  were  often  elaborately  carved.^^  Troughs  for  baking 
bread,  for  feeding  and  watering  the  chickens  and  cattle  were 
made  by  hollowing  out  trunks  of  trees  of  different  sizes.^* 
Combs  of  bone  and  ivory,  clothes  brushes  (some  being  gilded)^* 
and  mirrors  were  among  the  articles  that  belonged  to  the  outfit 
of  the  settlers  and  these  articles  were  to  be  found  in  the  homes 
of  the  freemen.  Smoking  was  general  and  pipes  and  tobacco 
are  among  the  articles  bought  by  most  of  the  settlers.^^ 

The  following  typical  bill  will  give  an  idea  of  the  provisions 
and  other  supplies  purchased  by  a  common  soldier: 

fl.      St 

lo  shirts  a  3  florins 30. 

3  pair  of  woolen  stockings  a  3  florins 9. 

4  yards  of  wadmal  a  13  stivers 2:8 

1734  yards  linen  cloth  a  12  stivers 10:7 

13  yards  of  woolen  ribbons  a  4  stivers 2  :i2 

2  yards  white  cloth  a  3  florins 6. 

1  dozen  tobacco  pipes :io 

n  lbs.  cheese  a  8  stivers 4:8 

38  lbs.  of  pork  a  8  stivers I5^. 

4  lbs.  of  light  a  8  stivers i  :i2 

44  lbs.  of  salted  meat  a  5  stivers ii. 

12  lbs.  of  dried  meat  a  6  stivers 3:12 

12  lbs.  of  butter  a  10  stivers 8. 

2  bushels  of  pease  a  3  florins 6. 

3  beavers   [skins]   a  8  florins 24. 

15^  yards  of  frieze  a  4  florins 61. 

14/^  yards  of  sewant  a  2  florins 29. 

100  awl-points   2. 

too  needles   i. 

50  fish  hooks I. 

I  pair  of  shoes 4. 

I   shirt  a  4  florins 4. 

I  pair  of  woolen  stockings *. 

'  14  sickles    (skaror) 4*4 

Half  a  gallon  of  brandy 2. 

One   hat    5- 

A    ribbon    for   the    hat '.6^' 

*^  Woodcarving  was  a  highly  developed  art,  even  in  prehistoric  tinnes,  in  the 
Scandinavian  countries.  Cf.  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Ancient  Times; 
Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist.,  I. 

"  Cf.  Stolt,  Minnen,  p.  19  ff. 

"  Knut  Persson  sold  12  clothes  brushes  in  New  England. 

'^  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

^Monatg.  B.,  1642-56.  Jonsson's  account.  N.S.,  H.  (R.A.).  My  copy  9r 
the  original  has  some  minor  mistakes,  as  the  figures  do  not  work  out. 


Bin  h  hark  shoes  from  Finland.     R. 


Basktt  ot   bin  li  )jark.     k 


Wooden  shoe,  Triisko. 


Slipper  "  with  wooden  hottom  (sole),  loffd. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.        357 

The  peasants  of  northern  Sweden  knew  how  to  prepare 
various  kinds  of  skins, ^'^  which  could  be  used  for  bed-covering 
and  wearing  apparel.  The  settlers  in  New  Sweden  likewise 
prepared  their  own  skins.  They  used  the  skins  obtained 
through  the  hunts,  but  sometimes  they  bought  them  from  the 
Indians.  A  bear  skin  was  bought  for  7  florins,  an  otter  skin 
cost  5  florins  and  a  beaver  skin  7-8  florins.^^ 

The  Finns  were  skilled  in  the  making  of  articles  from  birch- 
bark,  of  which  they  manufactured  ropes,  baskets,  boxes,^® 
sieves,  graters,  sponges,  even  bottles  (for  salt,  pepper,  etc.)  and 
shoes.  Birch-bark  shoes  were  and  are  very  common  among  the 
Finnish  peasants,  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  they  con- 
tinued to  wear  them  on  the  Delaware.  When  the  birch-bark 
had  been  removed  from  the  trees  it  was  cut  into  strips,  rolled 
into  a  ball  and  preserved  for  future  use.  When  the  Finn  wished 
to  make  himself  a  pair  of  shoes,  he  took  his  birch-bark  roll, 
cut  the  strips  into  proper  widths,  softened  them  in  water  and 
braided  them  into  the  desired  form.  Slippers,  shoes*^*^  and 
boots  were  made  from  this  material.  These  shoes  were  cheap, 
cost  really  nothing,  could  be  made  in  a  very  short  time,  were 
strong  and  in  many  instances  did  as  good  service  or  better  than 
leather  ones.*^^  It  is  probable  that  the  Swedish  settlers  brought 
over  wooden  shoes  and  "  tofflor,"  a  sort  of  slipper  with 
wooden  bottoms.*'^  We  may  also  assume,  with  some  degree 
of  certainty,  that  they  were  made  here,  but  no  references  have 
been  found  to  them  in  the  documents. 

The  Swedes  and  Finns  understood  the  value  of  bathing  and 
the  steam  bath  was  very  popular  among  them.    In  "  an  explana- 

"  The  art  is  still  known.  The  author  has  seen  sheep  skins  in  Minnesota  pre- 
pared by  Swedish  settlers  (from  Jamtland  and  Dalarne). 

^Journal,  N.S.,  III.  (K.A.)  ;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56,  etc. 

'''  Snuff-boxes  of  birch  bark  are  common  among  the  peasants  of  Sweden. 

"The  author  purchased  a  pair  of  such  shoes  at  Little  Imatra,  Finland,  in  the 
summer  of  1909. 

"  Cf.  Retzius,  Finland,  p.  26  ff. 

*■  Such  "  slippers  "  are  used  in  various  Swedish  provinces  and  laborers  on  the 
streets  in  Berlin  and  other  places  in  Germany  can  be  seen  wearing  them.  They 
are  also  used  by  the  peasants  and  by  fishermen  in  Denmark.  At  Blasbjerg,  for 
example,  men  can  be  seen  wearing  them  on  the  street. 


358      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

tion"  concerning  the  troubles  during  the  administration  of 
Governor  Printz  It  Is  stated  that  certain  colonists  "  aided  in  the 
erection  of  a  bath  house  "  on  TInicum  Island.^^    We  know  that 
bath  houses  were  common  among  the  early  settlers,  for  In  1749 
an  old  Inhabitant  of  Pennsylvania  (then  91  years  of  age)   in- 
formed Professor   Kalm   that   "In   his   youth    [about    1665] 
almost  every  Swede  had  a  bath  house. "^*     These  bath  houses 
were  of  course  built  like  those  in  the  mother  country,  primitive 
in  their  structure,  presenting  the  general  outward  appearance 
of  the  "  porte  "  or  Finnish  dwelling.    The  walls  were  of  round 
logs,  plastered  between  the  fissures  with  clay.     A  low  door  on 
one  of  the  gable  sides  gave  entrance  to  the  "bathing-guests" 
and  two  or  three  small  openings  In  the  walls,  which  were  closed 
by  "  slide-boards,"  admitted  fresh  air  and  allowed  the  smoke  to 
pass  off  after  a  bath.    In  the  corner  to  the  right  or  left,  next  to 
the  door,  was  a  primitive  fireplace  of  boulders  and  roughly 
formed  granite  blocks.    The  bath  houses  built  near  or  Inside  of 
the    forts,    being   larger    than    those    erected   by    individuals, 
were  probably  about  twelve  or  fourteen  feet  square.    A  sort  of 
platform  or  scaffold,  probably  about  two  feet  wide,  extended 
along  the  walls  about  three  or  four  feet  from  the  ground  and 
below  this  near  the  floor  was  a  second  platform.     Before  a 
bath  was  to  be  taken  the  fireplace  was  heated  to  Its  utmost 
capacity.     The  bathers  entered,  undressed,  and  crawled  upon 
"the  second  balcony"  to  perspire.     In  order  to  Increase  the 
heat  and  cause  heavy  perspiration  water  was  poured  upon  the 
red  hot  stones  by  the  "  bathing-woman,"  who  looked  after  the 
bath  house.*'^     When  the  heat  became  too  intense  the  bathers 
moved  down  below  to  the  first  platform.    In  the  meantime  they 
struck  their  bodies  with  bundles  of  small  birch  branches  or  they 
were  scrubbed  by  the  "  bathing-woman."    The  "  bastu  "*^^  was 

"The  bath  house  was  built  for  the  use  of  the  governor  and  his  family.     See 
"  Forklaring,"  etc.,  July  7,  1654,  N.S.,  L   (R.A.). 
"  Kalm,  Resa,  etc.,  HI.  72. 

'°  Cf.  Retzius,  Finland,  etc.,  p.  78  ff. ;  Tweedie,  Through  Finland,  etc.,  p.  45  ff. 
*  Bastu  or  Finsk  bastu  is  the  Swedish  word  for  this  kind  of  a  bath  house. 


>Steam  bath  in  Finland  (R.  from  Acerbi). 


Xptn-v 


Interior  of  a  small  bath-house  (steam  bath)   from  Southern  Sweden.     S. 


A  small  one-^tory  storehouse.     Now  erected  at  Skansen,  vStockhoh 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  Colonists.  359 

built  near  a  river, "^  whenever  possible,  to  give  the  bathers  an 
opportunity  to  take  a  plunge  in  the  cold  water  after  the  steam 
bath  inside.  Where  there  was  no  such  opportunity  cold  water 
would  be  poured  over  the  body,  as  soon  as  the  perspiration  was 
thought  to  be  complete  (in  the  winter-time  the  bather  would 
roll  himself  in  the  snow,  if  such  was  at  hand). 

In  an  old  book  of  travel  this  bath  is  described  as  follows : 
"  Another  particular  that  appeared  very  singular  among  the 
customs  of  the  Finns,  was  their  baths,  and  manner  of  bathing. 
Almost  all  the  Finnish  peasants  have  a  small  house  built  on 
purpose  for  a  bath:  it  consists  of  only  one  small  chamber,  in 
the  innermost  part  of  which  are  placed  a  number  of  stones, 
which  are  heated  by  fire  till  they  become  red.  On  these  stones, 
thus  heated,  water  is  thrown,  until  the  company  within  be  in- 
volved in  a  thick  cloud  of  vapor.  In  this  innermost  part,  the 
chamber  is  formed  into  two  stories  for  the  accommodation  of 
a  greater  number  of  persons  within  that  small  compass;  and  it 
being  the  nature  of  heat  and  vapor  to  ascend,  the  second  story 
is,  of  course,  the  hottest.  Men  and  women  use  the  bath  pro- 
miscuously, without  any  concealment  of  dress,  or  being  in  the 
least  influenced  by  any  emotions  of  attachment.  If,  however, 
a  stranger  open  the  door,  and  come  on  the  bathers  by  surprise, 
the  women  are  not  a  little  startled  at  his  appearance;  for, 
besides  his  person,  he  introduces  along  with  him,  by  opening  the 
door,  a  great  quantity  of  light,  which  discovers  at  once  to  view 
their  situation,  as  well  as  forms.  Without  such  an  accident  they 
remain,  if  not  in  total  darkness,  yet  in  great  obscurity,  as  there 
is  no  other  window  besides  a  small  hole,  nor  any  light  but  what 
enters  in  from  some  chink  in  the  roof  of  the  house,  or  the 
crevices  between  the  pieces  of  wood  of  which  it  is  constructed. 
I  often  amused  myself  with  surprising  the  bathers  in  this  man- 
ner, and  I  once  or  twice  tried  to  go  in  and  join  the  assembly; 
but  the  heat  was  so  excessive  that  I  could  not  breathe,  and  in  the 
space  of  a  minute  at  most,  I  verily  believe,  must  have  been  suf- 

^  Or  lake  in  Finland  and  Sweden.    In  New  Sweden  it  is  probable  that  most  of 
these  bathing  houses  were  built  near  a  river. 


360      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

focated.  I  sometimes  stepped  in  for  a  moment,  just  to  leave  my 
thermometer  in  some  proper  place,  and  immediately  went  out 
again,  where  I  would  remain  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  or  ten 
minutes,  and  then  enter  again,  and  fetch  the  instrument  to 
ascertain  the  degree  of  heat.  My  astonishment  was  so  great 
that  I  could  scarcely  believe  my  senses,  when  I  found  that  those 
people  remain  together,  and  amuse  themselves  for  the  space  of 
half  an  hour,  and  sometimes  a  whole  hour,  in  the  same  chamber, 
heated  to  the  70th  or  75th  degree  of  Celsius.  The  thermom- 
eter, in  contact  with  those  vapors,  became  sometimes  so  hot, 
that  I  could  scarcely  hold  it  in  my  hands. 

"The  Finlanders,  all  the  while  they  are  in  this  hot  bath, 
continue  to  rub  themselves,  and  lash  every  part  of  their  bodies 
with  switches  formed  of  twigs  of  the  birch-tree.  In  ten  minutes 
they  become  as  red  as  raw  flesh,  and  have  altogether  a  very 
frightful  appearance.  In  the  winter  season  they  frequently  go 
out  of  the  bath,  naked  as  they  are,  to  roll  themselves  in  the 
snow,  when  the  cold  is  at  20  and  even  30  degrees  below  zero.^^ 
They  will  sometimes  come  out,  still  naked,  and  converse  to- 
gether, or  with  any  one  near  them,  in  the  open  air.  If  travel- 
lers happen  to  pass  by  while  the  peasants  of  any  hamlet,  or 
little  village,  are  in  the  bath,  and  their  assistance  is  needed,  they 
will  leave  the  bath,  and  assist  in  yoking,  or  unyoking,  and  fetch 
provender  for  the  horses,  or  in  anything  else  without  any  sort 
of  covering  whatever,  while  the  passenger  sits  shivering  with 
cold,  though  wrapped  up  in  a  good  sound  wolf's  skin.  There 
is  nothing  more  wonderful  than  the  extremities  which  man  is 
capable  of  enduring  through  the  power  of  habit. 

"The  Finnish  peasants  pass  thus  instantaneously  from  an 
atmosphere  of  70  degrees  of  heat,  to  one  of  30  degrees  of  cold, 
a  transition  of  a  hundred  degrees,  which  is  the  same  thing  as 
going  out  of  boiling  into  freezing  water!  and  what  is  more 
astonishing,  without  the  least  inconvenience;  while  other  people 
are  very  sensibly  affected  by  a  variation  of  but  five  degrees,  and 

* "  I  speak  always  of  the  thermometer  of  a  hundred  degrees,  by  Celsius," 
Acerbi. 


storehouse  from  Fiiuand,  showing  the  balconj'  and  ladder.     R. 


The  loft  of  the  storehouse,  showing  the  beds  used  by  guests  or  the  women  of  the 
family  during  the  summer.     R. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  Colonists.  361 

in  danger  of  being  afflicted  with  rheumatism  by  the  most  trifling 
wind  that  blows.  Those  peasants  assure  you,  that  without  the 
hot  vapor  baths  they  could  not  sustain  as  they  do,  during  the 
whole  day,  their  various  labors.  By  the  bath,  they  tell  you, 
their  strength  is  recruited  as  much  as  by  rest  and  sleep.  The 
heat  of  the  vapor  mollifies  to  such  a  degree  their  skin,  that  the 
men  easily  shave  themselves  with  wretched  razors,  and  without 
soap.  Had  Shakespeare  known  of  a  people  who  could  thus 
have  pleasure  in  such  quick  transition  from  excessive  heat  to 
the  severest  cold,  his  knowledge  might  have  been  increased, 
but  his  creative  fancy  could  not  have  been  assisted : 

"  '  Oh!  who  can  hold  a  fire  in  his  hand, 
By  thinking  of  the  frosty  Caucasus? 
Or  wallow  naked  in  December  snow, 
By  thinking  on  fantastic  summer's  heat?  '  "®" 

This  form  of  bathing  was  common  in  olden  times  in  Fin. 
land'^  and  northern  Sweden. '^^  It  still  continues  in  the  former 
country,  having  retained  most  of  its  old  characteristics^^  ^nd 
in  the  latter  place  it  is  to  be  found  in  a  modified  form.'^^    On  a 

''Acerbi,  Joseph,  Travels  through  Sweden,  Finland  and  Lapland  .  .  .  1798 
and  lygg,  I.  296  ff. 

"  It  is  supposed  that  the  Finns  copied  this  form  of  bathing  from  neighbors, 
probably  the  Slavs,  probably  from  the  Swedes.  Cf.  Retzius,  Finland,  p.  83,  and 
the  references  given  in  the  footnote.     The  steam  bath  is  mentioned  in  Kalevala. 

"Retzius,  Finland,  p.  84  ff.  The  Germans  used  steam-baths  from  the  earliest 
times  and  they  were  very  fond  of  bathing.  Cf.  Schultz,  Deutsche!  Leben,  etc., 
I.  67  ff.  (where  illustrations  are  also  given)  ;  E.  Martin,  Badenfahrt  von  Thomas 
Murner,  pp.  vi.  ff.,  xi.  ff.,  19  etc.;  Hartung,  Die  deut.  Altertiimer  des  Nibelung- 
enliedes  und  der  Kudrun,  p.  189  ff. ;  Weinhold,  Deutsche  Frauen,  II.  113  ff. 
(Caesar,  De  bell.  Gallico,  IV.  i;  VI.  21;  they  are  also  mentioned  by  Tacitus, 
Germania,  22)  ;  Gummere,  Germanic  Origins,  78  ff. 

'-The  author  observed  many  such  Finnish  bath  houses  on  a  journey  to  Finland 
in  the  summer  of  1909.  A  good  description  of  a  modern  Finnish  bath  can  be 
found  in  Mrs.  Tweedie,  Through  Finland,  etc.  (London,  1897),  p.  42  ff.,  i95  ff- 
See  also  Scott,  Through  Finland  (New  York,  1909),  p.  86,  but  this  description 
rests  on  books  rather  than  on  actual  observation.  Such  baths  are  used  by  the 
Russians  and  Russian  Jews  (?)  in  this  country  and  bath  houses  of  this  character 
are  to  be  found  in  Philadelphia. 

"  In  Swedish  towns  and  cities  it  is  found  under  the  name  of  "  Finsk  badstu  " 
or  "  bastu."  These  baths  (of  second  and  third  class)  are  much  used.  A  vaulted 
room  (walls  of  brick)  is  heated  by  steam  to  a  high  temperature;  to  the  right  as 
you  enter  are  a  number  of  platforms  along  the  side  wall,  arranged  in  tiers  one 
above  and  back  of  the  other  like  the  floor  in  a  theatre.    On  these  seats  the  bather 


362      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

journey  through  Finland  in  1873  Dr.  Retzius  found  a  bath 
house  "  whose  dimensions  were  so  small  that  it  was  impossible 
to  stand  or  lie  straight  in  it,"  in  other  respects,  however,  being 
fitted  out  like  the  larger  ones  (except  that  the  lower  platform 
was  wanting) .  The  bather  sat  on  the  platform  while  he  took 
his  sweat  bath  and  poured  the  water  on  the  stones  himself. 
Such  (the  author  is  inclined  to  believe)  were  the  bath  houses 
erected  by  the  freemen  in  New  Sweden.  "  In  these  bath  houses 
the  settlers  with  family  and  servants  would  commonly  bathe 
every  evening  in  the  summer  during  harvest  time  and  twice  a 
week  in  winter.  A  strange  scene  would  meet  the  eye  of  a 
visitor,  who  might  happen  to  look  into  such  a  bath  house,  when 
it  was  filled  with  bathers,  from  the  new-born  child  carried  there 
by  its  mother  to  the  old  man  of  eighty. "^^ 

On  a  Swedish  or  Finnish  homestead  (and  consequently  on 
the  Delaware  settlements)  there  were  a  number  of  other  houses 
besides  those  described.  Among  these  the  store-houses  deserve 
our  special  attention  as  they  were  of  peculiar  shape  and  different 
from  those  in  the  neighboring  colonies.  The  storehouses  built 
in  Sweden  by  the  peasants  and  small  land  owners  were  often 
of  two  stories  used  for  preserving  grain  and  other  things. 
They  were  generally  built  of  round  (barked)  or  hewn  logs  and 
they  were  often  raised  two  or  three  feet  from  the  ground  and 
built  so  as  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  mice  and  other  animals. 
The  roof  was  gabled,  covered  with  birch-bark,  on  top  of  which 

lies  down  on  a  long  towel  with  a  wooden  frame  for  a  pillow  or  he  sits  upright. 
By  moving  from  the  platform  nearest  the  floor  to  the  one  highest  up  and  vice 
versa  the  heat  can  be  somewhat  regulated.  In  a  corner  is  a  spigot  with  running 
water,  from  which  the  bather  drinks  to  increase  the  perspiration.  An  arrangement 
for  a  shower  bath  is  also  placed  inside.  When  the  bather  has  perspired  suffi- 
ciently, he  takes  a  shower  bath  of  luke-warm  water  and  goes  into  another  room, 
where  he  lies  down  on  a  bench  and  is  scrubbed  and  washed  by  "  baderskan  "  (the 
woman  employed  for  that  purpose.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  a  woman  is 
always  employed  even  in  the  badstu  for  men).  When  the  bather  has  been 
scrubbed  he  again  returns  to  the  heated  room,  where  he  remains  for  a  few 
minutes,  then  he  takes  a  cold  shower-bath  and  plunges  into  a  cold  pool  for  a  short 
swim.  He  is  then  dried  by  "  baderskan,"  after  which  he  withdraws  to  his  little 
"  cell "  for  dressing.  The  author  has  seen  such  baths  in  Stockholm  and  even  in 
Hedemora,  a  small  village  in  central  Sweden. 

"*  Cf.  Retzius,  Finland,  etc.,  p.  78  fl. ;  Tweedie,  Through  Finland,  etc.,  46  ff. 


Small  storelumse  on  pules.     Nt)\v  erected  in  .Skanseii,  Stockholm . 


Storehouse  (^rirseruDi-Iiarhor,  Skansen,  Stockliolm),  showing-  the  extended  "balcony 
and  the  "  log-ladder."  leading  np  to  it. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  the  Colonists.       363 

sod  was  placed,  supported  by  poles  of  about  three  inches  in 
diameter.    The  floor  was  made  of  hewn  planks. 

One  type  had  the  entrance  on  the  side  and  a  ladder  within 
led  up  to  the  upper  floor  (if  there  was  one).  Another  and 
earlier  form  (of  one  story)  had  the  entrance  on  the  gable.  The 
store-house  of  two  floors  often  had  a  balcony  or  an  extension  (of 
about  four  feet)  of  the  second  floor  along  one  side  formed  by 
the  prolongation  of  the  timbers  in  the  gable  walls,  with  the 
balcony  floor  resting  on  the  two  first  or  lower  extended  timbers. 
This  type  of  store-house  could  generally  be  entered  only  by  a 
ladder  (or  a  log  with  steps  cut  into  it)  which  led  into  the 
extended  balcony,  from  where  a  door  led  into  the  loft  and  a 
second  ladder  down  to  the  ground  floor.  The  outside  ladder 
could  be  drawn  up  and  the  store-house  could  thus  be  used  as  a 
means  of  defense.  Grain  was  generally  stored  on  the  second 
floor  (which  was  sometimes  divided  into  two  parts,  one  for 
grain  the  other  for  other  purposes)  and  on  the  lower  floor 
provisions,  clothes  and  other  valuables  were  kept.  The  loft 
was  often  used  during  the  summer  for  sleeping  and  the  maids 
would  at  times  do  their  hand  work  there.  When  guests  could 
not  find  shelter  in  the  living  house,  they  were  assigned  their 
night  quarters  in  this  loft. 

The  store-houses  without  a  loft  were  generally  divided  into 
two  parts,  one  side  for  the  grain  and  the  other  for  provisions. 
A  more  primitive  form  of  storehouse  was  built  by  the  Finns  in 
northern  Sweden  as  well  as  in  their  home  country.  It  was  a  low 
structure  (the  gabled  roof  forming  the  ceiling)  and  it  was 
supported  by  four  pillars  about  three  feet  from  the  ground. 
The  small  door  was  on  one  of  the  gables,  over  which  the  roof 
projected  about  three  feet. 

We  may  feel  reasonably  sure  that  the  Swedes  and  Finns  built 
store-houses  in  the  colony  like  those  used  in  their  home  districts. 
The  one-story  type  probably  prevailed  at  first,  but  it  is  likely 
that  those  of  two  stories  would  be  built  later,  as  the  prosperity 
of  the  freemen  increased,  both  to  insure  protection  against  the 
Indians  as  well  as  to  store  the  increased  possessions.     In  these 


364      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

were  kept  the  grain,  the  beaver  skins,  the  salted  pork  for  winter 
use,  the  game  and  the  like. 

The  store-houses  in  the  forts  were  also  built  out  of  logs  but 
larger  than  the  private  buildings.  At  Christina  the  store-house 
was  made  three  stories  high,  when  Printz  arrived,  and  it  i§ 
probable  that  a  sort  of  elevator  was  installed.  The  com- 
missioner slept  there  in  a  little  room,  it  seems,  and  also  used  it 
as  his  office.  The  account-books  were  kept  there  and  there  the 
commercial  transactions  were  conducted  with  the  savages  and 
merchants  of  the  neighboring  colonies.  A  storehouse  was  also 
erected  at  Fort  New  Gothenborg  (rebuilt  after  the  fire  in 
1646),  where  merchandise  and  the  provisions  for  the  people 
were  preserved. 

The  blockhouses  at  the  Schuylkill  and  at  Upland  were  also 
used  for  storehouses  and  were  probably  built  on  the  same  prin- 
ciples as  those  described  above. 

Granaries  were  built  by  the  freemen  and  for  the  company  in 
the  forts.'^^  They  were  divided  into  two  parts,  one  half  being 
employed  for  storing  some  of  the  grain  as  it  was  thrashed, 
the  other  half  being  used  for  a  thrashing  floor.  Here  the  grain 
was  thrashed  with  flails  during  the  fall  and  winter  months  and 
in  the  summer  it  was  used  as  a  storehouse. 

Another  necessary  building  was  the  "  ria,"  a  sort  of  gran- 
ary or  "  drying  house  for  the  grain. "'^'^  In  a  document  already 
quoted  we  read,  "Item  We  built  a  granary. "^^  Such  buildings 
were  in  all  likelihood  found  on  every  homestead  in  the  colony 
and  in  the  forts.  They  were  of  the  same  general  appearance 
and  of  about  the  same  height  and  size  as  the  larger  storehouses 
just  described.  The  grain  was  hauled  from  the  fields  on  sleds 
into  these  granaries,  where  it  was  stacked  away  until  it  was 
thrashed.  Small  sheds  were  also  built  on  or  near  the  meadows, 
into  which  the  hay  was  hauled  in  the  same  manner  as  the  grain. 
The  sleds'^^  used  for  the  hauling  of  the  grain  and  hay  had  long 

'"They  were  raised  above  the  ground  like  the  small  storehouses. 

"  Retzius,  Finland,  etc. ;  Stolt,  Minnen,  etc. 

"  "  Forklaring,"  etc.,  July  7,  1654,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.). 

"  "  Then  we  said  that  we  need  the  sleds  ourselves  .  .  .  the  sleds,  [however], 


Storehouses  in  Finland.     Near  the  corner  to  the  right  of  the  central  storehouse  is  a 
harrow,  made  of  "  long-  wooden  teeth,"  and  to  the  left  is  the  sled  loaded  with  hay.     R. 


Sled  for  hauling  ha}-  and  grain.     R. 


Types  of  hay-forks  (of  wood),  used  by  Swedes  and  Finns.     G. 


L 


Tlnasliing  in  the  north  according  to  Olaus  INIagnns  (15S5).  showing  the  nse  of  the 

flail  and  its  form. 


Chil)-flails. "     (From    Osterbotten,  Finland.     Cf.  Chap.  XXXVIU.  and    biography 

of  Printz,  below.) 


A  flail  made  from  a  small  tree,  a  branch  forming  the  handle.     (From  Osterbotten, 

Finland.)     G. 


Dwellings  and  Customs  of  Colonists.  365 

runners  which  were  made  from  small  trees  with  natural  bends 
and  they  were  so  arranged  that  a  large  load  of  hay  or  grain 
could  be  loaded  upon  them  without  difficulty.  They  were 
hitched  to  an  ox  or  a  horse  by  a  pair  of  shafts,  fastened  to  the 
runners. 

The  pigs  were  generally  allowed  to  run  loose,  but  the  cattle 
and  horses  were  housed  in  barns  during  the  winter  months. 
The  barns  of  New  Sweden  were  constructed  along  the  same 
principle  as  the  dwellings  and  out  of  the  same  material.  It  is 
probable  the  chickens  in  many  cases  shared  the  dwelling-houses 
with  the  people,  a  custom  found  in  Sweden  and  Finland  down 
to  a  late  period.'^^  They  were  kept  in  a  cage  and  the  cock  was 
the  alarm  clock  in  the  morning.  Jonas  Stolt,  writing  in  the 
first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  says:  "The  chicken  cage 
was  also  a  piece  of  furniture,  which  was  found  in  almost  every 
house  and  for  those,  who  were  accustomed  to  it,  it  was  an  indis- 
pensable thing,  for  the  cock  crowed  at  a  certain  time  and  from 
this  the  people  had  a  good  guidance. "^*^ 

were  taken  from  [us]  .  .  .  and  our  grain  thus  had  to  [lie]  ...  in  rain  and  wet 
[and  go  to  ruin]."     "  Forklaring,"  July  7,  1654,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.). 

"  It  was  a  custom  in  Finland  and  northern  Sweden  in  early  times  to  keep  the 
cattle  and  horses  in  the  dwelling  house  also.  Cf.  Usselinx'  letters  to  A.  Oxen- 
stierna,  Ox.  Saml.  But  it  is  not  probable  that  this  custom  obtained  on  the 
Delaware  as  there  is  no  mention  of  It. 

""Stolt,  Minnen,  etc.,  15  ff.  He  goes  on  to  say  that  the  chicken  cages  had  been 
dispensed  with  in  1820,  for  almost  every  house  had  a  clock  (p.  16).  Retzius, 
Finland,  p.  73. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

The  Religious  Worship  and  the  Ministers  of  the 
Gospel^  i 643-1 653. 

The  old  place  of  worship  provided  by  Ridder  was  used  as 
before.  Printz  was  instructed  to  "  decorate  the  little  Church 
.  .  .  according  to  the  Swedish  custom."^  He  omitted  nothing 
in  this  respect,  for  he  was  of  a  religious  bent  and  tried  in  every 
way  to  enforce  his  instructions.^  It  is  also  probable  that  Printz 
caused  a  small  church  or  chapel  to  be  erected  on  Tinicum  Island 
in  1643,  which  was  used  until  the  fire  (in  1645)  ^"^  we  may 
assume  that  a  belfry  was  erected  for  the  church-bell,  brought 
here  in  1644.^  Private  houses  were  also  used  for  worship  dur- 
ing the  week  days,  but  on  Sundays  and  on  festive  days  or  holi- 
days, the  people  assembled  at  the  central  place  of  worship. 

In  the  spring  of  1646  plans  were  made  for  the  erection  of  a 
"  more  pretentious  edifice."  The  church  was  built  out  of  logs 
and  2,000  clapboards  were  bought  for  the  roof  from  some 
English  in  August.^  The  belfry  was  probably  built  by  the  side 
of  the  church,  a  few  feet  away  from  it,  a  custom  common  in 
Sweden  and  Finland  in  olden  times.  The  church  was  fitted  out 
somewhat  in  the  style  of  the  churches  in  Sweden.  Simple 
decorations  were  used  and  the  altar  was  beautified  with  "  a 
silver  cloth,"  purchased  for  the  sum  of  37  >4  florins.^    A  burial 

^Brahe  to  Printz,  November  9,  1643.     Skokl.  Saml.   (Concept.). 

'Cf.  Printz  to  Brahe,  July  19,  1644.  "  Hwatt  nu  anlangar,  de  under- 
schadelige  (?)  herlige  motiver  och  formeningar  som  Excell.  uthi  sitt  breef 
hogwyssligen  framstaller,  dem  hafver  iaagh  en  deel  hartill  (som  bar  effter  folier) 
haff[wer]  och  skall  yttermera  hareffter  an  uthi  grannare  akt  haffua." 

'The  bell  was  taken  over  on  the  Fama  in  1644,  Journal,  N.S.,  III.  (K.A.). 
The  bell  was  used  for  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  and  the  present  bell  in 
Gloria  Dei  in  Philadelphia  is  said  to  be  cast  partly  from  the  material  of  the  old 
bell.  On  this  bell  is  the  following  inscription:  "Cast  for  the  Swedish  Church 
IN  Philada.  Stiled  Gloria  Dei.  G.  Hedderly  Fecit  i8o6  partly  from  the 
OLD  BELL  Dated  1643.    I  to  the  church  the  living  call  and  to  the  grave  do 

SUMMONS  all." 

*  Twenty-two  beavers  were  paid  for  them,  Ace.  B.,  1643-8. 
^  Ace.  B.,  1643-48,  August  20,  1647. 

366 


Church-Steeple,  built  by  the  side  of  the  church  (seventeenth  century), 

Sz'ecia  Aniiqua. 


From 


Religious  Worship  and  Ministers  of  the  Gospel.  367 

place  was  also  laid  out  near  the  church,  probably  in  front  of  it, 
and  perhaps  a  fence  was  placed  around  the  plot.  "The  hand- 
some church  "  was  ready  in  the  autumn.  September  4  was  a 
day  of  rejoicing  and  thanksgiving.  The  colonists  assembled  in 
their  new  church  and  after  a  sermon  and  amid  appropriate  cere- 
monies, the  Revs.  Campanius  and  Fluviander  officiating,  the 
church  was  dedicated  for  divine  services.  The  burying  place 
was  consecrated  on  the  same  day.  A  month  and  a  half  later, 
"  the  first  corpse  .  .  .  that  of  Katarina,  the  daughter  of  Anders 
Hansson,  was  buried  there."*^ 

The  Swedish  order  of  service  was  followed  in  the  colony. 
Printz  writes  in  1644  that  "  the  services  with  its  ceremonies  are 
conducted  as  in  old  Sweden"  and  in  the  "good  old  Swedish 
language."  "  Our  priest,"  he  says,  "  is  vested  with  a  chasuble''^ 
and  differs  in  all  manners  from  the  other  sects  surrounding  us."^ 

The  order  of  services  at  "High  Mass,"  as  given  in  the 
Psalm-book  of  1614,^  which  was  used  here  (1640-97)  was  as 
follows : 

I.  At  the  appointed  time,  when  the  congregation  had  assem- 
bled, and  a  psalm  had  been  sung,  the  minister  went  before  the 
altar,  and  (kneeling)  made  confessions  of  his  own  sins,  then 
(rising),  after  a  short  admonition  to  his  flock  to  keep  Christ's 
death  in  memory,  he  read  the  general  confession,  "  I  poor 
sinner,"  etc.,^''  followed  by  an  appointed  prayer. 

II.  Next  in  order  followed  Kyrie  eleison  and  other  respon- 
sive readings  or  singing,  after  which  the  psalm  "God  alone  in 
the  highest,"^  ^  was  sung. 

'Campanius  Holm  (trans.),  P-  79  ff-;  Acrelius   (transl.),  P-  43- 

'"  Massklader." 

'Printz  to  Brahe,  July  19,  1644,  August  i,  1650,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

"The  handbook  or  "order  of  Mass"  was  first  published  in  1531,  revised  in 
IS37>  1548,  1557,  1576,  1578  and  then  in  1614.      Cf.  Intro.,  above. 

^"This  confession  is  still  used  in  the  Swedish  Lutheran  Church  with  ver>'  few 
changes. 

""Allenaste  Gud  i  hemmelrik."  This  psalm,  somewhat  modernized,  is  still 
used  in  the  Swedish  Lutheran  Church  on  all  Sundays  except  during  Easter  and 
when  the  Lord's  Supper  is  celebrated. 


368      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

III.  Other  responsive  readings  or  singing^  ^  ^nd  a  prayer^* 
followed,  after  which  "  The  Epistle  .  .  .  appointed  for  the 
day,  was  read." 

IV.  An  appropriate  psalm  ("gradual")  for  the  day  was 
now  sung  by  the  congregation,  followed  by  the  reading  of  the 
Gospel  lesson  ("  evangeliet ")  and  the  Apostolic  Creed  or 
"Luther's  creed"  (read  or  sung).^^ 

V.  Then  came  another  (specified)  psalm,  whereupon  the 
minister  ascended  the  pulpit  and  preached  his  sermon,  making 
the  appointed  prayer  as  well  as  prayers  for  the  sick  and  others 
(at   special    request),    lastly    reading   the    announcements    of 

various  kinds.  "  When  everything  was  finished  in  the  pulpit, 
a  psalm  ought  to  be  sung,  if  the  time  admitted  it,"  thereupon 
the  minister  should  deliver  his  "  praefatio,  with  well-wishes  and 
admonitions."  The  Lord's  Supper  was  then  to  be  adminis- 
tered. After  the  Communion  followed  the  blessing,  then  the 
first  stanza  of  the  psalm,  "  Grant  unto  us,  oh  Lord,"  was  sung 
and  lastly  "  Give  unto  our  Queen  and  all  in  authority  peace  and 
a  good  reign."  When  the  Lord's  Supper  was  not  administered, 
"  only  the  psalm,"  "  Oh  God,  we  praise  Thee  "  was  sung  before 
the  sermon,  next  in  order  came  "the  Nicene  Creed"  and  then 
"Now  we  pray  Thee  Holy  Ghost."  "But  after  the  sermon 
the  psalm,  which  was  prograduali  appointed  for  the  day,  was 
sung  and  then  the  blessing  should  end  [the  service]. "^^ 

"The  [three]  principal  holidays,"  Christmas,  Easter  and 
Penticost  were  strictly  observed,  and  on  these  days  early  services 
were  held  in  the  morning,  which  "  began  so  early  [about  four 
or  five]  that  they  were  finished  about  eight."  These  were  fol- 
lowed by  High  Mass  with  sermon  and  sometimes  by  services 
in  the  afternoon.  On  Christmas  morning  the  congregation 
assembled  in  the  church  at  four  o'clock,  Christmas  psalms  were 
sung  and  a  sermon  on  Is.  9 : 2-7  or  some  other  appropriate  text 

" "  The  priest  turns  to  the  people  and  says  [or  sings] :  "  The  Lord  be  with 
you!"     [The  congregation  answers]:  "So  also  with  thy  spirit!" 
"This  prayer  was  printed  in  the  "hand  book"  for  each  Sunday. 
"Cf.  Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  224. 
"Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  218  ff. 


Religious  Worship  and  Ministers  of  the  Gospel.  369 

was  preached.  Each  one  of  these  three  festivities  consisted  o£ 
four  days^^  and  the  week  before  Easter  was  especially  set  aside 
for  religious  exercises.  "The  annual  holidays,"  New  Year, 
Epiphany,  Candlemas-day,  the  day  of  Annunciation,  Good  Fri- 
day, Ascension-day,  Midsummer-day,^'^  the  Visitation  of  our 
Lady,^^  St.  Michael's  Day,^^  and  The  Day  of  All  Saints,  were 
likewise  observed,  as  well  as  two  or  three  "  solemn  prayer 
days  "^*^  on  which  all  of  the  people  attended  services  and  re- 
frained from  work.  The  "  days  of  the  Apostles, "^^  Holy  Thurs- 
day (on  which  a  sermon  about  the  Lord's  Supper  was 
preached),  "Gangdagar  (travelling  days)^^  were  all  [ob- 
served in  the  colony]  according  to  the  loyal  Swedish  form." 
Only  one  sermon  was  preached  on  these  days,  and  the  people 
were  allowed  to  work  as  on  other  week  days,  when  the  services 
were  over.  On  every  Wednesday  and  Friday,  sermons  were 
preached  on  some  selected  text  from  the  Old  or  the  New  Testa- 
ment and,  since  the  law  required  that  in  "  a  pastorate  in  the 
country,  having  two  churches,  sermons  should  be  preached  In 
the  one  on  Wednesdays  and  In  the  other  on  Fridays,"  we  may 
assume  that  the  services  were  conducted  once  a  week  alternately 
at  New  Gothenborg  and  Christina. ^^    On  all  other  week  days 

"  It  is  said  that  the  fourth  day  was  added  in  Sweden  to  commemorate  the 
separation  of  the  Swedish  Church  from  the  bishopric  of  Lund,  about  1360. 
Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  156. 

"  John  the  Baptist's  day,  June  24. 

"Probably  observed  on  August  15.  See  Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  166.  The 
Catholic  Church  observes  this  feast  on  the  second  of  July  and  the  feast  of  the 
Assumption  is  kept  August  15. 

"Prescribed  by  law  in  1571.  This  law  was  confirmed  and  reenacted  several 
times. 

^The  usual  custom  was  to  celebrate  three  such  days  in  a  year,  but  it  was  not 
always  observed  during  this  period.  See  Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  187  ff.  Two 
services  were  probably  held  (early  service  and  High  Mass).  For  a  discussion 
of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Swedish  Lutheran  Church,  see  Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk,, 
etc. 

°The  great  majority  of  the  festive  days,  kept  by  the  Catholic  Church  in 
memory  of  the  saints,  were  discarded  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation  in  Sweden, 
but  the  days  of  the  Apostles  were  retained.     Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  170. 

^  So  called  because  the  people  during  their  work  "  went  about  and  read 
prayers." 

^'It  is  not  known  whether  or  not  "  Haradstings"  (district  court)  services  were 
held  in  New  Sweden.      Cf.  Baelter,  Hist.  Anmdrk.,  p.  195  ff. 

25 


370      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

prayers  were  made  morning  and  evening  accompanied  by  one 
or  two  psalms. ^^  On  Sundays  one  or  two  services  were  held, 
both  probably  in  the  forenoon. ^^  The  "  pure  Word  of  God, 
[and  His]  law  and  truth "  were  preached  according  to  the 
Augsburg  Confession  and  it  is  possible  that  the  sermon  some- 
times gave  advice  to  the  congregation  to  beware  of  the  "  Calvin- 
istic  leaven." 

The  people  were  called  together  by  the  sound  of  the  bell, 
which  was  rung  two  or  three  times  before  the  sermon.  Those 
dwelling  at  some  distance  undoubtedly  went  to  church  in  canoes 
or  boats  unless  they  lived  too  far  from  the  river.  At  the  settle- 
ments, lying  too  distant  for  the  colonists  to  go  to  the  central 
places  of  worship  for  morning  and  evening  prayers,  lay  readers 
were  appointed,  "  who  could  lead  the  exercises  and  remind  the 
people  of  godliness."  It  is  probable  that  some  selection  was 
read  from  one  of  the  collections  of  sermons  published  during 
the  period  or  from  the  Bible. ^^  Special  holidays  were  also 
observed.  When  news  arrived  (in  1646)  that  Queen  Christina 
had  ascended  the  throne,  a  special  day  of  thanksgiving  was 
ordered  and  the  colonists  came  together  in  the  New  Church  at 
Tinicum  and  praised  God  with  a  holy  "  Te  Deiim  for  his  grace 
in  having  given  the  dear  fatherland  a  Queen,  who  was  of 
age."27 

The  Eucharist^^  and  other  sacraments  were  likewise  observed 
in  the  Lutheran  manner.  Campanius  brought  over  at  his  own 
expense  a  gilded  silver  chalice,  weighing  about  five  ounces.^^ 
When  he  returned  to  Sweden  he  left  the  cup  in  the  church  and 
was  paid  13:10  D.  for  it  by  Beier  in  Stockholm  on  behalf  of 

^*  Set  or  printed  prayers  for  thirty  special  festive  days  were  found  in  the  hand- 
book and  these  were  read  by  the  preacher  on  the  particular  day  as  on  Christmas, 
New  Year,  etc. 

^  It  seems  that  the  law  required  three  services  in  the  cities  and  only  one  in 
the  country.  It  is  possible  that  the  rule  applying  to  cities  in  Sweden  (of  three 
services  on  Sundays)  was  used  on  Tinicum  Island. 

="  Cf.  above,  Chap.  IV. 

^Printz  to  Brahe,  February  20,  1647,  Skokl.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

**  Jacob  Evertssen  sold  a  hogshead  of  French  wine  for  use  at  the  Lord's  Supper, 
November  4,  1646.     Ace.  B.,  1642-48. 

""  ioJ4  lot"  or  lod.     A  modern  lod  is  about  .4276  of  an  ounce  (troy). 


Religious  Worship  and  Ministers  of  the  Gospel.  371 

the  company.^'^  Other  vessels  were  undoubtedly  used,  but  there 
is  no  trace  of  their  existence.  There  seems  to  have  been  no 
organ,  but  the  church  song,  which  played  a  great  role  in  the 
Swedish  service,^^  was  probably  led  by  the  minister  and  some 
member  of  the  congregation,  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

For  a  time  there  were  three  preachers  in  the  colony,  but 
Reorus  Torkillus  "  fell  sick  at  Fort  Christina  on  February  23, 
1643."  He  improved,  however,  probably  continued  his  serv- 
ices for  some  time  and  was  used  by  Printz  in  a  mission  to  the 
Indians,  but  he  died  on  September  7  the  same  year,  "  at  the  age 
of  35,"  leaving  a  wife  and  child  behind. ^^ 

Israel  Fluviander  was  a  relative  of  Printz,  who  came  here 
without  having  a  commission  from  the  government.  In  March, 
1643,  he  was  stationed  at  Fort  Elfsborg  (during  its  erection) 
and  conducted  services  in  the  fort  for  seven  months.  On  Octo- 
ber I  he  was  appointed  by  Printz  as  regular  preacher  in 
New  Sweden.  There  has  been  some  uncertainty  about  Fluvi- 
ander and  his  services,  due  to  conflicting  statements  about  him 
in  the  records.  He  seems  to  have  decided  to  return  to  Sweden 
in  June,  1644.  Governor  Printz  gives  him  in  the  list  of  return- 
ing colonists  of  that  year  and  in  a  letter  of  July  to  Brahe  the 
governor  writes:  "our  priest,  Campanius,  is  alone."  But  he 
must  have  changed  his  mind,  as  the  ship  was  about  to  sail,  or 
been  detained  for  some  reason,  for  he  remained  and  served  here 
in  all  for  four  years  and  one  month.^'^^  In  1647  ^e  returned  to 
the  mother  country  and  demanded  his  pay.  Some  money  had 
previously  (1646)  been  paid  his  mother  in  Stockholm  on  his 
account,  but  it  was  not  known  if  he  would  receive  a  salary  or 
not,  since  he  was  placed  on  no  budget.  On  his  way  to  Stock- 
holm he  received  121  D.  16  ore  from  Mackller  in  Gothenburg. 
When  he  arrived  at  the  capital  and  presented  his  bills,  Beier 

^Journal,  no.  731;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

"'  Cf.  Whitelocke,  Embassy. 

^-  Court  Rec,  July  10,  1643,  N.S.,  L  (R.A)  ;  Campanius  (transl.),  p.  107. 

^Journal,  no.  567;  Printz  to  Brahe,  July  19,  1644.  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ; 
Rulla  1644;  Odhner,  A^-S".,  p.  39;  Beier  to  Oxenstierna,  August  25,  1647,  Ox. 
Saml.  (R.A.).  Beier  says  "there  are  now  three  preachers  on  the  pay-rolls" 
(Campanius,  Fluviander  and  the  newly  appointed  Lock). 


372      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

had  no  authority  to  pay  him,  but  referred  the  matter  to  Oxen- 
stierna.  The  chancellor  ordered  that  he  should  receive  full  pay, 
or  10  R.D.  a  month  for  his  entire  service  in  New  Sweden  and 
720  D.  were  given  him,  but  he  was  not  satisfied  with  this,  as  he 
claimed  pay  for  the  time  occupied  by  the  journey  coming  and 
going  including  expenses,  "as  though  he  had  had  a  regular 
appointment."^^ 

Johan  Campanius,  who  was  called  by  the  government  to  go 
to  New  Sweden  in  1642,  was  placed  on  the  new  budget,  with  a 
salary  of  10  R.D.  a  month  and  he  seems  to  have  been  looked 
upon  as  a  sort  of  a  military  preacher.  He  was  to  be  stationed 
at  Christina,  but  shortly  after  his  arrival  here  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  Upland,  where  he  settled  with  his  family  and  con- 
ducted the  service  at  New  Gothenborg.  On  account  of  this 
change  there  was  some  uncertainty  about  who  should  pay  his 
salary  and  100  D.k.m.,  which  were  paid  to  him  in  1642  before 
he  sailed,  were  transferred  from  the  budget  account  to  the 
general  account  of  the  New  Sweden  Company. 

Campanius  was  the  most  important,  and  he  has  deservedly 
become  the  best  known  of  the  early  Swedish  preachers  on  the 
Delaware.  He  worked  hard  and  diligently  and  officiated  on 
all  festive  occasions.  The  settlements  were  far  apart,  making 
it  impossible  for  the  colonists  to  come  to  the  central  place  of 
worship  "  on  account  of  a  great  many  inconveniences  and 
hindrances,"  hence  Campanius  was  often  "obliged  without  any 
regard  to  the  weather  to  go  from  one  place  to  the  other  to  visit 
the  settlers  with  the  Word  and  the  Sacrament."^^  He  also 
labored  to  convert  the  Indians  and  learned  their  language  and 
they  often  came  to  listen  to  his  sermons  in  silent  wonder. 

He  seems  to  have  farmed  a  tract  of  land  at  Upland  (prob- 
ably the  homestead  later  occupied  by  Nertunius),  and  in  1648 
he  sold  a  calf  to  Olof  Stille,  before  his  departure  for  Sweden, ^^ 

^*  Journal,  nos.  609  ff.,  648;  Beier  to  Oxenstierna,  July  29,  August  25,  1647, 
Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.). 

^Campanius  to  the  Archbishop,  January  30,  1647  (transl.  in  Arch.  Ame., 
etc.,  n.  2  ff.,  Penn.  Hist.  So.), 

**  "  Forklaring,"  etc.,  July  7,  1654. 


Religious  Worship  and  Ministers  of  the  Gospel.  373 

indicating  that  he  raised  cattle  and  had  cows  and  probably 
horses  and  oxen.  In  1647  ^e  became  weary  of  his  charge 
(being  the  only  minister  in  the  colony),  and  wrote  to  the  arch- 
bishop, requesting  his  recall.  "  I  have,"  he  says,  "  hazarded 
both  life  and  prosperity,"  and  he  prays  the  bishop  to  confer 
upon  him  "a  benefice,  which  could  support  him  with  his  wife 
and  numerous  little  children,"  when  he  was  finally  allowed  to 
return  home.  He  presented  four  reasons,  which  in  his  opinion 
entitled  him  to  be  recalled  and  to  be  given  a  post  in  Sweden. 
In  the  first  place  he  "was  well  on  in  years,"  poor  in  health  and 
could  not  endure  "the  hard  labor  here."  "The  second  reason 
for  my  recall,"  he  says,  "  is  the  lengthy  period  I  have  been  in 
this  country  .  .  .  well  nigh  five  years  with  great  danger  of 
death  night  and  day  in  a  heathenish  country,  amongst  these 
ferocious  pagans,  who  for  every  year  have  threatened  to  slay 
us  completely."  Thirdly,  his  business  at  home  demanded  his 
presence  there,  and  fourthly,  he  did  not  wish  to  be  left  breadless 
in  old  age,  "without  having  anything  wherewith  to  comfort" 
himself.^^ 

But  Campanius  did  not  leave  his  congregations  without 
thinking  of  their  welfare,  and  he  urged  the  consistory  to  send 
over  other  men.  The  settlements  were  situated  from  fourteen 
to  thirty  miles  apart,  hence  at  least  two  or  three  ministers  were 
needed,  especially  "some  one  who  was  young,  strong  and  agile 
and  who  could  endure  a  continual  passing  from  place  to 
place. "2®  Requests  to  this  effect  were  also  made  by  Governor 
Printz.  The  authorities  in  Sweden  endeavored  to  supply  the 
religious  wants  of  the  people.  In  the  first  place  Oxenstierna 
advised  the  governor  to  pay  the  minister  better,  who  was 
already  here,  so  that  he  would  be  willing  to  remain, ^^  and 
secondly  he  wrote  to  the  consistory  at  Gothenburg,  requesting 
them  to  send  another  preacher  to  the  Delaware. ^"^ 

As  a  result  of  these  activities.  Rev.  Lars  Karlsson  Lock  was 

"Letter  to  Archbishop,  January  30,  1647,  N.S.,  I.  (Up.)- 
^Campanius  to  the  Archbishop,  January  30,   1647;  Relation,   1647. 
^  It  seems  that  the  chancellor  had  forgotten  how  the  preacher  was  paid. 
*■  Oxenstierna  to  Printz,  Septemper  7,  1647,  Ox.  Saml.   (concept). 


374      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

engaged.  He  arrived  here  on  the  Swan  and  with  the  same 
ship  Campanius  received  his  longed-for  recall. 

Campanius  now  made  preparations  to  leave  and  about  the 
middle  of  May  he  took  farewell  of  his  congregation.  The  salary 
roll  states,  however,  that  "  he  served  In  the  country  until  April 
I,  1648,  making  67  months  (In  all)  and  his  salary  amounted 
to  the  sum  of  670  R.D."  He  received  goods  to  the  value  of 
120:47  R-D.  at  various  times  and  in  1645  ^^  was  given  147:19 
R.D.  in  cash  by  the  Governor.  On  his  return  to  Stockholm  he 
was  paid  the  rest  of  his  salary  by  Beier  in  three  Installments.^^ 

Of  Lock's  service  we  know  next  to  nothing,  during  the  first 
years  of  his  stay  here.  His  salary  was  the  same  as  that  of  the 
others  and  he  conducted  the  services  at  TInlcum  Island  after 
the  departure  of  Campanius,  although  he  was  of  an  unruly 
nature  and  was  accused  of  inciting  disturbance. **- 

^  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56  fol. ;  Holm,  Beskrifning;  cf.  Biogra.,  below  and  above. 
"  Cf.  below,  Chaps.  XXXVH.,  XLL  and  index. 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 

Relations  with  the  Indians,  i 643-1 653. 

As  Printz  departed  from  Sweden  he  was  instructed  to  treat 
the  Indians  with  humanity  and  kindness  and  to  prevent  his 
people  from  doing  them  any  harm.  Again  in  1643  Brahe 
further  advised  him  to  keep  on  friendly  terms  with  them  and 
not  allow  them  to  be  ill  treated  by  any  of  the  Swedes.  In  this 
manner,  said  Brahe,  the  colony  would  be  safe  from  their 
attacks  and  other  neighbors  would  not  dare  to  make  trouble. 

The  governor  tried  to  follow  these  instructions  and  was  in- 
variably successful  in  keeping  peace  with  the  savages,  but  he 
had  no  great  confidence  in  them.  In  a  letter  to  Brahe,  April 
12,  1643,  ^^  described  them  as  follows:  "They  are  big  and 
strong,  well  built  men,  paint  themselves  terribly  in  the  face, 
differently,  not  one  like  unto  the  other,  and  go  about  naked 
with  only  a  [piece  of]  cloth  about  half  an  ell  broad,  around 
the  waist  and  down  about  the  hips ;  they  are  revengeful,  clever 
in  dealings  and  doings,  skilled  in  making  all  kinds  of  things 
from  lead,  copper  and  tin,  and  also  carve  skilfully  in  wood; 
they  are  good  and  quick  marksmen  with  their  arrows  "  and  they 
were  not  to  be  trusted. 

The  best  way  to  win  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  was  to 
give  them  gifts  and  promises  of  gifts  and  this  Printz  did  not 
neglect,  as  we  have  already  seen.  But  the  relation  between  the 
Swedes  and  Indians  was  not  always  peaceful.  The  Indians  had 
attacked  the  Dutch  and  English  colonies  with  success  in  1644 
and  the  tribes  in  New  Sweden  became  very  proud  and  preten- 
tious. In  order  to  impose  upon  them  and  make  them  believe 
that  a  large  number  of  Swedish  settlers  would  arrive  before 
long,  Printz  spread  about  the  report  that  he  soon  expected 
ships  with  a  great  many  colonists  and  large  supplies.    Finding, 

375 


37^      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

however,  that  only  one  ship  arrived  with  few  colonists,  the 
savages  took  courage,  "  fell  in  between  Tinicum  and  Upland 
and  murdered  a  man  and  wife  on  their  bed  and  a  few  days 
later  they  killed  two  soldiers  and  a  workingman."  "  But  when 
the  chiefs  saw  that  Printz  collected  his  people  to  avoid  a  similar 
occurrence  and  to  prevent  future  attacks,  they  collected  from 
all  parts,  excused  themselves,  saying  that  it  had  happened  with- 
out their  knowledge,  and  sued  for  peace."  Peace  was  granted 
them  on  the  condition,  says  Printz,  "  that  if  they  after  this 
would  commit  the  least  offence  against  our  people,  then  we 
would  not  let  a  soul  of  them  live."  The  treaty  was  signed  by 
the  chiefs  and  (likely  by  the  Swedes)  and  gifts  were  exchanged 
according  to  the  usual  Indian  custom.^  But  Printz  wrote  that 
"they  trust  us  in  no  wise  and  we  trust  them  still  less"  and 
Papegoja  reported  that  the  colony  was  in  great  danger  from 
the  savages  and  their  treaty  was  not  an  entire  safeguard  against 
attacks,  for  in  the  autumn  of  1646  Jan  Wallin  was  killed  by 
the  Indians  and  there  were  other  small  troubles.^ 

In  1647  Printz  complained  that  the  Dutch  stirred  up  the 
Indians  against  the  colony,  but  the  same  accusations  were 
made  against  Printz,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  the 
exact  facts.  In  the  same  year  an  Indian  chief  was  killed  by  the 
Dutch  and  it  seems  that  the  savages  showed  signs  of  displeasure 
and  ill  will  towards  all  Europeans,  for  in  the  autumn  the  fol- 
lowing year  two  Swedes,  who  had  gone  to  sell  ammunition 
to  the  Minquas  were  killed.^  From  1649  until  1652  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  disturbance,  but  in  1652  the  Indians 
began  to  show  signs  of  unrest.  In  1653  the  Swedes  and  Indians 
were  again  on  friendly  terms,  but  Printz  wrote  that  he  feared 
them  as  soon  as  supplies  gave  out.^ 

^Report,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  pp.  32-33;  Papegoja  to  Brahe,  July  15,  1644, 
Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Holm  (transl.),  74. 

^  Ace.  B.,  1643^.  It  seems  that  a  council  of  war  was  held  in  1645  at  which 
it  was  discussed  whether  or  not  New  Sweden  should  be  attacked,  Holm  (transl.), 
p.  153  ff.    Jan  Wallin  is  probably  the  same  as  John  Woollen. 

'Report,  1647;  Doc,  XH.  43. 

*  Printz  to  Brahe  and  Oxenstierna,  August  30,  1652,  April  26,  1653.  Ox. 
Saml.,  Skokl.  Saml.   (R.A.). 


Per  (Peter)  Brahe.     (vSee  p.  677.) 


Delaware  Indian  woman  of  to-day  in  costume.  Photographed  at  Bartlesville, 
Oklahoma.  Cut  used  through  the  courtesy  of  Dr.  Gordon  of  the  University 
Museum. 


Relation  with  the  Indians.  377 

Printz,  as  we  have  seen,  treated  the  Indians  with  due  con- 
sideration and  avoided  all  friction,  but  this  was  out  of  neces- 
sity and  not  through  kindness  nor  love  for  them.  He  was  a 
warrior  and  looked  at  things  from  a  warrior's  point  of  view. 
He  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  best  way  to  solve  the  Indian 
question  was  to  exterminate  them.  Accordingly  he  proposed 
in  1644  that  about  two  hundred  soldiers  ought  to  be  sent  over 
and  with  this  force  he  though  that  he  would  be  able  to  "  break 
the  necks  of  every  one  in  the  river."  It  would  be  no  loss  to  the 
beaver  trade,  rather  the  reverse,  he  says,  for  these  Indians  (the 
Delawares)  were  poor  and  had  only  maize  to  sell  and  it  would 
open  the  way  for  an  unmolested  beaver  trade  with  the  Black  and 
White  Minquas.  It  would  also  give  strength  to  the  Swedish 
title,  for  "when  they  had  not  only  purchased  the  river  but  also 
won  it  with  the  sword,  then  no  one  whosoever  he  be,  Hollander 
or  Englishman,  could  now  or  in  coming  times  make  pretentions 
to  this  place."  He  was  of  the  opinion  that  it  must  eventually 
come  to  this,  for  the  Indians  were  not  to  be  relied  upon  and 
they  would  sooner  or  later  make  trouble.  Therefore  he  thought 
the  opportunity  ought  to  be  seized  to  clear  the  country  of  them, 
which  would  preserve  the  inhabitants  from  fear  of  attacks  and 
give  a  free  and  secure  passage  to  Manhattan.  It  is  possible 
that  some  of  these  ideas  were  inspired  by  Governor  Kieft  and 
that  the  two  governors  planned  concerted  action.  It  was  for- 
tunate, however,  that  Printz's  requests  for  two  hundred  soldiers 
were  not  granted  by  the  government.  We  might  then  have  had 
the  bloody  history  of  New  Amsterdam  repeated  in  New 
Sweden.^ 

The  general  principle  observed  by  the  early  colonists  was  to 
give  the  Indians  gifts  to  secure  their  friendship.  In  all  treaties 
gifts  were  exchanged  and  services  done  by  Indians  were  paid 
for  in  merchandise.  Strong  drinks  were,  as  a  rule,  not  to  be 
sold  to  them  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  English,  Dutch  and 
Swedish  colonies  were  under  obligation  not  to  sell  fire-arms  to 

''Report,  1644,  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  33;  Brodhead,  I.  354  ff. ;  Bancroft,  I.  158  ff.; 
Fiske,  Dutch  and  Quak.  Col,  I. 


3/8      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

them.  But  private  settlers  and  merchants  did  not  always  live 
up  to  this  principle  and  charges  and  countercharges  were  made 
by  the  officials  of  the  various  settlements.^' 

Besides  keeping  peace  and  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians, 
Printz  was  instructed  to  convert  them  to  Christianity  and  to 
interest  them  in  all  Its  teachings. '^  Brahe  also  suggested  that  some 
Indians,  with  their  consent,  ought  to  be  sent  to  Sweden,  where 
they  would  learn  Swedish,  "  see  another  world  and  be  treated 
kindly."  On  returning  they  would  be  of  great  service  to  the 
colony.  An  attempt  was  actually  made  to  bring  two  Indians  to 
Sweden,  but  the  tribe  agreed  to  It  only  on  the  condition  that  the 
settlers  would  guarantee  that  the  two  savages  would  be  re- 
turned safe  and  sound,  otherwise,  the  Indians  would  revenge  It 
by  destroying  the  colony.  As  the  Swedes  could  not  accept  such 
terms  the  aborigines  were  not  sent.  Count  Brahe  further 
advised  the  governor  to  teach  them  like  children  and  especially 
to  work  on  their  imagination  through  the  ceremonies  of  the 
Lutheran  service,  for  "  outward  ceremonies  greatly  effect  such 
savage  people."^ 

The  governor  endeavored  to  follow  this  advice.  "  We  have 
also  tried,"  he  says,  "  to  bring  .  .  .  [the  Indians]  to  the  fear 
of  God  [and  we  have]  kept  them  with  us  a  few  days,  but  they 
have  taken  their  opportunity  and  escaped  again  to  the  [other] 
savages."  The  Dutch  had  likewise  tried  to  instruct  some 
Indian  boys  to  read  and  write.  They  showed  themselves  very 
apt,  but  later  they  ran  away  and  in  the  wars  they  proved  to  be 
the  fiercest  enemies  of  the  Christians.  Hence  Printz  feared  that 
they  would  be  difficult  to  convert,  for  "  when  they  are  told  about 
God,"  he  wrote,  "  they  pay  no  attention  to  It,  but  intimate  that 
they  are  a  free  people  and  subject  to  no  one  and  do  what  they 
please.  .  .  .  They  know  nothing  of  God,  but  serve  Satan  with 

''Doc,  Xn.  67;  Report,  1647;  Plym.  Col.  Rec.    Cf.  above. 

'  The  Swedish  government  did  much  for  the  christianizing  and  civilizing  of 
people  under  its  rule  in  this  period.  Religious  books  were  translated  into  Finnish, 
the  Lap  language  and  other  tongues.  Cf.  Hist.  Tid.,  XL  214  ff,  and  other 
sources. 

*  Brahe  to  Printz,  November  9,  1643,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.). 


Relation  with  the  Indians.  379 

their  Kintlka®  and  bring  sacrifices  to  him  that  he  may  give  them 
luck  in  their  hunts  and  that  he  may  do  them  no  harm." 

Printz's  plant  was  a  simpler  one  than  that  suggested  by 
Brahe.  He  proposed  to  compel  them  by  the  sword's  authority 
to  accept  Christianity.  Those  who  would  not  receive  "  the 
only  true  religion  "  should  be  exterminated.  But  he  had  not  a 
sufficient  force  at  his  command  for  such  an  undertaking  and 
measures,  more  in  accord  with  the  religion  he  wished  to  incul- 
cate "  into  these  poor  heathens,"  were  by  necessity  adopted. 
They  were  interested  in  the  Swedish  service  and  came  to  the 
church  to  hear  the  preacher,  greatly  wondering  that  he  stood 
alone  and  talked  so  long  and  had  so  much  to  say,  while  all  the 
rest  were  listening  in  silence.  They  often  visited  Campanius  at 
Upland  and  asked  him  many  questions.  "  In  those  conversa- 
tions he  gradually  succeeded  in  making  them  understand  that 
there  was  one  Lord,  that  this  God  had  created  the  world  and 
placed  man  upon  it,  that  man  fell,  that  Christ  was  sent  to  re- 
deem him  and  that  there  would  be  a  day  of  doom,  when  every- 
one would  be  judged  according  to  his  deeds."  The  Indians 
were  pleased  and  astonished,  says  Holm,  and  wanted  to  hear 
more  about  this  great  God,  who  was  as  superior  to  their  own 
as  the  guns  and  cannon  of  the  Christians  were  superior  to  the 
bow  and  arrow  of  the  Indians. ^"^ 

■  "  Holy  man,"  "  medicine  man." 

^Trintz  to  Brahe,  April  12,  and  to  Oxenstierna,  April  14,  1643,  Ox.  Saml. 
and  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Report,  1644;  Holm  (transl.),  PP-  75,  118. 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

Political  Relations  with  the  English,  i 643-1 653. 

I. 

Before  Printz  left  Gothenburg  for  America,  the  English  on 
the  Schuylkill  had  been  removed  by  the  Dutch,  probably  aided 
by  Ridder,  but  their  settlement  at  Varkens  Kill  was  undis- 
turbed. Ridder  had  reported  their  presence  to  the  Swedish 
government  and  Printz  was  especially  directed  to  keep  the 
Swedish  title  intact  to  the  land  on  which  they  were  settled  as 
well  as  try  to  bring  them  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Swedish 
Crown.  It  was  thought  best  to  remove  them,  however,  if  it 
could  be  done  peacefully,  as  "  they  supposed  that  they  would 
increase  to  some  hundred  in  strength  before  long."^ 

*  Instruction  for  Prinz,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  printed  by  Acrelius.  The  paragraph 
runs  as  follows: 

Alldenstund  och  uthi  nastforledne  ahr  1641  atskillige  Engliske  familier,  allss 
tillhopa  wall  till  60  personer  starcke,  hafwc  sigh  nedhsatt  och  begynnth  bebygga 
och  Culturera  landet  widh  andree,  nambligen  pi  Ostre  sijdan  om  ofwanbemclte 
Sodre  reviret  widh  en  lijten  Strom  benembd  Ferkenskil:  Sa  hafwe  ther  oppS 
bera:  te  Kongl.  Maj  :tz  Undersatere  och  Compagnies  participanter  samme  hele 
Ostre  sijdan  allt  if  ran  forberorde  Store  Revirs  Amund  widh  Capo  May  och  till 
en  Strom  benembd  Narraticens  Kil,  strackandes  sigh  widh  pass  till  12  Tyskee 
Mijller,  der  under  och  bemellte  Ferkens  Kijl  ahr  begrepen,  af  nSgre  dee  willde 
landzens  Inwanare  och  till  sigh  erhandlat,  i  Meningh  forbem:  te  Engliske 
derigenom  at  till  sigh  draga.  Samma  kop  skall  Gouverneuren  alldeles  widh  macht 
och  obrotsliget  halla,  och  alltsa  desse  Engliske  familier  under  Kongl.  Maj  :t  och 
Sweriges  Chronos  iurisdiction,  devotion  och  gebiet  draga:  Efter  som  och  will 
beerattas,  at  de  sielfwe  ickee  finnes  thertill  obenagne,  men  skole  lata  sigh  forlyda, 
att  dee,  sasom  frit  folck  [in  R.  Reg.  (R.A.)  the  word  is  written  "  fellt,"  fol.  933] 
wele  sigh  submittera  den  Ofwerheet,  som  dem  kan  maintenera  och  beskydda, 
formenandes  sigh  innan  korth  till  nagre  hundrade  at  kunna  blifwa  starcke.  Men, 
ehurwal  det  hafwer  sine  wisse  skahl,  at  Gouverneuren  ma  sooka  til  brinnga 
desse  Engliske  under  Sweriges  Chronos  Gebiet,  Lijkwal,  emendan  Kongl.  Maj  :t 
befinner  sa  Sigh  och  Chronan  sielf  som  participanterne  att  wara  battre  och  till- 
drageligare,  der  man  kunde  blifwa  dem  medh  godt  maner  vthur  och  ifran  then 
orthen  quitte:  Dy  will  Hogstbemelte  Kongl.  Maj  :t  nadigst  hemstalt  hafwa 
Gouverneurens  Printzens  discretion  sadant  at  eftertrachta  och  under  handen  at 
bearbeta  derhan,  sa  widt  och  frampt  det  sigh  med  maner  och  fogh  giora  lather. 
Instruction,  §  6,  R.R. 

380 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         381 

When  Printz  arrived  in  February,  1643,  ^^  found  the  Eng- 
lish settlement  on  the  point  of  breaking  up,  being  harassed  by 
sickness,  and  as  soon  as  he  could  make  arrangements  he  seems 
to  have  gone  there  to  inspect  the  same.  It  is  said  (probably 
without  foundation)  that  he  "  forced  some  of  [these  colonists] 
...  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  Crown  of  Sweden  .  .  .  and 
such  who  would  not  he  drove  away."  At  any  rate  some  of  them 
remained  and  in  his  report  of  1644,  Printz  calls  them  "our 
English  at  Farckens  Kill."  Printz  saw,  however,  that  his  first 
troubles  would  be  with  this  nation,  and  soon  after  his  arrival 
he  wrote  to  Brahe  that  he  had  "  evil  neighbors,  especially  the 
English."^ 

In  the  beginning  of  May  an  English  bark  sailed  up  before 
Fort  Elfsborg  to  inquire  for  ships  from  old  England.  The  fort 
was  under  construction  and  Printz  was  there  to  superintend  the 
work.  He  demanded  the  pass  of  the  skipper  and  his  crew  and 
*'  when  he  observed  that  they  were  not  right  in  their  errands, 
he  took  them  (yet  with  their  own  will)  to  Christina,  to  buy 
flour  and  other  provisions  from  them,  examining  them  until  a 
maid  confessed  and  betrayed  them."  Thereupon  they  were 
arrested  and  an  inventory  was  made  of  the  goods  on  the  ship. 
They  had  been  in  the  service  of  "  Gov.  Plowden,"  who  was  in 
America  at  this  time.  In  the  winter  or  early  spring  of  1643 
Plowden  bought  one  half  part  of  a  bark  from  Philip  White  at 
Kikitan.  About  May  i  he  loaded  his  ship  with  flour  and  other 
provisions  and  set  sail  from  Heckemak  with  a  crew  of  sixteen 
people,  but  the  skipper  had  conspired  with  the  sailors  against 
him,  and  instead  of  taking  their  course  to  Kikitan,  as  they  were 
Instructed  to  do,  they  sailed  towards  Cape  Henry.  As  they 
passed  Smith's  Island,  they  landed  Sir  Edmund  there,  "  without 
food,  clothes  and  arms,  where  no  people,  nor  other  animals, 

*  Printz  to  Brahe,  April  12,  1643;  Winthrop,  II.  76,  141;  Report,  1644,  N.S., 
L  (R.A.)  ;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  28:  "The  other  pounds  [of  tobacco]  are  planted 
here,  one  part  by  our  English  at  Farckens  kijl  one  part  by  our  Swedish  freemen 
here  in  New  Sweden";  Report,  February  20,  1647,  §8,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ;  Penn. 
Mag.,  VII.  271  ff.  The  burning  of  the  "  English  house  "  does  not  as  Sprinchorn 
thinks  refer  to  this  settlement  nor  to  the  time  of  Printz,  but  to  the  trading  post 
on  the  Schuylkill  in  1642. 


382      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

except  wolves  and  bears  lived."  Two  young  noblemen,  how- 
ever, who  had  been  brought  up  by  Plowden,  escaped  from  the 
bark  and  remained  with  their  master.  Four  days  later  an 
English  sloop  sailed  within  calling  distance  of  the  island  and 
the  skipper,  observing  the  unfortunate  victims,  rescued  them. 
They  were  taken  to  Heckemak,  where  Plowden  soon  recovered, 
although  "  he  was  half  dead  and  black  as  the  ground,"  and 
shortly  afterwards  the  same  sloop  was  sent  out  to  look  for  the 
criminals,  carrying  letters,  not  only  to  Printz,  but  to  all  the 
governors  and  commanders  along  the  coast.  The  sloop  visited 
New  Sweden  some  time  during  the  summer.^  Printz  delivered 
the  prisoners,  bark  and  goods  to  the  English  commander  and 
presented  a  bill  of  425  R.D.  for  expenses  incurred,  which  was 
paid  him.  The  prisoners  were  taken  to  Virginia,  where  the 
principal  instigators  of  the  crime  were  shot  as  traitors.^  Plow- 
den, although  unsuccessful  in  his  attempts  at  settlements  on  the 
Delaware,  gave  commission  to  English  ships  to  trade  freely  in 
the  river,  but  Printz  "  allowed  none  of  them  to  pass  Fort  Elfs- 
borg."  Plowden  was  offended,  but  he  could  cause  no  trouble 
and  remained  quietly  at  Jamestown  for  some  time.^ 

Lamberton  continued  to  trade  here  even  after  his  plantation 
on  the  Schuylkill  had  been  destroyed  and  in  the  spring  of  1643 
he  again  fitted  out  his  pinnace,  the  Cock,  for  trade  on  the  Dela- 

'  Printz's  report  is  ambiguous.  I  take  it  that  Plowden  simply  wrote  letters  to 
the  different  governors  which  he  sent  with  the  skipper  of  the  sloop  ("den  samma 
engelsche  slupen,  som  riddaren  salverat  hade  har  ankom  medh  Riddarens  breflF"). 
But  Printz  also  says:  "Da  leffvererade  iagh  honom  folck,  barck  och  gos,  tillhopa 
effter  inventarium  och  hart  betake  migh  min  omkastnatt  medh  425  rdr"  {Report, 
1644,  §8).  "Han"  and  "honom"  might  refer  to  the  "knight"  (Plowden), 
but  I  take  it  that  they  refer  to  the  skipper  (grammatically  to  the  sloop). 

*  Report,  1644,  §8;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  31-2;  Hazard,  109-10.  In  July  1644,  the 
question  came  up  as  to  the  former  owner  of  a  bark,  then  belonging  to  Peter 
Laurents  and  Mr.  Throckmorton.  Two  witnesses,  Peter  Jansen  and  Richard 
Olofsson  (?),  (Hazard  has  Olossen),  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Moore,  appeared 
before  Cornelis  Tienhoven  in  New  Amsterdam  and  declared  that  it  was  true 
that  in  1643  Sir  Plowden  bought  the  half  of  the  bark  now  owned  by  Laurents  and 
Throckmorton,  besides  two  hogsheads  of  flour.  Hazard,  109-10,  Albany  Rec, 
III.  224.  Cf.  Winsor,  IV.,  pp.  427  ff.,  457,  and  III.  457  ff.,  where  a  translation 
of  Printz's  Report  referring  to  Plowden  is  given,  also  in  Penn.  Mag.,  X.  180  ff. 
Plowden  was  not  well  liked  by  his  associates  and  servants. 

°  Report,  1644. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.        383 

ware.  The  exact  date  of  his  sailing  cannot  be  determined  (he 
was  still  at  New  Haven,  however,  on  the  sixth  of  April ),'^  but 
it  is  probable  that  he  arrived  in  the  South  River  about  the 
middle  of  June.  He  still  maintained  the  English  right  to  the 
tracts,  bought  before  the  arrival  of  Printz.  On  June  22,  1643, 
he  presented  a  protest  to  the  Swedes,  claiming  that  he  had 
bought  the  lands  on  the  Schuylkill  from  the  rightful  owner  and 
in  a  second  protest  he  laid  claim  to  the  land  at  Varkens  Kill."^ 
It  is  not  known  whether  or  not  Printz  answered  these  protests, 
but  events  soon  occurred  that  gave  him  an  opportunity  for  test- 
ing the  English  rights  and  definitely  disproving  them,  at  least 
from  his  point  of  view. 

Lamberton  was  riding  at  anchor  with  his  ship  The  Cock 
about  three  miles  above  Fort  Christina,  where  he  had  induced 
the  Indians  to  come  and  trade  with  him.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  June  26,  as  the  governor  came  from  his  prayers,  Timon 
Stidden  and  Gotfried  Harmer  brought  a  report  that  Lamberton 
had  bribed  the  Indians  to  murder  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  and  to 
destroy  their  settlements.  The  governor  immediately  set  to 
work  to  investigate  the  report.  He  sent  Stidden  and  Harmer 
as  spies  on  board  of  the  pinnace,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Lamber- 
ton, stating  that  an  Indian  "  the  day  before  had  stolen  a  gold 
chain  from  the  governor's  wife  and  that  the  governor  did 
entreat  Mr.  Lamberton  to  use  means  to  get  it  again  of  the 
Indians."  As  many  savages  were  about  to  come  to  trade  with 
Lamberton  the  following  day,  the  Swedish  agents  requested 
permission  to  stay  on  board  the  pinnace  over  night  "  so  that 
they  might  see  those,  who  came  to  barter  their  skins,  and  try  to 
discover  among  them  the  one  who  had  stolen  the  chain,"  he 
being  easily  recognized  by  a  "mark  in  his  face."  The  per- 
mission was  granted,  but  of  course  no  Indian  with  "  a  mark  in 
his  face  "  appeared.     Through  a  second  letter  Lamberton  was 

'  On  that  day  he  was  appointed  to  meet  with  some  other  gentlemen  to  give 
advice  to  the  newly  elected  commissioners  for  New  Haven  about  their  business, 
before  they  went  to  Massachusetts  Bay. 

'  These  protests  were  not  from  Governor  Winthrop  as  has  been  stated  by  his- 
torians. 


384      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

induced  on  some  "feigned  and  false  pretences"  to  go  to  Fort 
Christina  with  his  men.  The  English  were  arrested  on  their 
arrival  and  put  into  prison,  where  they  were  kept  for  about 
three  days.  In  the  meantime  preliminary  examinations  were 
conducted  by  Prlntz,  Gregorius  van  Dyck  and  others,  who 
tried  to  draw  all  the  information  they  could  from  Lamberton's 
men,  concerning  the  "planned  massacre."  John  Woollen, 
Lamberton's  interpreter,  was  especially  subjected  to  close  ex- 
amination, but  nothing  definite  could  be  ascertained.^ 

The  English  were  finally  set  free,  presumably  on  the  promise 
that  they  would  appear  at  a  court  of  inquiry  to  be  held  in  Fort 
Christina  as  soon  as  possible.  The  court  was  called''  on  July 
10,  1643.  It  consisted  of  English,  Dutch  and  Swedish  com- 
missaries. Prlntz  seems  to  have  been  most  anxious  to  disprove 
the  English  claim  to  land  on  the  Delaware,  and  this  was  the 
first  point  to  be  examined.  First  of  all  Lamberton  was  re- 
quested to  show  the  protests  to  the  court,  which  he  had  pre- 
sented to  the  governor.  He  was  then  asked  by  what  right  he 
pretended  to  the  lands  on  the  Schuylkill.  He  answered  that  he 
had  purchased  them  two  years  before  ( 1 641 ) .  To  the  question 
if  he  did  not  know  that  all  the  lands  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river  from  Cape  Henlopen  to  Sanklkan  had  been  bought  by 
the  Swedish  Crown,  he  replied  that  he  well  knew  this,  but  that 
he  had  been  persuaded  by  Jan  Jansen  to  buy  the  tract.     Jan 

*  Protests,  June  22,  1643,  another  without  date,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)  ;  N.  H.  Col.  Rec, 
I.  87,  106-7;  Winthrop,  H.  141;  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.  VL  439  ff.;  Court 
Records,  January  16,  1644,  and  Proc,  July  10,  1643  (Actus  quartus),  N.S.,  L 
(R.A.).  Brodhead  thinks  that  the  fort  referred  to  in  A'^.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  106,  was 
Fort  Gothenborg.     See  Brodhead,  L  382. 

'  Sprinchorn  (pp.  17-18)  supposes  that  the  court  was  convened  after  Printz 
had  received  a  letter  from  Winthrop,  complaining  of  the  arrest  of  Lamberton  and 
the  damages  done  to  the  English,  but  this  is  a  mistake.  The  court  of  New  Haven 
was  held  on  August  2,  1643  (A'^.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  106).  The  complaints  against 
Printz  were  presented  at  the  meeting  of  the  court  of  the  United  Col.  {Plym.  Col. 
Rec,  Acts,  L  13),  which  was  not  convened  before  the  seventh  of  September 
(N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  96;  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  L  9),  and  Winthrop's  letter  was 
not  sent  before  the  complaints  had  been  considered  by  the  commissioner  and 
"  Conclusions  subscribed  to  by  them,"  September  16,  1643,  hence  two  months  after 
the  court  in  New  Sweden  was  held.  Winthrop,  H.  140;  Plym.  Col.  Rec, 
Acts,  L  13. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         385 

Jansen  was  then  referred  to  and  asked  if  he  would  sustain 
Lamberton's  testimony,  but  he  answered  that  Lamberton  lied 
like  a  "wanton  rascal,"  declaring  that  everybody  knew  the 
Dutch  had  protested  against  Lamberton's  proceedings,  de- 
stroyed his  "  house  "  and  carried  his  people  prisoners  to  New 
Amsterdam.  Lamberton  then  excused  himself  by  saying  that 
he  had  not  protested  against  the  Crown  of  Sweden  but  against 
Lieut.  Mans  Kling,  who  dwelt  on  the  Schuylkill.  Thereupon 
the  court  requested  Governor  Printz  to  produce  the  evidence  of 
the  Swedish  title  to  the  disputed  lands.  Printz  testified  that 
the  Crown  had  purchased  all  the  land  on  the  west  side  from 
Cape  Henlopen  up  to  Sankikan,  including  the  Schuylkill,  before 
Lamberton's  arrival  and  Huygen,  Kling  and  Van  Dyck  verified 
this  testimony  by  declaring  on  oath  that  these  lands  had  been 
bought,  as  the  Royal  Letter  showed,  three  and  five  years  be- 
fore.^*^ 

In  the  next  place  the  English  title  to  Varkens  Kill  was  ex- 
amined. Lamberton  declared  that  he  and  Captain  Turner  had 
bought  the  land  through  an  authorized  agent  from  Wickusi, 
the  rightful  owner,  adding  that  Gregorius  Van  Dyck  could 
testify  to  this,  which  he  was  sure  he  would  do  as  an  honorable 
man,  and  in  support  of  these  claims  he  produced  two  letters 
from  the  Indian  chief,  who  conducted  the  transaction.  He 
also  said  that  he  had  obtained  a  title  to  the  land  before  the 
Swedes  purchased  the  same.  The  court  asked  him  what  further 
evidence  he  could  produce,  to  which  he  replied  "  Captain  Tur- 
ner's testimony  but  nothing  further."  In  refutation  of  this 
Printz  presented  other  evidence.  Some  time  in  June  he  sent 
the  preacher  Reorus  Torkillus  and  Greg,  van  Dyck  to  make 
enquiries  about  the  English  purchase.  They  visited  the  chief 
from  whom  the  English  had  bought  the  land,  but  he  declared 
that  he  had  no  commission  from  Wickusi,  saying  he  needed 
none  as  the  land  in  question  was  his  own.  Mans  Kling  also 
visited  Wickusi  to  ascertain  if  he  had  given  a  commission  to 
another  chief  to  sell  the  land.     Wickusi,  denying  this,  aflirmed 

'"  The  records  say  seven  and  five,  but  this  is  of  course  a  mistake. 
26 


386      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

that  the  land  was  his  very  own  and  that  he  had  sold  it  to  Peter 
Ridder.  These  reports  were  presented  to  the  court  and  Printz 
added  that  everyone  knew  that  this  land  belonged  to  Wickusi. 
The  Swedish  governor  also  declared  that  some  of  Lamberton's 
own  people,  and  especially  John  Woollen,  had  confessed  openly 
that  Peter  Hollender  Ridder  bought  the  land  three  days  before 
Lamberton  and  he  was  willing  to  have  these  two  witnesses 
brought  before  the  court,^^  if  the  court  should  so  desire.  But 
the  court  replied  that  it  was  not  necessary  as  enough  facts  had 
been  produced. 

Then  the  accusations  against  Lamberton  personally  were 
dealt  with.  Governor  Printz  accused  him  of  trading  in  beavers 
right  under  the  walls  of  Fort  Christina  without  authority.  To 
the  question  of  the  court  as  to  why  he  had  done  this,  Lamberton 
answered  that  he  did  not  know  that  he  was  not  allowed  to  trade 
there.  But  Huygen  testified  that  Ridder  had  forbidden  him  to 
trade  in  the  river  in  1642  and  Mans  Kling  added  that  he  had 
warned  him  long  before.  I.  Sieversson  also  testified  to  the  fact 
that  the  Swedish  governor  had  written  to  Lamberton  from  Fort 
Christina  warning  him  that  it  was  expressly  against  Her 
Majesty's  order  to  trade  in  her  territory.  The  court  then  asked 
for  Lamberton's  commission  or  authority,  but  he  answered  that 
he  needed  none.^^  The  accusations  on  which  Lamberton  had 
been  arrested  were  next  examined.  Printz  stated  the  circum- 
stances and  facts  in  the  case  and  Timon  Stidden  and  Gotfried 
Harmer  were  called  into  the  court  and  examined.  They  testi- 
fied on  oath  that  they  had  heard  the  Indians  say  "these 
things  "^^  and  Peter  Andriessen  and  Lasse  Bonde  also  related 
the  same  facts,  being  ready  '*  to  give  their  oath  on  it."  Per 
Cock  and  Lasse  Bonde  also  stated  that  the  settlers  at  Varkens 
Kill  had  intimated  that  as  soon  as  Lamberton  arrived  the  Eng- 
lish and  Indians  would  unite  to  kill  the  Swedes  and  drive  them 

"It  would  seem  that  Coxwell  and  Woollen  were  still  in  prison  (?).  Wickusi 
is  also  found  written  Wichusy  and  Wischusi. 

"  Lamberton  was  also  accused  of  disrespectful  conduct  towards  the  Swedes 
and  of  using  vile  language  about  them. 

^'That  they  had  been  bribed. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         387 

out  of  the  river.  Further  "  the  people  who  were  In  Fort  Chris- 
tina testified"  that  on  the  same  day  (June  26?)  the  Black 
Minquas  and  other  Indians  appeared  before  the  fort  "  as  if 
they  wished  to  scale  the  wall,  but  as  soon  as  the  people  ascended 
the  battlement  and  the  constaple  began  to  point  the  cannon  at 
them,  the  savages  ran  into  the  woods  with  clamors."  Lamber- 
ton  confessed  that  he  had  given  the  Indians  some  presents,  not 
in  order  that  they  should  kill  the  Swedes  and  Dutch,  but  for  the 
purpose  of  inducing  them  to  trade  with  him.  The  document 
is  moulded  and  not  clear,  but  it  seems  that  Lamberton  requested 
the  testimony  of  John  Woollen.  The  court  enquired  for  him. 
"  Printz,  however,  informed  the  court,  that  he  had  examined 
Mr.  Woollen  enough,  but  that  he  would  not  confess  to  any- 
thing." The  governor  also  stated  that  he  would  not  push  the 
accusation  against  Lamberton  any  further,  since  he  fully  ex- 
cused himself,  and  the  court  accordingly  dropped  this  part  of 
the  case. 

The  decision  of  the  court  was  given  the  same  day.  In  the 
first  place  the  court  found  that  "  the  four  approved  witnesses 
on  oath  and  by  relating  circumstances  had  proved  that  Lam- 
berton In  truth  had  bribed  the  Indians  to  kill  the  Dutch  and 
Swedes,"  but  since  Geo.  Lamberton  was  a  foreigner  and  would 
not  confess  to  the  charge,  the  court  at  the  request  of  the  plain- 
tiff dismissed  the  case.^^  Secondly  the  court  found  that  "it 
had  been  completely  proven  from  the  documents  that  Lamber- 
ton by  right  possessed  no  place  at,  in  or  around  this  River." 
Thirdly,  since  he  now  a  second  time  had  purchased  beavers 
from  the  Indians  without  a  commission,  the  court  had  a  right 
to  confiscate  not  only  the  beavers  he  had  lately  bought  but  his 
ship  and  other  goods  as  well.  The  court  would  also  In  this 
case  be  lenient  and  only  demand  a  double  duty  on  the  400 
beavers  In   his   possession,   with   the  understanding,   however, 

"  "  En  op  sodanige  maniere  Mr.  Lamberton  als  een  vreemden,  vorders  op  synne 
conscientie  gelochent  en  niet  heft  bekennen  willen,  heft  het  recht  de  getuj'gen 
oock  neit  willen  tot  den  eet  comen  laten,  sondren  in  dese  occasie  met  Mr.  Lamber- 
ton, op  versoecken  des  klagers,  genadlyck  will  handelen  en  door  vingren  sien,  en 
sulcke  Cremenalia  voor  dese  reise  passen  Laten." 


388      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

that  if  he  traded  in  the  river  a  third  time,  without  permission, 
his  boat  and  goods  would  be  confiscated.  After  the  dismissal 
of  the  court  Lamberton  paid  the  duty  "  of  twelve  pound  [ster- 
ling] in  the  hundred"  on  his  purchases  as  well  as  other  bills 
and  returned  home  with  his  people. ^^ 

When  the  English  arrived  at  New  Haven  they  complained 
of  ill  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Swedish  governor.  Lamber- 
ton made  an  oral  relation  of  his  experiences  and  accused  Printz 
of  "  reviling  the  English  of  New  Haven  as  runagates  "  and  of 
trying  by  threats,  the  promise  of  gifts  and  by  "  attempting  to 
make  them  drunk  to  press  the  witnesses  to  testify  that  Lamber- 
ton had  hired  the  Indians  to  cut  off  the  Swedes."  A  court  was 
held  at  New  Haven  on  August  2  the  same  year  and  it  was 
perhaps  before  this  that  Lamberton  made  his  report.  John 
Thickpeny,  "mariner  in  the  Cock  with  George  Lamberton," 
was  called  upon  to  testify,  "being  duly  sworn  and  examined." 
He  gave  a  long  relation  of  the  "  outrages  "  committed  by  Gov- 
ernor Printz,  and  testified  on  oath  that  the  Swedes  tried  to  get 
John  Woollen  drunk  so  as  to  make  him  confess  what  he  did  not 
know,  and,  by  threats  of  execution  on  the  charge  of  treason  and 
by  the  promise  of  gifts,  endeavored  to  make  him  reveal  some- 
thing about  Lamberton's  dealings  with  the  Indians.^*^  Theophi- 
lus  Eaton  and  Thomas  Gregson,  who  had  been  chosen  commis- 
sioners from  New  Haven  to  represent  that  jurisdiction  at  the 
General  Court,  held  at  Boston  in  the  autumn  of  1645,^'^  were 
instructed  to  bring  Lamberton's  complaints  before  this  court  in 
September.  As  they  owned  shares  in  the  Delaware  Company 
they  were  personally  interested  in  the  Delaware  district  and  in 
the  disputes  with  the  Swedes.  They  summarized  the  complaints 
which  had  been  made  by  Lamberton  and  his  associates  before 
the  New  Haven  Court  and  presented  this  "  information  and 

'"Copy  of  Court  Minutes  (in  Dutch),  July  lo,  1643,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.).  Cf. 
Chap.  XXXVHL 

^"N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  107;  Winthrop,  H.  140;  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  ad  S. 

VI.  439-40. 

"  N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  87;  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  9.  The  Articles  of  Con- 
federation were  agreed  to  at  Boston  on  May  19,  1643.  The  Articles  are  printed 
in  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  3  ff.,  A'.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I.  98  ff.  and  other  places. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         389 

complaint"  to  the  General  Court.  The  court  took  up  the  mat- 
ter among  its  first  transactions  and  it  was  decided  "  that  a  l[et- 
te]r  be  written  to  the  Swedish  Governor  expressing  the  p[ar]- 
ticulars  and  requiring  satisfaction."^^  Governor  John  Win- 
throp,  "as  Gov[er]n[o]r  of  the  Massachusetts  and  President 
of  the  Commissioners  for  the  United  Colonies  of  New  Eng- 
land," was  to  draft  the  letters. ^^  Accordingly  he  wrote  a 
lengthy  letter  to  Governor  Printz,  setting  forth  the  English  title 
to  the  whole  continent  in  general  and  to  Delaware  Bay  in  par- 
ticular and  complaining  that  the  English  already  settled  on  the 
South  River  had  been  driven  away  from  their  property  by  the 
Swedish  governor  or  forced  to  *'  bind  themselves  by  an  oath  to 
the  Swedish  Crown."  The  complaints  as  presented  by  Thick- 
peny  and  Lamberton  were  also  repeated  in  brief  and  satisfac- 
tion was  demanded  for  the  injuries  done  "  to  the  allies  of  New 
Haven."  "  If  you  afford  this  satisfaction,"  says  Winthrop  in 
closing,  "...  [the  New  Haven  people]  will  send,  at  the  first 
opportunity,  those  who  will  treat  with  you  concerning  the  divi- 
sion of  the  boundaries  .  .  .  and  the  exercise  of  trade."  Special 
envoys  were  to  be  sent  to  New  Sweden  to  deliver  the  letter  and 
"Lamberton  was  also  given  commission  to  go  and  treat  with 
the  Swedish  Governor  about  satisfaction  for  his  injuries. "^° 

Captain  Turner,  who  apparently  had  been  appointed  to 
deliver  the  letter  to  Governor  Printz,  arrived  at  Christina  in 
the  beginning  of  1644.  The  governor  was  greatly  concerned 
about  the  matter  and  seems  to  have  called  a  second  court  almost 
immediately  to  disprove  the  accusations  against  him.^^ 

Several  witnesses  were  called  and  examined  "upon  oath"  in 
the  presence  of  the  court.    They  denied  the  accusations  against 

^^  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  13;  Kidder  (in  "  Sivedes  on  the  Delait;are,"  etc., 
p.  6)  is  wrong  in  stating  that  the  date  of  this  transaction  was  September  19. 
Hazard  has  made  the  same  mistake.  The  jg  in  the  margin  of  Plym.  Col.  Rec, 
Acts,  I.  13,  refers  to  the  page  in  the  manuscript  and  not  to  the  date.  See  ibid., 
Intro.,  XII.     The  conclusions  were  subscribed  to  on  September  16,  1643. 

"  V^inthrop,  II.  140;  Hubbart,  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VI.  440. 

^Winthrop's  letter  to  Printz  (copj'),  September  18,  1643  (in  Latin).  N.S., 
I.  (R.A.)  ;  Plym.  Col.  Rec. 

"The  court  was  convened  on  January  16,  1644. 


390      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Governor  Printz  and  Woollen  confessed  that  he  had  In  no 
manner  been  prevailed  upon  by  any  of  the  Swedes  to  testify 
falsely  against  Lamberton,  but  on  the  contrary  he  had  been  ad- 
monished to  speak  the  truth  and  had  been  told  "  that  if  he  were 
found  false,  it  should  risk  him  [his]  life."  It  was  also  brought 
out  by  the  testimony  of  Timon  Stidden  and  "  Gotfried  Harmer, 
the  merchantman,"  that  Lamberton  had  promised  to  sell  arms 
and  powder  to  the  Indians,  which  was  against  the  laws  of  the 
Enghsh  as  well  as  the  Swedish  colonies.  All  the  other  charges 
against  Printz  were  also  denied  by  the  witnesses  and  the  English 
at  Varken's  Kill  "confessed  in  the  presence  of  the  messenger" 
that  they  had  not  been  driven  off  or  urged  to  become  Swedish 
subjects,  but  of  their  own  accord  were  "  inclined  to  devotion  to 
Her  Royal  Majesty." 

From  the  records  of  the  court  it  would  appear  that  most  of 
the  charges  against  Printz  were  unfounded,  and  there  can  be  no 
question  about  the  authenticity  of  the  minutes  as  they  were 
signed  by  Captain  Turner,  who  was  one  of  the  members  of  the 
court.  Yet  he  cannot  be  entirely  exonerated  from  blame,  for 
in  his  dispatches  to  the  Swedish  government  he  presents  his  case 
In  a  somewhat  different  light.  Copies  of  this  and  of  the 
examination  of  the  previous  year  were  sent  to  Governor  Win- 
throp,  accompanied  by  a  letter  in  which  the  "  Swedes  denied 
what  they  had  been  charged  with  .  .  .  and  used  large  expres- 
sions of  their  respect  to  the  English  and  particularly  to  the 
Massachusetts  Colony."-^ 

Governor  WInthrop  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  letter 
and  documents  on  March  21,  "  accepting  and  thankfully  receiv- 
ing the  spirit  of  good  will  and  greatest  friendship  displayed 
towards  the  English  people  "  in  the  letter  and  stating  that  he 
was  not  at  liberty  to  reply  at  length  but  that  "  a  full  and  par- 

""  Latin  letter  of  Governor  Printz  to  Governor  Winthrop,  January  12,  1644 
(copy),  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)  ;  Court  Minutes,  January  16,  1644,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)  ; 
"Trans,  copy  of  the  Dutch  copy,  anno.  1644,  Jan.  16,"  etc.,  printed  by  Kidder, 
7-8;   Copies  in  Penn.  Hist.  So.;  Winthrop,  H.  157. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         391 

ticular  response  [could  be  expected]  at  the  next  meeting  of  the 
commissioners  [of  the  United  Colonies]. "^"^ 

To  further  appease  the  English  Printz  had  told  their  agent 
that,  if  a  '  commission  from  the  commissioners  of  the  union  and 
a  copy  of  their  patent  were  presented  to  him,  he  would  allow 
them  to  go  on  with  their  plantation  and  trade  in  the  Delaware 
River  and  Bay.'^^  Gov.  Eaton  applied  for  the  commission  at 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  in  March,  1644,  and  it 
was  given  to  him.-^  It  is  not  likely  that  Printz  had  any  serious 
intention  of  fulfilling  the  promise  he  had  given  to  Captain 
Turner.  It  was  expressly  against  his  instructions  and  contrary 
to  the  sentiments  expressed  in  his  letters  and  reports  to  the 
Swedish  government.-^  The  records  do  not  state  whether  or 
not  Eaton  and  his  colleagues  in  the  Delaware  Company  made 
use  of  the  patent  and  commission,  but  it  is  improbable.  Other 
events  intervened  and  gave  them  warning. 

"Westwards  from  the  Massachusetts  Bay  .  .  .  ,"  says  Mor- 
ton in  his  New  English  Canaan,  "  is  situated  a  very  spacious 
lake"  (called  of  the  natives  LakeEracoise),^^  which  is  far  more 
excellent  than  thelakeof  Genezereth  in  the  country  of  Palestina, 
both  in  respect  of  the  greatness  and  properties  thereof  and  like- 

^'Winthrop  to  Printz,  March  21,  1644  (English  st>'le  i  mo.  21,  ^ff||).  Win- 
throp  sent  the  first  rough  draft  of  the  letter  to  a  friend  with  the  note,  "  Sir,  I  pray 
p[er]use  and  correct  wh[ateve]r  you  see  Cause."  Two  corrections  were  made 
in  the  letter  (see  facsimile  in  Kidder).  Mr.  Kidder  is  mistaken  in  supposing 
that  this  letter  is  the  one  sent  with  Aspinwall  and  mentioned  by  Winthrop  in 
his  Journal,  II.  160.  Neither  is  the  letter  of  Governor  Printz  dated  June  29, 
1644  (facsimile  in  Kidder),  an  answer  to  the  above  letter,  as  Kidder  supposes 
(p.  9),  but  to  a  later  letter  from  Governor  Winthrop  introducing  Aspinwall  to 
Governor  Printz.      See  below. 

^*  Winthrop,  II.  157. 

^Rec.  of  Mass.,  11.  60:  "The  motion  for  a  coppey  of  the  patent  &  com- 
mission according  to  the  tenure,  etc.,  is  granted  to  Newe  Haven."  Concerning  the 
court,  see  Winthrop,  II.  155  ff.  and  Rec.  of  Mass.,  II.  54  ff.  The  court  was 
called  March  7,  1643   (Swedish  style,  March  7,  1644)   and  sat  at  Boston. 

^Report,  1644;  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  June  20,  1644;  letter  to  P.  Brahe, 
July  19,  1644,  Ox.  Saml.,  Skokl.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

^'  A^.  E.  Canaan,  p.  234.  "  Lac  des  Irequois  "  is  located  northwest  of  Boston 
on  a  map  of  the  "  New  Eng.  Coast,  A.D.  1650."  From  documents  collected  in 
France,  pub.  in  Sir  F.  Gorges,  Prince  So.,  II.,  facing  p.  1S4.  Jannson  on  his  map 
put  "  Lac  des  Irequois  "  directly  west  of  Nova  Englia.  See  facsimile  in  Winsor, 
IV.  385. 


392      The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

wise  of  the  manifold  commodities  it  yieldeth."^^  The  "  proper- 
ties "  of  this  lake,  which  was  supposed  "  to  be  located  about 
ninety  or  a  hundred  miles  from  the  [New  England]  plantation 
overland,"  had  for  years  continued  to  inspire  the  early  settlers 
with  a  desire  to  gain  a  foothold  on  the  banks. ^^  A  patent  had 
been  given  to  Captain  Mason  and  Sir  F.  Gorges  in  1628  for 
the  discovery  of  "the  Great  Lake"  and  on  November  17, 
1629,^*^  these  gentlemen  were  given  a  grant  of  Laconia,^^  a 
country  bordering  on  the  great  lakes  and  rivers  of  the  Iroquois.^^ 
The  district  was  "named  Laconia,"  says  Gorges,  "...  by 

^  The  knowledge  of  great  lakes  or  inland  seas  on  the  North  American  conti- 
nent was  perhaps  due  to  Champlain's  labors.  Many  of  the  early  mapmakers 
followed  him  by  indicating  these  lakes  on  their  maps,  yet  there  were  some  who 
did  not  take  cognizance  of  his  work.  The  first  reports  about  the  existence  of  the 
lake  (or  lakes)  to  the  west  of  the  Massachusetts  colony  were  perhaps  obtained 
from  the  French  or  Indians.  Smith  says  in  a  letter  to  Bacon,  that  there  were 
great  lakes  at  the  head  of  the  Canadian  River,  where  the  inhabitants  kill  their 
beavers.     Dean,  John  Mason,  Prince  So.,  p.  54;  Winsor,  IV.  378  ff. 

*  Gorges,  America  Painted,  extract  in  Col.  of  the  Maine  Hist  So.,  II.,  2d 
Part,  p.  68;  Belknap,  I.  19. 

*"  A^eiv  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers,  I.  27,  gives  the  date  as  November  27. 
Kidder,  p.  11,  note  i,  gives  November  17  as  the  date,  also  Winsor,  III.,  and 
Sir  F.  Gorges,  Prince  So.,  II.  p.  23. 

*^  Grant  of  Laconia,  November  17,  1629.  This  must  be  old  style  for  in 
N.  H.  Prov.  P.,  I.  27,  the  date  is  27,  1629.  The  grant  is  printed  in  J.  Mason, 
Prince  So.,  p.  189  ff.  Reprinted  from  Mass.  Archives,  III.  140-8.  The  territory 
was  described  as  "Lands  &  countrys  lying  adjacent  or  bordering  upon  the  great 
Lake  or  Lakes  or  Rivers  commonly  called  or  known  by  the  Name  of  the  River 
&  Lake  or  Rivers  &  Lakes  of  the  Irroquois,  a  Nation  or  Nations  of  Savage  people 
inhabiting  up  into  the  Landwards  betwixt  the  lines  of  West  and  Northwest  con- 
ceiv'd  to  pass  or  lead  upwards  from  the  Rivers  of  Sagadahok  and  Merrimack  in 
the  Country  of  New  England  aforesaid."     Dean,  John  Mason,  Prince  So.,  192. 

° There  was  another  district  or  "Province"  called  Lygonia.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  issued  a  grant  of  a  tract  of  land  forty  miles  square  to  a  sect  of  religious 
adventurers.  "  To  this  territory  Sir  Ferdinando  gave  the  name  of  Lygonia,  in 
honor  of  his  mother,"  says  Baxter  (Sir  F.  Gorges,  Prince  So.,  I.  155.  On  page 
189  he  says:  "which  Gorges  had  doubtless  himself  named  the  Province  of 
Lygonia").  The  name  of  Lygonia  was  also  given  to  a  much  larger  territory, 
"included  within  the  Province  of  Maine,"  see  Pop.  Memo.  Vol.,  2d  Part,  p.  12  ff. ; 
Hubbard,  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VI.  368,  369,  510.  Laconia  and  Lygonia 
have  often  been  confused  and  supposed  to  be  the  same.  See  Kidder,  p.  11,  note, 
Brodhead  also  makes  the  mistake  in  Hist.,  1.  383,  where  he  says:  "and  this  lake 
which  they  named  Lake  Lyconia."  It  is  so  named  in  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  II. 
15.  It  was  often  spelt  Ligonia,  see  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VI.  368-69, 
510. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         393 

reason  of  the  great  lakes  therein. "^^  It  was  described  in  the 
most  glowing  terms.  The  air  was  said  to  be  pure  and  whole- 
some, "the  country  was  pleasant,  having  some  high  hills  full  of 
goodly  forests  and  fair  valleys  and  plains,  fruitful  in  corn,  vines, 
chestnuts,  walnuts  and  infinite  sorts  of  other  fruits;  large  rivers 
well  stored  with  fish  and  environed  with  goodly  meadows,  full 
of  timber  trees. "^'*  One  of  the  great  lakes  found  there,  called 
the  Iroquois, ^^  contained  "  four  fair  islands,"  covered  with 
woods  and  meadows  full  of  all  kinds  of  wild  beasts.  "There 
are  also  more  abundance  of  beavers  .  .  .  about  the  part  of 
that  lake  than  in  any  place  in  all  the  country  of  New  England," 
says  Morton,  and  a  goodly  part  of  the  beaver  trade  of  North 
America,  giving  a  profit  of  over  £2,000  a  year,  was  supposed 
to  come  from  this  region.  The  success  of  Kirke  in  1629  also 
tended  to  emphasize  and  confirm  these  notions,  as  he  took  back 
to  England  a  large  quantity  of  beavers,  which  were  reported 
to  have  come  from  the  Laconia  district.^® 

Hence  it  was  not  surprising  that  the  English  should  try  to 
gain  possession  of  this  district.  In  1630  the  Laconia  Company^'' 
sent  Captain  Neal  with  the  Warwick  to  America  "  for  dis- 
covery of  the  great  lake  in  New  England. "^'^  Captain  Neal 
"was  said  to  be  sent,"  writes  Hubbard,  "as  Governor  for  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  and  the  rest  [of  the  Laconia  Company]. 
.  .  .  Another  occasion  of  their  sending  [him]  over  was  said 
to  be  the  searching,  or  making  a  more  full  discovery  of  an 
imaginary  Province,  supposed  to  lie  up  higher  into  the  country, 

^  Col.  of  Maine  Hist.  So.,  II.  2d  Part,  p.  66 ;  cf.  also  Dean,  John  Mason, 
Prince  So.,  p.  22.  Sir  F.  Gorges  does  not  mention  Laconia  as  far  as  I  can 
remember,  in  his  Briefe  Narration  published  in  1658,  reprinted  in  Col.  of  Mass. 
Hist.  So.,  3d  S.,  VI.  45  ff.,  also  reprinted  in  Sir  F.  Gorges,  Prince  So.,  II. 

**  Gorges,  etc.,  in  Col.  of  Maine  Hist.  So.,  II.  2d  Part,  p.  66. 

^  Same  as  Morton's  Erocoise. 

^^  Col.  of  Maine  Hist.  So.,  II.  2d  Part,  67  ff. ;  N.  E.  Canaan,  pp.  235;  Dean, 
John  Mason,  Prince  So.,  54  ff.  T.  Morton,  in  his  Neiv  Eng.  Canaan,  says: 
"  Kaptaine  Kerke  of  late  .  .  .  brought  home  in  one  ship  .  .  .  25,000  beaver 
skinnes  "  (pp.  235-6).  But  see  Kirke's  First  Eng.  Cong,  of  Canada,  p.  85,  where 
it  is  stated  that  only  7,000  skins  were  taken  to  England. 

"  Concerning  the  Laconia  Company,  see  Dean,  John  Mason,  Prince  So.,  p.  56, 
64,  72,  etc. 

*  Winthrop,  I.  7. 


394  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

called  Laconia,"  Captain  Neal  and  his  companions  seem  to  have 
attempted  to  reach  the  "great  lake"  overland  and  Hubbard 
informs  us  that  "  after  three  years  spent  in  labor  and  travel  for 
that  end  or  other  fruitless  endeavors  they  returned  to  England 
with  a  non  est  inventa  Provincia,"^''  but  Gorges  asserts  that 
"  the  discovery  wanted  one  day's  journey  of  finishing."^*^ 

Twelve  years  later  "  one  Darby  Field,  an  Irishman  .  .  . 
accompanied  with  two  Indians  went  to  the  top  of  the  white  hill," 
where  "  he  saw  to  the  north  a  great  water,  which  he  judged  to 
be  about  lOO  miles  broad,  but  could  see  no  land  beyond."  The 
lake  he  discovered  was  "mist  and  airy  nothing,"  but  it  is  easy 
to  understand  how  the  early  settlers  could  believe  that  Field 
really  did  see  "a  great  lake"  and  that  it  was  the  wondrous 
lake  Laconia  or  Iroquois/^  The  report  tended  to  keep  alive 
the  interest  in  the  imaginary  source  of  an  inexhaustible  beaver 
trade  and  soon  some  citizens  of  Boston  endeavored  to  reach  the 
place. 

Morton  says  in  his  Nezv  English  Canaan  that  two  rivers 
known  to  the  English  as  the  Canada  and  the  Potomac  "  issue 
out  of  this  lake,"  as  well  as  a  third  river,  "which  they  [the 
Indians]  describe  to  trend  westward."  It  is  probable  that 
the  English  were  led  to  suppose  that  this  third  river  was  the 
Delaware,  as  a  large  lake  is  placed  at  the  source  of  the  South 
River  on  De  Laet's  map  (1630).^- 

An  attempt  to  reach  a  great  lake  or  sea  by  ascending  the 
Delaware  had  been  made  by  Young  in  i634.'*^  In  1644  it  was 
again  tried  by  some  merchants  of  Boston,  who  formed  them- 
selves into  a  company  for  the  purpose.     At  the  meeting  of  the 

''Hubbard,  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  V.  216-217;  Gorges's  Am.  Painted 
to  Life,  etc.,  Col.  of  Maine  Hist.  So.,  II.  2d  Part,  p.  67;  Winsor,  HL  327;  Belknap, 
I.  19  ff.     See  Savage's  Correction  to  Belknap,  Winthrop,  L  69,  note  2. 

^  It  has  been  stated  that  Henry  Josselyn  was  employed  by  Mason  to  make  this 
discovery  also,  some  time  after  the  attempts  of  Neal  (Belknap  (I.  19)  says  in 
company  with  Neal),  "but  whether  he  performed  his  engagement  does  not  ap- 
pear." See  Col.  of  Maine  Hist.  So.,  II.  68,  note;  Dean,  John  Mason,  Prince  So., 
p.  74;  Winthrop,  II.  67,  note  2. 

"Winthrop,  II.  67-8. 

"Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  4th  S.,  IX.  115  fl.;  De  Laet. 
•     *"  Cf.  above,  Chap.  XX. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.        395 

court  of  Massachusetts,  on  March  7,  1644,  "divers  of  the 
merchants  of  Boston,  being  desirous  to  discover  the  great  lake," 
applied  for  a  charter  to  be  in  force  twenty  years.  "  The  court 
was  very  unwilling  to  grant  any  monopoly,"  says  Winthrop, 
"  but  perceiving  that  without  it  they  would  not  proceed,  granted 
their  desire "  and  gave  them  a  commission  under  the  public 
seal.^*  The  company  was  granted  the  right  to  manage  its  own 
affairs  according  to  the  laws  of  the  colony  as  well  as  to  enjoy 
for  twenty-one  years  the  sole  right  of  trade  in  the  territory  that 
might  be  discovered  within  three  years,  and  it  was  given  full 
power  to  "  inhibit  and  restrain  any  other  person  or  persons 
whatsoever,  during  the  term  aforesaid,  that  shall  attempt  any 
trade  .  .  .  without  the  warrant  of  the  aforesaid  company."^^ 

When  all  preliminary  arrangements  had  been  perfected  a 
pinnace  was  prepared  and  put  under  the  command  of  William 
Aspinwall,  who  had  been  in  those  parts  before.  Letters  of 
recommendation,  requesting  a  free  passage,  were  written  to  the 
Dutch  and  Swedish  governors  and  Richard  Collicott  was  ap- 
pointed agent  for  the  company.^^ 

The  "  pinnace  was  well  manned  and  furnished  with  provisions 
and  trading  stuff."  The  commander  was  to  sail  up  the  Dela- 
ware as  far  as  he  could,  then  he  should  proceed  in  small  skiffs 
and  try  to  gain  access  to  the  "  great  lake."  The  English  seem 
to  have  left  Boston  about  the  end  of  April  or  in  the  beginning 
of  May.^'''  On  arriving  at  New  Amsterdam  it  is  said  that  Gov- 
ernor Kleft  gave  them  permission  to  pass  "  freely  and  fully," 
*'  but  for  maintaining  his  own  interests  he  must  protest  against 
them,"  and  as  Governor  Printz  had  expressed  sincere  friendship 

*^  Winthrop,  II.  i6o.  The  members  of  the  company  were  Valentine  Hill, 
■Captain  Robert  Sedgwick,  Mr.  William  Tinge  (treasurer),  Mr.  Frank  Norton, 
Mr.  Thomas  Clark,  Josua  Hewes  and  William  Aspinwall.  Rec.  of  Mass.,  II.  60. 
The  charter  is  printed  in  Rec.  of  Mass.,  II.  60. 

^  Rec.  of  Mass.,  II.  60. 

"  "  Sometimes  agent  for  the  companie  of  adventurars  for  the  lake  Lyconnia." 
Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  II.  15. 

"  Winthrop's  letter  of  recommendation  to  Printz  is  dated  April  22,  1644. 


39^  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

for  the  English,  there  appeared  to  be  no  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
the  expedition/^ 

Printz,  however,  was  much  concerned  over  the  activity  of  the 
English  Puritans  and  he  used  all  his  tact  and  skill  in  preventing 
their  plans,  without  openly  breaking  with  them.  In  his  report 
of  June  (ii)  20,  1644,  he  says:  "But  how  hard  the  Puritans 
have  laid  on  my  neck  and  still  lay,  can  be  ascertained  from  the 
enclosed  documents,  I  can  hardly  believe  that  I  will  get  rid  of 
them  in  a  friendly  manner."  When  he  was  informed  of  the 
approach  of  the  Aspinwall  expedition  he  sent  secretly  to  the 
Dutch  commissary  at  Fort  Nassau  and  requested  him  not  to 
let  the  vessel  pass,  since  he  thought  that  the  object  of  the  Eng- 
lish was  to  proceed  up  the  river,  build  a  fort  at  the  most  nor- 
therly limits  of  New  Sweden  and  from  there  monopolize  the 
entire  beaver  trade  of  the  Delaware.  This  precaution  was  un- 
necessary for  Governor  Kieft  had  sent  an  order  to  Jan  Jansen, 
instructing  him  "  rather  to  sink  the  English  ship  than  to  let  it 
pass  the  fort." 

The  pinnace  arrived  in  the  Delaware  about  the  end  of  May 
or  the  beginning  of  June.  As  the  English  came  in  front  of 
Fort  Elfsborg,  on  a  Sunday,  a  shot  was  fired  at  them  and 
Lieutenant  Sven  Skute  went  on  board  the  pinnace,  forcing  them 
to  fall  lower  down  and  weigh  anchor.  Aspinwall  delivered 
his  letter  of  recommendation  and  complained  to  Governor 
Printz,  who  acknowledged  that  the  lieutenant  had  done  ill  in 
his  treatment  of  them  "  and  promised  all  favors."  Printz 
issued  a  passport  for  the  ship  and  gave  the  English  leave  to 
proceed,  if  they  would  not  trade  with  the  Indians.  He  also 
appointed  one  of  his  subjects  to  go  with  Aspinwall  as  far  as 
Fort  Nassau,  but  the  Dutch  would  not  let  them  pass.  It  seems 
that  Jansen  had  been  able  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the  master 
of  the  pinnace,  for  Winthrop"*^  attributed  part  of  the  ill  success 

"Winthrop,  H.  160-1,  178-9;  Hubbard,  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VL 
442  ff. 

"  Winthrop  says  that  the  English  did  not  dare  to  leave  the  vessel  to  proceed 
up  the  river  in  a  small  boat  for  fear  "  he  would  in  his  drunkenness  have  betrayed 
their  goods,  etc.,  to  the  Dutch." 


.^^y^yyt-^ 


^ji^^i.4^'tx*^n/r       U^t 


Cw? 


►/^-4/rV    ^■'»<-t 


r-v-*A    ♦^V'-^r  -/f-t-fn   1rp^r^t.*M^    <ji^  ^  -'*^^ 


C,/x,t^*f    i\.-i\~ii  u*-t  t^f>*ti 


Copy  of  Governor  Winthrop's  letter  to  Governor  Printz  (April  22,  1644)  with  re- 
mark by  Printz.     Original  preserved  in  X.  vS.  I.  (R.  A.).  Stockholm. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         397 

of  the  expedition  to  his  drunkenness  and  compliance  with  the 
Dutch  and  Swedes.^** 

The  pinnace  was  therefore  compelled  to  return  to  Boston 
"with  loss  of  its  voyage. "^^  The  company  was  ruined,  the 
whole  stock  of  the  members,  "which  was  at  least  £700,  was 
wasted  and  their  design,  overthrown."  Action  was  brought 
against  the  master  of  the  vessel  and  "  they  recovered  £200  of 
him,  which  was  too  much,"  adds  Winthrop,  "  for  it  was  very 
probable  they  could  not  have  proceeded. "^^ 

As  the  pinnace  was  about  to  leave  New  Sweden  Governor 
Printz  wrote  a  letter  to  Governor  Winthrop,  dated  June  29, 
1644,^^  expressing  high  regards  for  the  English  governor  and 
stating  that  his  letter  in  Aspinwall's  behalf  had  been  of  great 
service.  With  this  the  incident  closed  as  far  as  the  Swedes  were 
concerned,  but  it  is  often  referred  to  in  the  English  protests  and 
letters  to  the  Dutch. ^'* 

II. 

About  the  time  of  Aspinwall's  departure,  Printz  reported 
his  troubles  with  the  English  to  the  New  Sweden  Company  and 
sent  copies  of  the  two  court  proceedings  (of  July  10,  1643,  ^^'^ 
January  16,  1644)  besides  other  documents  to  impress  the 
authorities  with  the  danger  of  the  situation,  expressing  the  fear 
that  the  Puritans  would  eventually  gain  a  foothold  in  New 
Sweden,  as  they  had  done  in  New  Netherland. 

But  the  immediate  danger  was  over.  Governor  Winthrop 
had  a  high  opinion  of  the  Swedes  (reports  of  the  triumphs  of 

^"Printz's  letter  to  Winthrop,  June  29,  1644,  facsimile  in  Kidder.  A  remark 
of  Printz  on  the  copy  of  Winthrop's  letter,  June  20  (?),  1644,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ; 
Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  II.  15;  Winthrop,  II.  179;  Winthrop  (II.  187)  says  that 
the  Dutch  Governor  would  also  let  them  pass  if  they  would  not  trade  with  the 
Indians.  This,  however,  does  not  conform  to  other  sources.  Cf.  Plym.  Col.  Rec, 
Acts,  II.  14,  15. 

^^  It  is  said  that  Aspinwall  was  compelled  to  pay  40/  before  he  returned  for 
the  shot  the  Swedish  fort  had  fired  at  him.     Winthrop,  II.  179. 

=' Winthrop,  II.  179,  Hubbard,  Col.  of  Mass.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  VI.  443. 

°'The  date  given  in  Kidder  is  June  29,  but  the  copy  of  the  letter  is  dated 
"Tennakonk  20  June,  1644."  Copy  in  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  Facsimile  in  Kidder, 
also  translated  there  (reprinted  in  Penn  Mag.,  VIII.  342)  ;  Neiu  Eng.  Gen.  Reg., 
XXVIII.  42  ff.,  XXIX.  237-40. 

^Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts.,  II.  15  ff. 


398  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  having  penetrated  into  the  pioneer  settle- 
ments of  New  England,  even  "  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  the 
good  news  of  the  pro[sperou]s  success  of  the  King  of  Sweden" 
being  proclaimed  in  September,  1632),^^  and  the  friendly  let- 
ters of  Printz  tended  to  bring  about  a  more  cordial  relation 
between  New  England  and  New  Sweden.  Furthermore,  Printz 
was  soon  able  to  serve  the  English  in  a  way  that  would  leave 
them  in  no  doubt  as  to  his  good  will  towards  them  and  the 
sincerity  of  the  regards  expressed  in  his  letters  to  Governor 
Winthrop. 

In  the  fall  of  1644  a  bark  with  seven  men  was  sent  out  from 
Boston  to  trade  in  the  Delaware.  It  remained  all  the  winter 
near  the  English  plantation  at  Varkens  Kill,  but  "  in  the  spring 
it  fell  down  and  traded  three  weeks  [with  the  Indians]  and  had 
gotten  500  skins  and  some  otter."  When  the  English  were 
ready  to  leave  fifteen  Indians  came  aboard  the  vessel,  as  if  to 
trade.  "  Suddenly  they  drew  forth  hatchets  from  under  their 
coats,  killed  the  master  and  three  others,"  carried  away  a  boy 
and  the  interpreter  and  rifled  the  bark.  Printz,  having  some 
influence  with  the  sachem  of  the  savages,  prevailed  upon  him 
to  fetch  the  interpreter  and  the  murderers,  who  were  sent  to 
Boston  as  prisoners  by  a  New  Haven  bark.^^  The  English 
were  pleased  with  this  act  of  friendship,  and  in  1645,  when  they 
had  troubles  with  the  Indians,  they  tried  to  induce  Governor 
Printz  to  join  them  against  their  savage  foes,  but  he  of  course 

"On  September  20,  1632,  Governor  Winthrop  received  a  letter  from  Henry 
Jacie,  enumerating  the  successes  of  Gustavus  Adolphus.  "  The  affairs  beyond 
sea  in  Germany  are  almost  beyond  credit,  how  so  weak  a  king  as  Sweden  should 
go  on  and  prosper  and  subdue  still  so  much  against  the  mighty  emperour  and 
Spain's  forces,  maugre  all  their  malice  and  their  holy  father's  curses."  In  June, 
1632,  Francis  Kirby  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop:  "For  newes,  the  most  is  of 
the  successful  kinge  of  Sweden,  who  hath  now  taken  all  Bavaria"  {Col.  Mass. 
Hist.  So.,  3d  S.,  I.  236,  240-41;  IX.  247,  250-56;  4th  S.,  VI.  40,  45,  454-7,  486; 
Winthrop,  I.  90). 

**  Winthrop,  II.  203-4.  The  cause  of  the  murder  is  not  clear.  Had  the 
English  committed  some  injury  to  the  Indians  or  was  the  hideous  deed  committed 
out  of  mere  love  for  gain  or  thirst  for  blood  ?  The  interpreter,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  implicated  in  the  crime. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         399 

kept  aloof  from  these  quarrels  and  tried  to  be  on  friendly  terms 
with  both  sides.'*'^ 

In  1646  one  Captain  Clark  of  New  England  was  sent  to 
treat  with  the  governor  about  the  settlement  of  100  families 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Swedish  government,  but  Printz 
denied  it  "  in  a  civil  way,"  referring  the  matter  to  the  Queen, 
and  it  does  not  seem  to  have  received  further  attention  either  in 
Sweden  or  here.^^ 

In  February,  1647,  Printz  reported  that  he  had  succeeded  in 
ridding  himself  of  the  English  Puritans,  who  had  not  been 
heard  of  for  a  long  time.  This  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  Lam- 
berton  and  Aspinwall  expeditions.  It  is  not  probable  that 
Printz  disturbed  the  few  English  families  living  near  Fort  Elfs- 
borg,  as  they  were  not  able  to  cause  any  disturbance  and  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  reason  for  driving  them  away.^^  Finding 
that  their  trade  and  settlement  were  unprofitable  they  deserted 
their  homesteads  of  their  own  free  wilP*'  and  it  is  probable  that 
they  had  all  removed  from  the  river  before  1647.*'^ 

In  1647  "Sergeant  Collicott  complained  against  the  Swedes 
and  Dutch  that  they  sold  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  Indians," 
A  letter  was  sent  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  congratulating  him  on 
his  arrival  and  complaining  about  the  grievances  mentioned  by 
CoUicott,*^^  but  no  communication  seems  to  have  been  sent  to 
Printz.^2 

In  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  1648  Plowden  seems  to 
have  visited  New  Sweden  a  second  time.     "  He  was  very  much 

"Trotzig  to  Oxenstierna,  March  17,  1646;  Ox.  Saml;  Report,  1647;  Printz  to 
Brahe,  February  20,  1647. 

^^  Report,  1647.  This  matter  does  not  seem  to  be  referred  to  elsewhere.  In 
the  Plym.  Col.  Rec.  as  well  as  in  the  Neiv  Haven  Col.  Rec.  there  seem  to  be  no 
mention  of  a  Capt.  Clark.  There  is  an  entry  about  Capt.  Clark  in  Rec.  of  Mass., 
II.  283  (1649),  however.  The  name  Clerk  also  appears  in  Winthrop,  I.  101, 
386;  H.  301. 

"'Yet  we  are  informed  by  Winthrop  that  thev  were  driven  away.  Winthrop, 
XL  76. 

•"They  sold  some  of  their  property  to  the  Swedes  before  they  departed.  Ace. 
B.,  1643-8. 

^^  Report,  1647. 

'Tlym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  107  ff. 

"There  is  at  least  no  mention  of  it  in  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  107-8. 


400  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

piqued  at  the  Swedish  Governor  Johan  Printz,"  on  account  of 
some  affront  given  him,  says  a  Dutch  chronicler/^^  and  by 
Winthrop  we  are  informed  that  he  intended  to  "  plant  the 
Delaware,  if  he  could  get  sufficient  strength  to  dispossess  the 
Swedes."^^ 

The  English  of  New  Haven  did  not  give  up  their  hopes  of 
settling  on  the  South  River,  however.  In  1649  *^he  matter  was 
again  brought  before  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies. 
The  New  Haven  General  Court,  having  again  considered  the 
question,  instructed  its  representatives  to  bring  it  before  the 
commissioners  at  Boston  and  Mr.  Leach  presented  a  "  descrip- 
tion of  the  Delaware,"  dwelling  on  "the  healthfullness  of  the 
place,  the  goodness  of  the  land,  convenience  of  the  lesser  rivers 
with  the  advantage  of  a  well  ordered  trade  there."  The  com- 
missioners deliberated  on  the  advisability  of  the  proposed  plans, 
but  it  was  determined  not  to  send  an  expedition  at  public  ex- 
pense, since  there  were  not  enough  men  for  the  plantations 
already  occupied  by  the  English.  Anyone  had  a  right  to  go 
there  at  his  own  risk,  however,  and  the  New  Haven  merchants 
were  allowed  to  improve  and  plant  their  lands  as  they  saw  fit. 
Rumors  of  these  activities  reached  Governor  Stuyvesant  and 
presumably  Governor  Printz,  who  seems  to  have  written  to  the 
governor  of  the  Massachusetts  colony  in  the  autumn,  for  in  the 
records  of  this  colony  we  find  that  "  writings  from  and  concern- 
ing the  Swedes  "  were  discussed  by  the  court  at  its  meeting  on 
October  19,   1649.*^*^ 

Plowden,  having  returned  to  England  in  1648,  caused  a  De- 
scription of  New  Alhion^^^  to  be  published  and  made  other 
efforts  in  behalf  of  "  his  colony  "  and  its  settlement.  Two 
years  later  it  seems  that  he  had  actually  succeeded  in  finding 
colonists  willing  to  go  to  the  South  River  to  settle  under  his 

^Vertoogh  van  N.  N.,  etc.,  1650,  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  2d  S.,  H.  279. 

"'  Winthrop,  H.  p.  325. 

**  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  140-41 ;  Doc,  Xll.  52 ;  Rec.  of  Mass.,  III.  179. 

^^  For  a  discussion  of  the  Description,  its  authorship,  etc.,  see  Penington,  An 
Exam,  of  Beauchamp  Plantagenet's  Descrip.  of  the  Prov.  of  Neiv  Albion,  Mem.  of 
Penn.  Hist.  So.,  IV.  pt.  i,  pp.  133  ff. ;  Keen  in  Winsor's  Nar.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  III. 
460  ff.    (and  references  given  there)  ;   Winsor,  Nar.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  IV.  437  ff. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.         401 

"charter"  and  on  March  21  (1650)  the  council  of  State  de- 
cided "that  the  petition  of  the  Earl  of  New  Albion  relating  to 
the  plantation  there  be  referred  to  the  consideration  of  the 
committee  of  this  council."  A  few  days  later  the  council  re- 
solved that  the  matter  "  be  referred  to  the  committee  for  plan- 
tations or  any  three  of  them  to  confer  with  the  Earl  of  Albion 
concerning  the  giving  good  security  to  this  council,  that  the 
men,  arms  and  ammunition,  which  he  hath  now  shipped  in 
order  to  [prepare]  his  voyage  to  New  Albion  shall  go  thither 
and  shall  not  be  employed  either  there  or  elsewhere  to  the 
disservice  of  the  [Re] public"  and  on  June  11  a  pass  was 
"granted  for  Mr.  .  .  .  Batt  and  Mr.  .  .  .  Danby,  themselves 
and  seven  more  persons,  men,  women  and  children,  to  go  to 
New  Albion. "^^^  It  is  possible  that  Plowden  was  foiled  in  his 
attempts  by  the  activity  of  the  New  England  planters  Interested 
In  the  Delaware,  who  might  have  Influenced  the  council  against 
him  (Edward  Lloyd  stated  in  1654  that  Plowden  was  hindered 
by  the  English  from  taking  possession  of  the  country),  for  It 
appears  that  his  expedition  was  never  sent,  at  least  it  did  not 
reach  the  Delaware.^^'' 

In  August,  1650,  Printz  wrote  that  the  English  Puritans 
bothered  him  no  more.*^"^  It  appears  from  Dutch  documents 
that  there  was  some  trouble  with  the  English  on  the  Delaware 
or  in  the  south,  about  this  time,  but  the  nature  of  this  trouble 
cannot  now  be  understood.*^^ 

The  New  Haven  Delaware  Company,  although  meeting  op- 
position on  every  hand,  did  not  relinquish  Its  claims  on  the  South 
River,  and  in  September,  1650,  the  members  again  argued  their 
case.     It  was  also  proposed  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  that  the 

^"Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  Pub.  F.  S.  (1869),  IL  221-2;  Winthrop,  IL  325. 

'''  Cf.  below,  Chap.  XLVI.  n.  5. 

^'Printz  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1650. 

^  "  I  cannot  quite  comprehend,  what  your  Honor  mentions  in  regard  to  the 
discontent  of  the  English,  for  I  am  indeed  not  conscious  that  any  troubles  have 
occurred  between  [us]  and  the  English  or  between  the  English  and  the  [Swedes] 
nor  when  they  happened,  whether  on  the  South  River  or  thereabouts  or  in  Mary- 
land or  that  neighborhood."  Letter  from  Stuyvesant  to  Hudde,  June  21,  1650, 
Doc,  XIL  65. 
27 


402  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

boundaries  be  settled  in  a  friendly  manner,  either  here  or  in 
Europe  by  the  two  states  of  Holland  and  England.  Stuyvesant 
pretended  to  be  friendly  to  the  proposal  and  he  even  promised 
to  allow  the  English  to  "  improve  their  just  interest  In  the  Dela- 
ware In  planting  and  trading  as  they  should  see  cause. ""^  On 
this  assurance  the  New  Haven  people  again  prepared  to  settle 
there.  About  fifty  persons  prepared  to  go  and  a  vessel  was 
fitted  out  In  the  early  part  of  1651.  Provisions  were  provided 
and  letters  were  written  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  "  to  prevent 
jealousies  [and]  to  assure  him  of  the  Englishes  peaceable  and 
righteous  intentions  and  proceedings."^*^  No  letters  appear  to 
have  been  sent  to  Governor  Printz;  perhaps  it  was  not  deemed 
necessary  on  account  of  his  former  friendly  letters  and  assur- 
ances. The  ship  left  New  Haven  in  March  with  the  Intention 
of  touching  at  New  Amsterdam,  but  as  soon  as  Stuyvesant  be- 
came aware  of  their  project  he  sent  a  protest  to  the  governor 
of  New  Haven  "before  the  English  were  arrived  at  the  Man- 
hatoes,  though  after  their  departure  from  New  Haven,"  and 
*' threaten  [ed]  force  of  arms  and  martial  opposition  even  to 
bloodshed  against"  them  unless  they  desist  from  their  undertak- 
ing. They  were  thus  compelled  to  give  up  their  voyage  and 
return  to  New  Haven  "  with  very  great  loss  and  damage."  On 
their  return  they  complained  about  their  ill  treatment.  A  letter 
was  sent  to  the  Court  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  June,  in  which 
the  New  Haven  people  requested  aid  "  in  settling  a  plantation 
at  [the]  Delaware  against  such  as  do  oppose  them,"  but  the 
court  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  grant  such  a  request  and 
would  "  have  no  hand  in  any  such  controvercy."'^^ 

The  New  England  merchants  now  tried  another  course. 
Governor  Eaton  wrote  "  at  large  "  to  E.  WInslow  In  London, 

^^ Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  i88  ff;  IL  21:  "Both  p[ar]ties  by  the  award  being 
expressly  left  to  Improve  theire  Just  interest  in  Delaware  in  planting  and  tradinge, 
as  they  should  see  cause,  and  advise  given  by  all  the  Arbetrators  Joyntly  that 
all  proceedings  there  should  be  carried  on  in  love  and  peace  as  in  other  places." 

'"' Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  199;  II.  21.  "At  least  50  of  the  New  Haven 
Jurisdiction  were  on  their  way  to  plant  there"  (I.  199). 

''^  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  199,  214;  II.  21;  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Court  Orders, 
II.  169   (June  5,  1651)  ;  Hazard,  Hist.  Col.,  I.  554. 


Political  Relation  with  the  English.        403 

setting  forth  their  just  title  to  parts  of  the  Delaware  and  com- 
plaining of  the  injuries  suffered  at  the  hands  of  both  the  Swedes 
and  the  Dutch,  especially  those  sustained  in  the  spring  of  1651. 
A  little  later,  the  same  year,  the  commissioners  of  the  Court  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  also  wrote  to  Winslow  about  the  matter,  as 
another  petition  had  been  presented  to  them  in  the  autumn  of 
1 65  I,  most  likely  repeating  the  oft-mentioned  injuries  and  per- 
haps especially  dwelling  on  Governor  Stuyvesant's  last  injustice 
to  the  New  Haven  planters.  In  this  letter  they  desired  to 
know  "  what  esteem  the  old  Patents  for  that  place  [the  Dela- 
ware] have  with  the  Parliament,  or  Council  of  State,  where 
there  hath  been  no  improvement  hitherto  made  by  the  Patentees, 
whether  the  Parliament  hath  granted  any  late  Patents,  or 
whether  in  granting  [any  such]  they  reserve  not  liberty  and 
encouragement  for  such  as  have  or  shall  have  plant [ed]  upon 
their  formerly  duly  purchased  lands."  The  commissioners  at 
Boston  further  considered  the  question  at  their  meeting  in  Sep- 
tember and  a  letter  was  written  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  pro- 
testing against  his  actions. ^^  In  answer  to  the  New  Haven 
petitioners,  the  court  resolved  that  at  present,  at  least,  it  was 
better  to  suffer  some  injuries  and  affronts  than  to  begin  open 
hostilities;  yet  if  the  New  Haven  people  within  the  following 
year  should  decide  to  try  again  to  settle  in  the  Delaware  at  their 
own  expense  and  transport  thither  100  or  150  well  armed  men, 
"with  a  meet  vessel  or  vessels  and  ammunition  fit  for  such  an 
enterprise,"  and  their  magistrates  would  allow  and  approve  such 
actions,  then,  in  case  the  Dutch  or  Swedes  oppose  them,  "  whiles 
they  carry  themselves  peaceably,"  they  would  be  at  liberty  to 
call  for  aid  and  assistance  from  the  other  jurisdictions,  but  all 
expenses  and  charges  for  such  aid  should  be  borne  by  the 
planters  and  the  lands  and  trade  with  the  Indians  should  be 
considered  a  bond  for  the  correct  payment  of  such  debts. '^ 
These  conditions  were  too  severe  to  be  accepted.     The  pros- 

''^Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  199,  214-15. 

''^  Plym.  Col.  Rec,  Acts,  I.  213-14.  For  protests  and  counter  protests  of  the 
English  and  Dutch  in  reference  to  the  Delaware  during  this  period,  see  Plym. 
Col.  Rec,  Acts,  U.  13  ff.,  17  ff.,  21  ff.,  32,  59,  63,  72,  etc.;  Doc,  XH. 


404  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

pect  of  gain  was  not  great  enough  for  such  a  risk  and  nothing 
seems  to  have  been  done  in  the  matter.^^ 

The  report  of  these  proceedings  was  of  course  carried  to 
Printz,  and  he  wrote  to  the  chancellor  in  August,  1651,  that 
he  was  "  not  secure  from  the  North  English  a  single  day,"  but 
no  attempts  at  settlements  were  made  during  1652  and  1653 
and  Governor  Printz  was  allowed  to  manage  his  little  colony 
without  interference  from  the  English.'^^  Troubles  with  the 
Dutch,  however,  were  now  causing  Printz  much  concern.  It  is 
the  rise  and  progress  of  these  troubles  we  are  to  follow  in  the 
next  chapter. 

"  In  May  a  witch  was  accused  of  being  "  able  to  say  something  about  Dela- 
ware Bay,"  N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  XL  31. 

"Printz  to  Oxenstierna  and  Brahe,  August  i,  1651.  Ox.  Saml,  Skokl.  Saml. 
(R.A.). 


1''^'    L'l 


mm 


CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

Relations  with  the  Dutch,  i 643-1 653. 

I. 

We  have  seen  that  Printz  was  advised  to  keep  peace  with  the 
English  as  far  as  possible.  In  a  lengthy  paragraph  of  his  In- 
struction he  was  also  admonished  to  "  keep  neighbourly  friend- 
ship with  the  Hollanders  at  Fort  Nassau  and  with  those  who 
dwell  on  the  North  River  at  Manhattan  or  New  Amsterdam," 
and  in  no  wise  to  disturb  them  in  their  possessions  on  the  South 
River.  He  was  required  to  meet  the  agents  and  stockholders 
of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  with  gentleness  and  good 
reason  and  show  them  the  just  intentions  of  Her  Royal  Majesty 
and  the  rights  of  the  Swedes,  but  he  was  also  cautioned  to  be 
well  prepared  with  the  best  means  that  circumstances  would 
allow  and  seek  to  repel  force  by  force,  if  it  should  be  necessary. 
No  specific  rules  could  be  laid  down  for  him  to  follow,  since 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  and  local  conditions 
were  necessary  for  the  treatment  of  the  particular  cases  and  he 
was  given  full  authority  to  do  what  he  considered  best.^     On 

'Instruction,  R.R.  August  15,  1642,  §7;  Acrelius,  p.  20  ff.  The  paragraph  is 
as  follows: 

"  Nu  ahr  fuller  inthet  till  tuifla,  at  de  af  Hollendiskie  West-Indianiske  Cam- 
pagniet  [conopagnier  in  R.  Reg.,  fol.  933]  ju  skole  soka  och  wete  tillagna  sigh 
denne  berorde  orth  och  stycke  landh,  der  dee  Engliskee  hafwe  sigh  nederlatet  och, 
uthan  twifwel,  ofwanbemelte  hele  Ostre  sijdan  aff  Store  Sodre  Revieret,  och  det 
sa  raycket  mehra  och  heller,  som  deras  fort  eller  Skantz  Nassau,  hwilken  [Hwilkee 
in  R.R.  fol.  933]  de  medh  20  Man  omtrandt  halle  besatt,  intet  widt  derifran  pa 
sanome  Ostre  sijdan  af  detta  Revieret  ahr  belagen:  Efter  som  de  och  ickee  mindre 
gohre  praetension  pa  hele  Westre  sijdan  af  mehrbemelte  Sodre  Revier,  och 
saledes  pa  allt  thet,  sora  ware  undersatere  hafwe  taget  i  possession,  formenandes 
sigh  genom  deres  fort  Nassau  hafwe  begrepit,  och  hartill  ar  behallet  possessionen 
af  heele  Sodre  Revieret  och  alle  dee  landskap,  som  pa  bade  sijder  om  samma 
Revier  ahre  belagne:  Derfore  dhe  och  emoth  thet  forbem:  te  Kongl.  Maij:tz 
Undersatere  hafwe  begynt  at  besittia  och  bebyggia,  hafwa  inwandt  protester  och 
sa  widt  dem  hafwer  stadt  till  giora  aldrigh  welat  tillatha  och  forunna  dem 
Ware  at  fahra  Sodre  Revieret  oppwarts,  deres  Skantz  Nassau  forbi.      Fordenskull 

405 


4o6  The  Swedish  SettlExMEnts  on  the  Delaware. 

account  of  his  troubles  with  the  English,  Printz  sought  the 
friendship  of  the  Dutch,  who  reciprocated  his  advances,  as  It  was 
also  to  their  advantage  that  the  former  be  kept  out  of  the  river. 
They  had  already  caused  trouble  on  the  northern  boundaries  of 
New  Netherland  and  their  intrusions  on  the  South  River  tended 
to  restrict  the  territory  of  the  Dutch  colony  and  might  form  a 
basis  for  future  operations  of  a  more  dangerous  kind.  For  this 
reason  it  was  important  for  the  Dutch  to  keep  out  the  English 
even  through  the  aid  of  the  Swedes;  for  this  reason  also  the 
Dutch  and  Swedes  were  apparently  on  terms  of  friendship  be- 
fore Printz  arrived,  particularly  since  the  Dutch  force  In  the 
river  was  very  small,  only  twenty  men  being  stationed  at  Fort 
Nassau.     Printz  was  a  shrewd  diplomat,  as  we  have  already 

skall  och  Gouverneuren  wetta  samma  Hollendske  West-Indianiske  Compagnies 
participanter  och  deres  betiante  tilborligen  at  moota  och  medh  lempa  och  fogh  dera 
remonstrera  Kongl.  Maij  :tz  och  dess  Undersathares  heruthinnan  rattmatigen 
fordee  Intention,  narabligen,  at  man  herigenom  intet  hafwer  sockt  eller  sooker 
annat  ahn  frij  ofningh  af  Commercierne,  at  Kongl.  Maij  :tz  Undersatere  hade 
den  landzorthen,  som  dee  hade  intaget  och  bebygga  begj'nt,  af  rattmatige 
egendombz  Herrerne  ordentligen  wijs  till  sigh  erhandlat,  derfore  dee  och  Kongl. 
Maij  :t  eller  dess  Undersather  icke  kunne,  Uthan  ofog,  sigh  emothsattia  eller  i 
deres  possession,  uthan  stort  [in  R.R.  the  word  is  written  stort]  forfang,  soke  till 
turbera.  Skulle  och  samme  Hollendske  Compagnier  emoth  all  battre  forhopning 
late  sigh  formarkia  nagon  hostilitet  och  fiendtlige  attentater,  sasom  icke  annars 
will  sigh  skicka  i  denne  saken  an  at  man  ahr  i  detta  fallet  betankt  och  forsedd 
pa  medel  haremoth  sa  godhe  och  lagenhethen  kan  tillatha,  och  sadant  wald 
medh  wald  soker  tillstyra.  Altsa  och  emedan  detta  icke  mindre  ahnn  annat  in 
loco  bast  ar  till  dijudicera  och  afsij,  dy  steller  och  Kongl.  Maij  :t  i  Gouverneurcns 
discretion  sadan  olegenhet  forst  medh  goda  och  medh  fbrmaningar,  men  der  dhe 
intet  wele  galla,  da  medh  skarpo,  efter  basta  forstand,  at  afstalla  alt  till  Kongl. 
Maij  :tz  samt  participanternes  basta  och  respect.  Men  huar  sadanne  olagenheter 
icke  opkomme,  som  man  och  will  formodha  at  skole  blifwa  tillbaka,  och  Kongl. 
Maj  :tz  sampt  dess  Undersatare  blifwa  oturberadhe  i  dhet  de  pa  rattmatigt  wijs 
hafwa  brackt  i  sin  possession,  da  skall  Gouverneuren  deremoth  halla  godh  wan- 
och  naboeskap  medh  bem:  te  Hollenske  pa  forten  Nassau  och  medh  dem,  som 
halla  sigh  oppe  och  boo  widh  Nordh  Revieret  pa  Manhatans  eller  Nye  Amster- 
damb:  jemwal  och  medh  de  Engliske,  som  boo  uthi  landet  Virginia,  Och  ingen 
af  them  nagot  intrangh  giora  och  tilfogha  i  det  de  warkeligen  besittia. 
Isynnerhet,  efter  dy  dhee  angrantzande  Engliske  uthur  Virginien  aliareda  hafwe 
begynt  at  giora  Kongl.  Maj  :tz  Undersater  i  Nye  Swerige  allehanda  nyttige 
tilforsler,  hafwe  sigh  och  tillbudit  at  wela  them  widare  for  billig  betallning 
tilkomma  latha  hwad  ware  begiare  i  Boskaps  och  Sades  korn ;  Hwarfore  skall 
Gouverneuren  samme  medh  dem  Engliske  pabekynte  correspondencer  och  com- 
merciernes  frije  och  oturberade  lopp  och  ofningh  soka  till  continuere  och  dem 
mesnagere  Kongl.  Maj:t  och  mehrbem:te  des  Undersatere  till  nytto  och  fordeel. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  407 

seen,  and  he  expressed  himself  In  the  highest  terms  of  friend- 
ship and  good  will  towards  them.  Secretly,  however,  he  dis- 
trusted them  and  foresaw  that  trouble  was  sure  to  come.  When 
he  arrived  Willem  Kieft  protested  against  the  Swedes  and 
claimed  the  entire  river  for  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 
Printz  In  turn  refuted  these  claims  "  with  as  good  reason  as  he 
could  and  knew  how  "  and  the  Dutch  governor  finally  dropped 
the  "  protesting."^ 

Kieft  occasionally  wrote  to  Gov.  Printz,  Informing  him  of 
news  from  Sweden,  Holland  and  other  European  countries,  and 
it  is  likely  that  the  latter  acknowledged  these  communications. 
None  of  these  letters  are  now  known  to  be  extant;  but  we  have 
a  copy  of  a  Latin  letter  written.  May  30,  1643,  introducing 
Hendrick  Huygen  and  Chrlster  Boije  and  from  this  we  may 
conclude  that  the  relations  between  the  two  governors  were 
most  cordial.  Jan  Jansen,  the  commander  at  Fort  Nassau,  was 
likewise  on  good  terms  with  the  Swedes.  He  was  one  of  the 
commissioners,  who  sat  In  the  court  which  tried  Lamberton, 
and  he  joined  readily  in  all  actions  undertaken  against  the 
English.^ 

In  spite  of  this  friendship  Printz  complained  that  the  Dutch 
did  not  have  proper  respect  for  Her  Royal  Majesty's  power, 
usurped  as  much  as  they  were  able  with  all  authority  and  advan- 
tage and  carried  on  their  trade  without  restraint.  They  traded 
at  Fort  Nassau  and  on  the  Schuylkill  under  commission  from 
the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  private  Hollanders  without 
such  a  commission  being  liable  to  have  their  goods  and  ships 
confiscated."*  They  were  allowed  to  pass  freely  up  and  down 
the  river,  being  required,  however,  to  strike  their  flag  before 
the  Swedish  forts.     Printz  could  easily  have  prevented  them 

*  Letter  to  Brahe,  April  12,  1643;  Report,  1644. 

^Report,  1644,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.)  ;  Odhner,  N.S.,  pp.  30-31:  Letter  to  Kieft,  May 
30,  1643,  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.).  Printz  also  writes:  "The  Dutch  have  been  on  friendly 
terms  with  us  since  I  came  here,  especially  their  commander  at  Manhattan, 
Willem  Kieft,"  Report,  1644. 

*  In  the  early  part  of  1644  Loockermans  was  trading  in  the  river  and  on 
March  23  a  protest  was  delivered  to  him,  forbidding  him  to  trade  "  at  the  Com- 
pany's customary  trading  post  ...  on  the  South  River." 


4o8  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

entirely  from  going  up  the  Delaware  by  Fort  Elfsborg,  but  he 
had  no  instructions  to  keep  them  out  nor  to  hinder  them  in  their 
trade.  He  also  endeavored  not  to  offend  the  Dutch  in  his  deal- 
ings with  the  Indians  and  he  managed  to  erect  a  trading  post 
on  the  Schuylkill,  where  he  conducted  an  extensive  beaver  trade, 
without  exciting  the  ire  of  his  neighbors.  "At  times  they 
loosened  their  tongues  and  protested  vigorously  against  these 
encroachments,"  but  it  never  went  beyond  words.  The  Dutch 
did  not  consider  themselves  strong  enough  to  drive  out  the 
Swedes  and  besides  the  two  nations  in  Europe  were  on  friendly 
terms.^ 

In  1643  ^^^  again  in  1644  Governor  Printz  asked  for  more 
definite  instructions  in  regard  to  the  Dutch,  but  such  were  not 
sent  him.  As  soon  as  there  was  no  danger  from  the  English 
he  observed  less  caution  in  his  dealings  with  his  nearest  neigh- 
bors, but  while  Jan  Jansen  continued  in  command  at  Fort  Nas- 
sau the  relations  between  the  rival  settlements  remained  friendly 
and  no  complications  occurred.  For  form's  sake  the  Dutch 
commissary  protested  against  the  activities  of  Printz  and  noth- 
ing further  was  done.  Printz  went  on  building  blockhouses  and 
extended  his  Indian  trade,  paying  no  heed  to  the  Dutch  protests. 
The  little  Dutch  garrison  of  twenty  remained  about  the  same. 
Jan  Jansen  did  not  try  to  extend  the  territory  of  the  West 
India  Company  and  Governor  Kieft  was  satisfied  with  the 
limits  of  his  colony,  giving  Printz  little  cause  for  complaint. 
But  complaints  against  Kieft's  leniency  in  his  treatment  of  the 
Swedes  began  to  be  heard  in  Holland  and  he  was  accused  of 
allowing  the  Swedes  to  usurp  the  South  River.  Other  things 
also  foreboded  a  change  in  the  Dutch  regime  on  the  Delaware.^ 

II. 

The  change  came  in  1645.  J^^  Jansen  was  accused  of  fraud 
in  September  and  on  October  2(12)  Hudde  was  appointed  his 
successor.     The  latter  arrived  at  the  fort  on  November  i  (11), 

'^Report,  1644,  §16;  cf.  Instruction,  1642. 

'Doc,  XU.  25,  37;  Report,  1647;  cf.  the  "  Vertoogh" 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  409 

1645,  and  now  begins  a  new  era  in  the  Dutch-Swedish  relations 
in  America.  Printz  received  no  further  orders  from  Sweden 
concerning  the  Dutch,  but  his  instruction  required  him  to  keep 
intact  the  territory  bought  by  his  predecessors  and  to  allow  them 
only  to  remain  on  their  present  territory  at  Fort  Nassau.  When 
therefore  the  Dutch  began  to  make  further  settlements  on  the 
South  River  and  on  territory  belonging  to  Sweden,  through 
purchases  from  the  Indians,  and  when  they  tried  to  extend  their 
trade  beyond  their  old  trading  posts,  Printz,  as  an  officer  of  the 
Swedish  government,  was  justified  in  trying  to  hinder  them. 

Hudde  was  a  more  active  and  aggressive  commissary  than 
Jansen,  and  Kieft  now  showed  more  concern  about  the  trading 
posts  on  the  South  River.  The  Dutch  were  therefore  very  suc- 
cessful in  their  Indian  trade  at  this  time,  greatly  to  the  disad- 
vantage of  the  Swedes.  They  were  allowed  to  truck  at  the 
"usual  place  in  the  Schuylkill,"  but  they  were  not  satisfied  with 
this;  they  endeavored  to  establish  new  trading  places  and  paid 
no  heed  to  the  Swedish  protests  regarding  their  inland  traffic."^ 

In  June,  1645,  ^  sloop  called  the  Sea-Horse  under  command 
of  Jurrian  Blanck  was  sent  to  Fort  Nassau.  Hudde  ordered 
him  to  proceed  to  the  Schuylkill  and  wait  there  for  the  Minquas. 
When  Printz  became  aware  of  this,  he  at  once  notified  the  Dutch 
that  they  must  leave  at  once,  as  the  territory  belonged  to  the 
Crown  of  Sweden.  Hudde,  being  informed  of  the  matter,  went 
there  to  inquire  about  it.  On  his  arrival  the  same  message  was 
given  to  him  and  one  of  the  clergymen^  brought  orders  that  if 
the  vessel  was  still  in  the  Schuylkill  it  must  leave  without  delay. 
Hudde  protested  against  this,  requested  to  see  the  governor's 
instructions  and  reminded  the  messenger  of  the  friendship  of 
the  two  nations  and  the  allegiance  between  their  High  Mighti- 
ness and  Her  Royal  Majesty.  Governor  Printz  then  sent  Hend- 
rick  Huygen  and  his  bookkeeper  Karl  Jansson  with  certain 
written  articles  to  which  he  demanded  an  answer.     In  these 

''Ace.  B.,  1643-48. 

*  There  Avere  two  preachers  in  the  country  at  the  time.  It  is  therefore  not 
possible  to  say  which  one  is  meant.  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  however,  that  it 
was  Fluviander  and  not  Campanius  as  Fernow  suggests  and  as  others  have  stated. 


4IO  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

articles  the  governor  desired  to  know  the  extent  and  limits  of 
the  Dutch  claims,  how  these  could  be  proven  and  in  what  respect 
he  had  offended  Hudde.  He  further  protested  against  the 
actions  of  the  Dutch  commissary,  maintaining  that  he  had 
tampered  with  the  Indians  brought  into  the  Schuylkill  at  the 
expense  of  the  Swedish  Crown,  that  he  had  ordered  Blanck  to 
force  his  way  up  the  river  in  order  to  fasten  his  bark  to  the 
bridge,  that  he  had  without  any  cause  taken  up  arms  against 
the  Swedes  and  that  he  had  treated  the  protests  and  messages 
of  Printz  with  disrespect,  saying  that  he  would  stay  in  the  river 
and  see  who  could  drive  him  away.  To  these  questions  and 
protests  Hudde  answered  that  the  documents,  referring  to  the 
limits  and  the  ownership  of  the  lands  in  the  Schuylkill,  were 
deposited  at  New  Amsterdam  and  as  to  the  other  things  he  was 
entirely  innocent,^ 

Blanck  paid  little  attention  to  the  protests  of  the  Swedish 
governor  and  did  not  depart.  Consequently  another  messenger 
was  sent  by  Printz  June  2 1 ,  with  a  new  "  protest,"  dated  the  pre- 
vious day,^°  in  which  Blanck  was  warned  not  to  molest  her 
Majesty's  subjects  any  further  nor  to  remain  in  the  Schuylkill 
"forcibly  and  against  his  commission."  He  was  ordered  to 
leave  immediately  on  pain  of  having  goods  and  vessel  confis- 
cated, but  he  was  given  permission  to  stay  at  the  usual  place  of 
trading.  Blanck  took  the  warning  and  departed,  since  Hudde 
could  give  him  no  assurance  of  protection. ^^  The  Dutch  com- 
missary at  Fort  Nassau  lost  no  time  in  reporting  the  occurrences 
to  his  superior  in  New  Amsterdam  and  on  July  2  he  advised 
Kieft  of  the  troubles,  also  proposing  means  for  continuing  the 
Indian  trade. 

About  the  same  time  matters  were  further  complicated 
through  the  activities  of  the  Dutch.     There  had  been  reports 

''Doc,  xn.  30  ff. 

"The  date  of  the  protest  as  given  in  Hudde's  Report  is  June  20  (o.s.),  1646, 
but  Hudde  states  that  it  was  delivered  on  July  i  (n.s.),  Hazard  keeps  the  dates 
without  comment  and  thus  leaves  the  impression  that  the  protest  was  delivered 
eleven  days  after  it  was  written.      Hazard,  84-86. 

^  Doc,  XII.  31-2;  Doc,  I.  Hazard  refers  to  this  incident  twice,  the  second 
time  under  June,  1649,  misled  by  Hoi.  Doc,  III.  59.     Hazard,  84-6,  117. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  411 

circulated  of  gold  mines  along  the  Delaware,  and  several  at- 
tempts were  made  to  discover  the  precious  metal.  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1646  Hudde  was  ordered  to  ascend  the  river  and  make 
further  search  for  minerals.  Specimens  had  been  presented  and 
"  the  hope  of  success  was  good."  Hudde  prepared  an  expedi- 
tion and  sailed  up  the  river  to  Sankikan,  from  where  he  in- 
tended to  proceed  to  the  great  falls.  But  Printz,  being  aware 
of  the  expedition,  informed  an  Indian  chief,  called  Meekrat,^^ 
living  near  Tinicum  Island,  that  the  Dutch  were  about  to  build 
a  fort  at  the  great  falls  and  that  250  men  would  come  from 
Manhattan  with  the  purpose  of  killing  all  the  Indians  in  the 
river.  He  further  added  that  the  Dutch  would  send  a  vessel  up 
the  river  to  reconnoitre  before  the  soldiers  arrived  and  that  two 
Indians  would  be  killed  to  obtain  a  pretext  for  beginning  hos- 
tilities. When,  therefore,  Hudde  arrived  at  Sankikan  he  was 
watched  by  the  savages  and  was  not  allowed  to  proceed, 
although  he  tried  to  do  so  "by  various  devices."^^ 

No  further  troubles  are  mentioned  in  the  extant  documents 
during  the  summer,  but  in  the  autumn  the  relations  between  the 
two  rivals  became  very  strained.  On  August  10,  1646,  a 
hundred  morgens  of  land  were  granted  to  Abraham  Planck, 
Simon  Root,  Jan  Andriesson  and  Pieter  Harmensen.  The  land 
was  situated  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  "  obliquely  opposite 
a  little  island  called  Vogele  Sant"^^  and  it  was  given  to  them 
on  the  condition  that  they  establish  four  boweries  there  and 
improve  and  cultivate  the  lands  within  one  year  of  the  grant  or 
earlier.  They  were  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  "the  Noble 
Lords  Directors  as  their  Lords  and  Masters  under  the  sov- 
ereignty of  their  High  Mightinesses,"  and  their  title  would  be 
lost  if  they  should  abandon  the  land.  More  land  would  be 
granted  them  later  in  case  of  need.^^     Acrelius  states  that  they 

^^This  may  be  either  a  translation  of  an  Indian  name  into  Swedish  or  Dutch. 
If  Swedish  it  would  be  properly  written  "  Markatta,"  monkey;  if  Dutch  it  would 
be  "  Meerkat,"  monkey. 

^^Doc,  XII.  32. 

^*  Either  Egg  or  Reedy  Island.  Doc,  XII.  27,  note;  Hazard,  87;  Delaware 
Reg.,  I.  8. 

^^Doc,  XII.  27-8;  Hazard,  87-8;  Albany  Records,  Patents,  N.  Y.,  fol.  153; 
Reg.  Pen.,  IV.  119. 


412  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

did  not  take  possession  of  the  land  and  he  is  undoubtedly  cor- 
rect, although  Fernow  thinks  otherwise, ^^  for  in  1647  Root 
attempted  to  build  at  Wicacoa  and  in  1651  Jan  Andriessen  and 
Pieter  Harmensen  are  said  to  be  "inhabitants  and  traders  on 
the  river,  residing  at  Fort  Nassau."^'  It  is  not  likely  that 
Abraham  Planck  went  there  alone  and  there  is  no  mention  of  a 
Dutch  settlement  at  that  place  in  the  Swedish  records. ^^ 

About  the  same  time  (autumn  of  1646)  the  Dutch  also 
planned  to  make  settlements  north  of  present  Philadelphia  and 
Governor  Kieft  ordered  his  commissary  at  the  South  River  to 
buy  certain  "lands  from  the  Indians  lying  on  the  West  shore 
distant  about  one  league  to  the  north  of  Fort  Nassau."  The 
letter  containing  these  instructions  was  handed  to  Hudde  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  August.  The  owner  was  absent,  hunting  at 
the  time,  but  Hudde,  who  would  take  no  risks  of  being  antici- 
pated by  Printz,  erected  the  arms  of  the  company  the  next  day 
on  the  selected  lands,  thus  taking  possession  of  them  over  two 
weeks  before  the  purchase  was  made.  On  September  15  "the 
owner"  returned  from  his  hunt  and  deeds  setting  forth  the 
limits  of  the  district  were  drawn  up  and  signed.  "  Having  con- 
cluded the  purchase,  the  proprietor  went  with  Hudde  in  person 
and  the  Hon.  Company's  arms  being  fixed  to  a  pole,  this  was  set 
in  the  ground  on  the  extreme  boundary."  The  exact  limits  of 
the  purchase  cannot  be  determined  from  the  meagre  sources  at 
our  disposal,  but  they  included  Wicacoa  and  undoubtedly 
stretched  northward  along  the  river  for  some  miles. ^^ 

The  Swedes  had  already  acquired  title  to  the  same  territory 
and  entanglements  and  troubles  were  sure  to  follow.  Shortly 
after  the  purchase  was  made  some  freemen  prepared  to  build 
there  and  a  dwelling  as  well  as  a  block-house  were  soon  erected, 

"Acrelius  (tr.),  84;  Fernow,  Doc,  XH.  27,  note. 

"  Doc,  I.  594,  597. 

"For  reference  to  Abraham  Planck  (or  Blanck)  see  Doc,  I.  151,  191,  193, 
195.  i97>  199.  356,  388,  411,  415.  See  also  index.  In  1648  Simon  Root  and  Pieter 
Harmensen  were  ordered  by  Stuyvesant  to  build  on  Mastmaker's  Hook  in  the 
Schuylkill.  For  further  references  to  Root,  see  Doc,  XII.  38,  40,  44,  46,  48,  50, 
53,  57,  66,  371. 

"£)o<:.,  XIL  32. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  413 

but  when  Printz  became  aware  of  these  activities  he  built  a 
guard-house  on  the  land  and  sent  "  his  quarter  master  and  other 
Swedes"  to  tear  down  and  destroy  the  Dutch  buildings.  A 
little  later  Huygen  was  sent  to  remove  the  Dutch  arms  from  the 
upper  limits  of  the  land.  Meeting  Hudde  on  his  return,  he 
protested  orally  against  the  Dutch  encroachments  of  the  Swe- 
dish rights  and  admonished  the  Dutch  commiss  to  desist  from 
causing  further  injuries  to  the  Swedish  Crown.  Hudde  in  re- 
turn protested  against  the  improprieties  of  the  Swedes  and  re- 
quested Huygen  to  present  the  facts  to  Printz,  in  order  that  the 
latter  might  deal  out  punishment  to  those  who  were  guilty  of 
"  the  gross  outrage,"  at  the  same  time  appealing  for  a  justifica- 
tion of  his  own  actions  to  the  orders  of  his  superiors.^*^  On 
October  6  a  written  protest  from  Governor  Printz,  dated  Sep- 
tember 30,  was  delivered  to  Hudde  by  Mans  Lom  and  Olof 
Stille.^^  The  governor  again  exhorted  the  Dutch  to  desist  and 
abstain  from  causing  any  further  injuries  to  Her  Majesty's  law- 
ful property  and  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  their  High 
Mightinesses  would  be  unwilling  to  come  into  conflict  with 
Sweden  for  such  a  trifle,  reminding  Hudde  that  the  "  ancient 
rights  "  and  titles  of  the  Dutch  to  the  river  could  not  be  very 
secure,  when  they  thus  secretly  purchased  from  the  Indians 
what  they  pretended  belonged  to  them  long  before  the  Swedes 
made  their  appearance  in  the  country.  Hudde  did  not  answer 
the  protest  for  some  days,  but  as  news  reached  him  that  he  was 
censured  by  Printz  for  not  sending  a  reply,  he  drew  up  a  counter 
protest  on  October  13^^  which  was  sent  to  the  Swedish  governor 
the  following  day.  He  declared  that  he  was  ignorant  of  having 
done  any  wrong  to  Her  Majesty's  land  and  maintained  that  he 
had  not  purchased  the  land  secretly,  "unless,"  he  says,  "your 

^  Doc,  I.  594.  The  date  given  in  the  Document  is  1647  and  Hazard  (p. 
95)  and  others  have  this  date.  But  I  think  the  correct  date  is  1646.  The  letter 
in  which  the  statement  is  made  was  written  1651,  hence  four  or  five  years  after 
the  event  took  place.  Furthermore  it  is  only  a  copy.  Hudde,  in  his  report,  makes 
no  mention  of  these  difficulties  in  1647,  v^hich  he  most  likely  would  have  done 
if  such  had  taken  place. 

"  The  name  given  in  the  document  is  Moens  Slom  and  the  date  is  October  16 
(n.s.). 

**The  date  in  the  Doc.  is  n.s.  or  October  23. 


414    The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Honour  calls  secretly  what  is  not  done  without  your  Honour's 
knowledge."  He  also  complained  that  Huygen  had  in  a  hostile 
manner  pulled  down  the  company's  arms  and  uttered  threats 
that  "  even  were  it  the  flag  of  His  Highness,  the  Illustrious 
Prince  of  Orange,  that  was  here,  he  would  have  trampled  it 
under  foot,  besides  many  bloody  menaces."  He  protested  be- 
fore God  that  he  was  guilty  of  no  injustice,  but  that  he  had 
always,  according  to  his  oath,  tried  to  establish  "  good  inter- 
course and  mutual  friendship."  The  protest  was  brought  to 
Gov.  Printz  by  A.  Boyer  and  two  soldiers.  When  they  arrived 
at  Tinicum,  it  appears  that  they  were  treated  rather  uncivilly 
by  Printz.  According  to  Hudde's  report,  Printz  did  not  answer 
Boyer's  salutation  of  "  Good  morning,"  but  grasped  the  paper, 
threw  it  to  the  ground  and  commanded  one  of  his  inferiors  to 
take  care  of  it.  Hudde  goes  on  to  say  that  Printz  would  pay 
no  attention  to  the  Dutch  deputation,  but  proceeded  instead  to 
consult  with  some  English  from  New  England  and,  when 
Boyer  requested  an  answer  to  carry  back  to  his  chief,  "  he  was 
pushed  out  of  doors,  the  governor  having  taken  a  gun  from  the 
wall,  as  he  could  see,  to  shoot  him."  Hudde's  account,  how- 
ever must  not  be  taken  too  literally  and  there  is  no  likelihood  that 
the  gun  incident  has  any  foundation  in  truth.  Charges  and 
counter  charges  of  as  grave  a  nature  were  common  in  this  age, 
when  truth  was  a  rare  article  in  diplomatic  relations,  whether 
insignificant  or  of  the  gravest  importance.  Had  rigid  exami- 
nation been  held  with  the  Dutch  messengers  it  is  probable  that 
most  of  these  charges  would  have  proved  as  false  as  the  accusa- 
tion of  Thickpeny  before  the  New  England  court,  that  Printz 
with  his  own  hands  had  put  Irons  on  one  of  Lamberton's  men. 
The  Incidents  were  reported  to  Governor  Kleft,  but  nothing 
could  be  done  about  It.  The  garrison  at  Fort  Nassau  was  too 
weak  to  allow  anything  but  words  to  be  employed  against  an 
adversary  like  Governor  Printz  and  the  force  at  New  Amster- 
dam could  not  be  diminished. ^^ 

In  the  fur  trade,  however,  the  Dutch  continued  to  have  the 

'^Doc,  Xn.  33  £F.;  cf.  Chaps.  XXXHL,  XXXV. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  41  S 

upper  hand.  Large  quantities  of  goods  were  brought  by  them 
into  the  river  for  barter  with  the  Indians  and  their  cargoes 
arrived  more  regularly  than  those  of  the  Swedes.  But  Printz, 
who  improved  every  opportunity  to  further  the  interests  of  his 
colony,  endeavored  to  change  this  state  of  affairs.  Towards 
the  end  of  1646,  when  a  ship  had  arrived  from  Gothenburg, 
new  possibilities  offered  themselves  to  the  governor.  He  made 
a  treaty  with  the  Indians  directed  against  the  Dutch  trade  and, 
according  to  Hudde,  he  "  not  only  did  not  omit  to  make  the 
Dutch  suspected  by  every  means  both  by  the  Indians  and  the 
Christians,  but  even  connived  at  the  bad  treatment  of  the 
Honorable  Company's  subjects."  The  activities  of  the  Dutch 
were  further  thwarted  by  Ft.  Korsholm  and  their  tradinghouse 
in  the  Schuylkill  was  demolished. ^^ 

The  industry  and  diligence  of  Printz  gave  the  Swedes  a  de- 
cided advantage  over  the  Dutch  for  some  time,  but  he  foresaw 
that  the  two  nations  could  not  remain  side  by  side  in  peace.  In 
his  report  of  February,  1647,  he  says  that  the  Dutch  must  be 
removed  from  the  river  either  by  mutual  agreement  or  other- 
wise, "for,"  he  goes  on,  "  they  oppose  us  on  every  side,  they 
destroy  our  trade  everywhere,  they  strengthen  the  savages  with 
guns,  shot  and  powder,  publicly  trading  with  these  against  the 
edict  of  all  Christians, ^^  they  stir  up  the  Indians  against  us,  who, 
but  for  our  prudence,  would  already  have  gone  too  far,^*^  they 
begin  to  buy  land  from  the  savages  within  our  boundaries,  which 
we  have  purchased  already  eight  years  ago,  they  give  New 
Sweden  the  name  of  New  Netherland  and  dare  to  build  their 
houses  there."  He  also  asserted  that  the  mischief-makers  were 
merely  private  persons,   provided  with  a  passport   from   the 

"Z)of.,  XII.  34;  cf.  Chap.  XXXII. 

"^  Lockermans  seems  to  have  sold  guns,  powder  and  lead  to  the  Indians. 
Printz  was  "furious  about  it"  and  complained  to  Stu}'\'esant,  who  ordered 
Hudde  to  investigate  the  charges  secretly  and  report.     Doc,  XII.  59. 

""The  same  accusations  were  made  against  Printz.  Hudde  says:  "The 
Indians  and  especially  the  Armewamese  Indians  on  the  twelfth  of  May,  1647,  at 
noon,  tried  to  overrun  us,"  instigated  thereto  by  Printz.  Doc,  XII.  34.  Printz 
says  that  the  prudence  of  the  Swedes  saved  them  from  attack,  but  Hudde  adds 
bloodshed  "  was  prevented  by  God's  mercy  and  good  information  regarding  their 
misunderstanding." 


4i6  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware, 

Dutch  governor  and  paying  duty  to  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  "To  better  accomplish  their  intentions,"  he  says, 
"  some  of  them  have  entirely  quitted  the  Christians  and  live 
with  the  Indians."  "All  this  they  are  able  to  do,"  he  adds, 
"  because  they  see  very  well  that  we  have  a  weak  settlement  and 
with  no  earnestness  on  our  side  their  malice  against  us  increases 
more  and  more."^'^  We  must  not,  however,  take  the  reports 
of  either  the  Dutch  or  the  Swedes  too  literally.  They  looked 
on  the  questions  at  issue  from  diametrically  opposite  points  of 
view  and  what  appeared  perfectly  just  and  proper  to  the  one 
side  would  look  like  the  greatest  injustice  to  the  other.  The 
reports  of  the  two  rivals  would  also  be  liable  to  be  more  or  less 
colored  in  order  to  justify  their  actions  in  the  eyes  of  their 
superiors. 

During  the  winter  months  things  seem  to  have  become  quiet 
(the  records  at  least  make  no  mention  of  any  trouble).  The 
Dutch  remained  at  Fort  Nassau  without  making  further  efforts 
to  build  on  new  territory  and  the  trade  with  the  Indians  was 
monopolized  by  Printz,  but  in  the  spring  and  summer,  when 
Dutch  freemen  came  into  the  river  to  trade,  new  cause  for  pro- 
tests, strifes  and  jealousies  arose.  It  seems,  however,  that  the 
personal  relations  between  Commissary  Hudde  and  Governor 
Printz  were  friendly,  for  on  May  24  (June  3)  Hudde  with  his 
wife  was  present  at  the  governor's  table.  It  is  true  that  Hudde 
complained  that  Printz  "  in  vulgar  expressions  "  joked  with  the 
Dutch  Company's  "  old  or  continuous  ownership  "  of  the  Dela- 
ware, but  this  is  in  the  capacity  of  an  official. 

There  was  a  change  in  the  directorship  of  New  Netherland 
in  the  summer  of  1647.  Peter  Stuyvesant,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed director  in  the  place  of  Governor  Kieft,  arrived  at 
Manhattan  in  May.  He  was  a  man  of  tremendous  energy, 
scrupulously  faithful  in  discharging  his  duties  and  over  zealous 
in  promoting  the  interest  of  his  superiors,  and  he  was  not  to  be 
accused  of  allowing  the  Swedes  to  usurp  the  river  without  a 
protest.    In  June  he  gave  commission  to  several  Dutch  freemen 

""Report,  1647. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  417 

to  trade  in  the  river,  but  they  were  hindered  by  Printz.  They 
complained  to  Hudde,  who  drew  up  a  petition  to  Governor 
Stuyvesant,  "praying  for  relief  from  their  grievous  injuries."^* 
Stuyvesant  immediately  embodied  the  complaints  in  a  protest, 
which  was  presented  at  New  Gothenborg  on  August  7  ( 17) . 

It  seems  that  Hudde  went  to  New  Amsterdam  about  the  be- 
ginning of  September,  probably  to  make  a  report.  September 
10  a  proposal  was  made  to  reappoint  him  as  commiss  on  the 
South  River,  since  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  good  man  there 
and  he  had  proved  himself  efficient  in  his  office.  The  resolution 
was  passed  by  the  council  about  a  week  later^^  and  Hudde  left 
immediately  for  the  Delaware,  but  on  the  eighteenth  he  re- 
turned, "  in  consequence  of  contrary  winds."  In  his  absence 
Dincklage  accused  him  of  unfaithfulness  and  fraud,  making 
him  unfit  for  service,  in  the  opinion  of  Governor  Stuyvesant,  if 
the  accusations  were  true.  It  seems  that  Dincklage  was  unable 
to  prove  his  charges,  for  Hudde  retained  his  commission  and 
proceeded  to  the  South  River,  but  the  exact  date  of  his  arrival 
at  Fort  Nassau  is  not  known. ^"^ 

In  November  Hudde  was  again  permitted  by  Stuyvesant  to 
go  to  New  Amsterdam,  perhaps  for  the  purpose  of  further 
proving  his  innocence.  He  arrived  there  on  the  twenty-first 
( December  i ) ,  bringing  with  him  a  reply  from  Governor  Printz 
to  Stuyvesant's  protest.  The  date  of  his  return  to  the  South 
River  is  not  known. ^^ 

Towards  the  end  of  1647  J^^  Geraet  (Gerardy)  was  in  the 
South  River,  undoubtedly  for  the  purpose  of  trade  with  the 
Indians.  His  boat  called  the  Siraen  was  visited  by  Printz. 
All  the  goods  were  examined  and  handled  "  in  an  unchristian- 
like  manner."  His  cargo  of  60  lbs.  of  powder  and  six  guns 
was  confiscated,  but,  on  his  promise  to  use  the  ammunition  only 

^Hazard   (p.  95)  has  July  29,  quoting  translation  in  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So., 
2d  S.,  I.  437;  but  the  Doc.  (XII.  35)  has  July  2. 
**  September  16   (26),  1647. 
^Z)of.,  XII.  35,  41-42. 
^Doc.,XU.  35. 
28 


41 8  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

in  case  of  need,  all  was  returned  to  him  except  three  guns  and 
thirteen  lbs.  of  powder.^^ 

Again  followed  a  period  of  comparative  quiet,  for  the  Dutch 
were  busy  improving  Fort  Nassau  and  no  attempts  to  extend 
their  activities  to  the  western  shore  were  made.  It  seems  that 
the  agents  of  the  West  India  Company  managed  to  secure  in- 
formation about  the  doings  of  the  Swedish  company  and  news 
of  its  affairs  were  sent  to  Stuyvesant,  who,  early  in  the  spring 
of  1648,  informed  his  commiss  at  Fort  Nassau  that  the  Swedes 
could  not  expect  to  receive  any  succor.  Hudde  was  also  ordered 
to  erect  the  house,  which  had  been  proposed,  as  speedily  as 
possible  and  to  put  everything  in  repair.  Boards  and  other 
materials  for  the  building  were  sent  on  Gerritt  Vasterick's  ship, 
but  the  work  at  Fort  Nassau  could  not  be  carried  on  to  advan- 
tage for  lack  of  carpenters.  Hudde  complained  and  a  carpenter 
was  immediately  sent  there.  New  orders  about  the  repair  of 
the  fort  were  also  transmitted  and  Hudde  was  requested  to  send 
back  the  carpenter  as  soon  as  possible.  He  was  likewise  in- 
structed to  watch  intruders  and  to  stop  or  protest  against  all 
ships  that  came  into  the  Delaware,  without  license,  to  trade 
with  the  Swedes  or  others. 

In  the  spring  of  1648  the  troubles  began  anew.  On  March 
23  or  24^^  a  Swedish  bark  sailed  up  the  river  "without  pennant 
or  flag."  As  it  passed  Fort  Nassau  Hudde  caused  a  shot  to  be 
fired  across  her  bows,  but  she  proceeded  on  her  course  "and  paid 
no  attention  even  to  a  second  shot."  Eight  men  in  a  bark  were 
sent  after  her,  but  as  the  wind  was  good  they  could  not  overtake 
her  in  the  dark.  In  two  or  three  days  she  returned  with  flying 
colors  and  Hudde  now  for  the  first  time  perceived  that  it  was  a 
Swedish  bark.  The  skipper  replied  scornfully  to  Hudde's  ques- 
tions and  even  hinted  that  he  acted  as  he  did  through  contempt 
for  the   Dutch.     The  incident  drew  a  protest   from  Hudde 

^Hazards  (p.  96)  is  mistaken  in  referring  the  statements  to  his  (Hudde's) 
certificate.     The  facts  are  given  in  a  letter  of  1651.     Doc,  I.  595. 

^  In  one  place  Hudde  says  April  2  (n.s.)  (if  the  documents  are  correctly 
printed)   and  in  the  copy  of  his  protest  he  says  the  3rd.     Doc.  XIL  35. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  419 

(dated  April  3  n.s.),  wherein  he  warns  the  skipper  against 
repeating  the  experiment.^* 

Information  reached  the  director  of  New  Holland  that 
Printz  had  been  active  during  the  winter,  collecting  building 
material  in  the  Schuylkill,  and  in  order  to  retain  the  title  to  the 
lands  there  he  commanded  Hudde  to  settle  down  beside  the 
Swedes,  in  case  they  should  come  to  build  and  settle  on  any  new, 
unoccupied  places,  and  on  behalf  of  the  company  to  erect  a 
house,  larger  or  smaller,  according  to  the  force  at  hand,  that  it 
might  be  understood  thereby  that  such  places  had  belonged  to 
the  Dutch  for  many  years.  Promises  of  discharge  from  the 
company's  services  were  also  made  to  several  soldiers,  who 
were  granted  permission  to  begin  "  preparations  for  building 
on  alloted  lands. "^^'  In  April  or  earlier  Stuyvesant  further 
ordered  his  commander  at  Fort  Nassau  "to  build  quickly  a 
proper  and  strong  house  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  as  a 
token  of  ownership, ^^  as  it  was  found  that  the  Swedes  prepared 
to  settle  on  new  land.  About  the  same  time  Hudde  managed  to 
gain  the  goodwill  of  some  sachems  at  Passyunk.  They  ap- 
peared at  Fort  Nassau  on  April  14  (24),  reported  that  the 
Swedes  had  erected  buildings  on  the  Schuylkill  and  inquired 
why  the  Dutch  did  not  build  there. ^'^  Hudde  Investigated  the 
matter  and,  as  he  found  that  the  Swedes  were  about  to  settle 
on  certain  important  places,  he  went  into  the  Schuylkill  on  iVprll 
17  (27),  with  the  necessary  tools  and  invited  the  Indian  chiefs 
of  the  district  to  a  conference.  The  Swedes  were  also  sum- 
moned and  told  by  the  Indians  to  depart  from  the  places  they 
lived  on,  as  they  had  come  there  "  in  a  sneaking  way"  without 
permission  from  the  right  owners.  The  land  was  then  given  as 
a  gift  to  the  Dutch,  presumably  in  exchange  for  merchandise, 

^'Doc,  XII.  35-36. 

^^DocXll.  57. 

^  There  is  some  confusion  in  dates.  The  copy  of  Stuyvesant's  letter  is  dated 
April  27  (n.s.),  Doc,  XII.,  and  Hudde  reports  that  he  began  preparations  for 
building  the  fort  on  the  same  day  {Doc,  XII.  36-7).  It  is  likely  that  Stu5'vesant 
had  written  about  it  before  and  repeated  the  injunction  on  April  27   (n.s.). 

*'  The  chiefs  were  perhaps  not  sufficiently  gratified  by  Printz  and  by  making 
friendly  offers  to  the  Dutch  they  hoped  to  draw  additional  gifts  from  them. 


420  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

but  no  papers  or  deeds  seem  to  have  been  drawn  up.  There- 
upon the  two  principal  chiefs,  Mattahorn  and  Wissemenetto, 
planted  the  Prince's  flag  and  ordered  Hudde  "to  fire  three 
shots  "  in  token  of  possession.  When  this  was  done  the  Dutch 
commissary  prepared  to  erect  a  house  or  fort  "  in  the  presence 
of  them  all."  Printz,  having  obtained  information  about  the 
doings  of  his  neighbors,  sent  Huygen  up  the  Schuylkill  with 
seven  or  eight  men  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  to  deliver 
a  protest  against  the  Dutch  and  to  inquire  on  what  authority 
and  by  what  orders  they  presumed  to  build  there.  But  the 
Indians  were  ill  disposed  towards  the  Swedes  and  even  accused 
them  of  having  "stolen"  their  land,  claiming  that  only  a  small 
tract  at  Paghahacking  belonged  to  them,  which  Minuit  had 
purchased  upon  his  arrival  for  a  tobacco  plantation.  Conse- 
quently Huygen  returned  to  his  fort  without  results  and  Hudde 
"pushed  forward  the  unfinished  work  and  had  the  house  sur- 
rounded by  palisades."  The  new  stronghold  was  called  Ft. 
Beversreede,  as  it  was  to  control  the  beaver-trade  in  the  Schuyl- 
kill.^^ Preparations  were  also  made  for  freemen  to  settle  and 
some  fruit  trees  were  planted  near  the  blockhouse.  A  little 
later  Mans  Kling  approached  the  place  "with  24  men,"  fully 
armed  with  loaded  guns  and  lighted  matches,  "  destroyed  the 
fruit  and  cut  down  the  trees  in  front  of  the  fort,"  but  he  left, 
it  seems,  without  further  obstructing  the  work.^^ 

Spring  was  now  well  on  and  summer  approaching.  Stuyve- 
sant  had  long  desired  to  go  to  the  South  River,  Hudde's  report 
and  visits  to  New  Amsterdam  seem  to  have  impressed  the 
authorities  there  that  more  active  measures  must  be  adopted,  if 
anything  should  be  accomplished  on  the  Delaware.  Shortly 
after  Hudde's  return  to  his  post  in  the  beginning  of  1648  Gover- 
nor Stuyvesant  writes  that  he  had  resolved  to  go  to  the  South 
River  in  the  spring,  and  he  repeats  his  intention  on  several  occa- 
sions.^^   He  cautions  Hudde  to  keep  his  coming  secret  and  to 

^  For  the  history  and  location  of  Fort  Beversreede  see  J.  P.  Nicholson  in 
Penn.  Mag.,  XV.  252-3.  Cf.  Doc,  I.  594;  Young,  p.  42.  Bever  (beaver)  -f 
reede  (road,  path),  hence  the  road  of  the  beaver.     Cf.  map  below. 

~I>er.,  XH.  36-37. 

''Doc.,  XH.  55,  56,  57,  58- 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  421 

"  disclose  it  to  nobody  in  the  world  for  potent  reasons."  His  first 
plan  was  to  go  overland  with  about  thirty  persons,  "  most  likely 
more  than  less,"  and  to  send  the  necessaries  for  the  undertaking 
by  ship.  For  this  purpose  Hudde  was  ordered  by  letter  of 
April  7  (17),  to  engage  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  the 
letter  two  trusty  South  River  Indians  and  two  Minquas,  who 
could  be  used  as  guides  across  the  country,  together  with  two  or 
three  of  the  cleverest  Dutchmen  in  the  service  of  the  company, 
but  their  mission  was  to  remain  a  secret. 

About  a  week  later  Stuyvesant  requested  him  to  send  the 
guides  at  once  to  New  Amsterdam,  if  they  had  not  already  been 
despatched,  and  to  make  a  report  and  draw  up  a  list  of  articles 
needed  for  the  new  fort.  Governor  Stuyvesant  had  in  mind  to 
depart  from  New  Amsterdam  on  April  30  or  May  i  (11), 
unless  Hudde  should  "  hear  or  foresee  any  danger  in  it."  "  A 
general  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  [was  appointed]  throughout 
the  government "  at  Manhattan  as  well  as  on  the  South  River, 
"  according  to  the  means  of  divine  service  there." 

The  journey  across  the  country  was  abandoned  for  some  un- 
known reason  (perhaps  the  Indian  guides  could  not  be  secured, 
or  it  may  be  that  the  journey  was  considered  too  difficult  or  un- 
safe), and  it  was  decided  to  go  by  sea  in  the  sloop  Prhtce  Wil- 
lem,  which  seems  to  have  been  ready  for  departure  in  the  begin- 
ning of  May.  But  the  weather  was  unfavorable,  and  on  the 
fourteenth  (24)  of  May  they  were  compelled  to  "run  into 
the  harbor  for  the  second  time  on  account  of  calms  and  con- 
trary winds."  The  expedition  was  then  abandoned,  as  the 
Northern  Indians  were  gathering  against  the  Dutch  and  the 
inhabitants  requested  Stuyvesant  to  defer  the  voyage.  In 
his  stead  the  governor  sent  two  officers  next  to  himself  in 
command,  "  Vice-Director  van  Dincklage  and  Mr.  De  la  Mon- 
tagne  with  orders  and  commands  to  transact  the  business  .  .  . 
[at  the  South  River]  to  the  greatest  benefit  and  advantage  of 
the  Honorable  Company."  Since  they  were  unacquainted  with 
the  country  Hudde  was  instructed  to  "inform  them  of  every- 
thing" and  "assist  them  by  advice  and  deed."     They  were 


422  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

to  be  received  in  a  most  dignified  way  and,  as  soon  as  the 
commiss  was  aware  of  their  presence  in  the  Bay  of  the  South 
River,  he  "  must  order  the  yachts  present  there,  to  escort  the 
mentioned  gentlemen  of  the  council  in  proper  style  and  to  sail 
down  to  meet  them,  offering  as  much  respect  as  if  Stuyve- 
sant  was  present,  whereby  a  signal  service  would  be  done  to 
the  Honorable  Company."  They  seem  to  have  departed  from 
New  Amsterdam  towards  the  end  of  May  and  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  they  arrived  at  Fort  Nassau.  The  Indians  were  at 
once  called  to  a  conference  and  the  old  title  to  the  district 
situated  around  and  on  the  Schuylkill,  called  Armenverius,  was 
renewed  and  confirmed.  The  land  had  been  sold  to  Arent 
Corsen  in  1633,  but  he  failed  to  pay  the  full  amount  stipulated 
in  the  agreement.  Now,  however,  the  sachems  were  fully 
satisfied  and  irrevocably  conveyed  and  ceded  the  territory  "  to 
the  Dutch  and  would  be  ready  on  all  occasions  to  maintain  and 
defend  the  title  against  all  pretentions  and  claim. "^^  The  docu- 
ment was  signed  by  Mattahorn,  Sinquees  and  several  other 
Indian  chiefs,  besides  some  of  the  Dutch  officials  and  freemen 
including  Augustin  Herrman,  who  was  to  play  a  prominent 
part  in  the  Dutch  Colony  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century.^^ 

On  the  sixth  of  June  the  two  commissaries  "  sailed  with  a 
proper  suite  to  Tennckonck  and  were  received  here  by  Com- 
missary Huygen  and  Lieutenant  Papegoja."*^  They  pro- 
tested against  Printz  for  the  very  illegal  siezure  of  the  Schuyl- 
kill and  the  Swedish  governor  promised  to  give  them  an 
answer  in  writing  before  their  departure  for  New  Amsterdam. 

In  the  meantime  several  Dutch  freemen  were  assigned  places 
for  settlements  on  the  Schuylkill,  and  on  June  22  Hans  Jacob- 
sen  began  to  build  there,  but  Gustaf  Printz,  having  been  in- 
structed to  prevent  him,  went  there  and  ordered  him  to  tear 

"  The  deed  was  of  course  drawn  up  by  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians  in  all 
probability  had  little  notion  of  the  real  significance  of  its  language. 

^"Doc,  L  593. 

"  Hudde's  reports  says:  "Their  Honors  [were  kept]  standing  in  the  open  air 
in  the  rain  for  about  half  an  hour  "  before  being  admitted,  but  it  is  highly  im- 
probable that  Printz  acted  so  undiplomatically. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  423 

down  with  his  own  hands  what  he  had  built.  On  his  refusal  to 
do  so,  Printz  tore  it  down  himself  and  burnt  the  material.  A 
few  days  later  (June  26)  Thomas  Broen  also  made  prepara- 
tions to  erect  a  dwelling  "  on  an  assigned  place,"  but  Printz 
kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  doings  of  the  Dutch  and  immediately 
sent  Gregorius  van  Dyck  to  prevent  the  work.  As  a  conse- 
quence of  these  troubles  Hudde  complained  of  Printz's  haughty 
demeanor,  but  Printz  also  complained  of  Hudde's  actions. 
Stuyvesant  informed  Hudde  about  it,  saying  that  "  in  several 
[letters]  to  me  .  .  .  [Governor  Printz]  excuses  himself  and 
complains  of  your  Honor  in  several  respects,  among  others 
about  Your  Honor's  haughty,  unneighbourly  manner,  as  that 
Y[ou]r  Honor  had  ordered  some  beavers  from  savages  or 
Indians  with  the  intention  of  trying  to  get  for  them  some  con- 
traband merchandise,  which  having  miscarried,  your  Honor  is 
reported  to  have  said  '  the  devil  take  them,  who  are  with  the 
Swedes'  and  so  forth."  This  undoubtedly  drew  additional 
*'  explanations,  reports  and  denials  "  from  the  commiss,  justify- 
ing his  actions,  but  none  of  the  documents  are  extant. 

As  a  result  of  private  troubles  in  the  late  summer  and  early 
autumn  of  1648  Hudde  found  neither  time  nor  opportunity  for 
"molesting  the  Swedes."'*^  He  was  accused  of  bad  payments 
and  fraudulent  delays,  "which  made  the  council  dissatisfied  and 
fearful  to  send  thither  goods  of  the  company."  His  accounts 
were  investigated  and  "  found  to  be  obscure."     On  the  fifth  of 

"From  Doc,  XII.  61-62  it  would  appear  that  in  August,  1648,  Hudde  pro- 
posed to  "  buy  the  land  from  Narraticonse  Kill  to  the  bay,  [then]  for  sale  by  the 
savages,  thereby  to  anticipate  others  [the  Swedes],"  but  there  is  some  uncertainty 
about  the  date  of  the  letter  (August  26,  1648)  in  which  these  facts  are  preserved. 
In  a  copy  of  a  letter,  dated  May  is,  164Q  {Doc,  XII.  373,  Acrelius,  p.  38), 
Hudde's  proposal  is  referred  to  in  the  same  words,  as  far  as  can  be  gathered 
from  the  translation.  "  Likewise  we  cannot  but  consider  good  and  expedient  your 
Honor's  last  proposal,"  etc.  Doc,  XII.  61 ;  and  in  Doc,  XII.  373,  "  Likewise  we 
cannot,"  etc.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  a  portion  of  a  letter  printed  at  the 
end  of  page  6i  and  beginning  of  page  62  in  Doc  does  not  belong  to  Stuyvesant's 
letter  of  August  26,  1648,  as  indicated  by  Fernow,  but  to  the  letter  of  May  13, 
1649,  printed  from  a  copy  in  Doc,  XII.  370.  This  is  further  born  out  bj'  the 
fact  that  the  copy-book  in  its  present  condition  is  defective,  a  portion  of  a  page 
being  lost  between  August  26,  1648,  and  May  26,  1649  {Doc,  XII.  61).  This 
portion  (or  part  of  it)  was  undoubtedly  the  beginning  of  the  letter  of  May  13, 
1649. 


424  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

August  Stuyvesant  made  a  report  before  the  council,  which  re- 
solved to  "order  the  said  commissary  to  come  to  New  Amster- 
dam overland  and  personally  explain  his  accounts."  On  receiv- 
ing this  order  Hudde  left  Fort  Nassau  August  24,  placing 
Alexander  Boyer  in  command,  and  arrived  at  Manhattan  five 
days  later.  While  there  he  made  an  oral  report  before  the 
council  on  August  30  concerning  the  condition  of  the  South 
River  and  delivered  a  written  statement  of  the  requirements 
(not  as  Fernow  thought  the  report  of  November,  1648,  but  a 
different  document,  which  is  now  lost) .  He  also  brought  a  let- 
ter from  Governor  Printz,  which  was  likewise  read  on  the  same 
day.  The  accounts  of  Hudde  were  examined  by  Adrian  Keyser 
and  Cornelis  van  Tienhoven  and  a  report  was  undoubtedly  pre- 
pared by  them.^^ 

In  the  meantime  Printz  was  active  on  the  Schuylkill.  Shortly 
after  Hudde's  departure  he  prepared  to  build  a  log-house  near 
Fort  Beversreede  so  as  to  make  that  stronghold  useless.  On  the 
ninth  of  September  the  house  was  ready.  It  measured  "  about 
thirty  to  thirty-five  feet  in  length  and  about  twenty  feet  in 
width."  It  was  erected  right  in  front  of  the  Dutch  fort,  about 
twelve  or  thirteen  feet  from  the  palisades,  and  completely  shut 
off  the  fort  from  the  river,  "  so  that  vessels  which  came  to 
anchor  in  front  of  it  could  hardly  see  it."^^ 

On  September  15  (25)  Deputy-Commissary  Boyer  reported 
the  state  of  affairs  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  and  intimated  that 
aid  was  daily  needed,  as  the  winter  was  coming  on  and  every- 
thing was  wanting  at  Fort  Nassau.  Printz,  he  said,  had  given 
strict  orders  to  his  commander  at  Fort  Korsholm  "not  to 
allow  any  post  or  stake  to  be  set  in  the  ground,  and  to  prevent, 
by  friendly  words  or  by  force"  any  attempts  of  the  Dutch  at 
building.  Two  men  were  continually  kept  in  the  river  to  watch 
the  doings  of  the  Dutch  and  to  prevent  the  landing  of  building- 
timber,  making  it  impossible  for  Boyer  to  carry  out  his  in- 
tentions.*'^ 

"^Doc,  XIL  38,  42. 

''Doc,  XIL  38,  43,  46;  I.  594. 

*'  Doc,  XII.  43-4. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  425 

It  seems  that  Hudde  was  able  to  disprove  the  accusations 
against  him  and  explain  his  accounts  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
council,  as  he  departed  for  the  South  River  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  September,  in  his  former  capacity.  Before  he  left  New 
Amsterdam  deeds  had  been  given  to  several  freemen,  granting 
them  permission  to  settle  on  the  Schuylkill,  and  shortly  after  his 
arrival  at  Fort  Nassau  Symon  Root,  the  usual  mischief-maker, 
with  some  others  arranged  to  build  on  Mastmaker's  Hook, 
although  they  had  seen  Printz's  orders. ^^  Towards  the  end  of 
October  preparations  were  made  and  on  the  twenty-fifth  "the 
foundation  timbers  were  laid  and  the  ties  set  up,"^^  but  on  the 
same  day  Sven  Skute  arrived,  telling  the  Dutch  that  he  had 
orders  to  resist  any  attempts  at  building.  On  the  friendly  solici- 
tations of  Tienhoven  and  Boyer  he  desisted  from  using  any 
violence  until  further  instructions  could  be  received  from  Printz, 
but  "  at  sunrise  "  the  next  day  he  again  appeared  with  a  small 
force,  informed  the  two  Dutch  officials  that  he  had  positive 
orders  "  to  tear  down  the  erected  work  and  proceeded  to  de- 
molish the  building,  hacking  and  utterly  destroying  what  had 
been  begun."  An  argument  ensued,  which  waxed  so  hot  that 
Skute  caught  the  aforesaid  Boyer  by  the  hair,  "  being  prevented 
from  coming  to  any  further  exercises. "^'^  Hudde's  report  seems 
to  indicate  that  a  dwelling  was  begun  within  the  walls  of  Fort 
Beversreede  about  the  same  time,  as  it  states  that  a  "  Swedish 
servant  named  Peter  Jochim  by  way  of  contempt  and  by  night 
forcibly  tore  off  and  broke  through  the  palisade,  using  great 
violence  as  well  by  acts  as  by  words. "^^    Two  days  later  Hudde 

"On  October  4  (n.s.)  A.  Boyer  and  several  others  signed  a  statement  to  the 
effect  that  they  had  seen  the  Instruction  of  Printz  to  resist  all  attempts  at  settle- 
ment.    Doc,  XII.  44. 

"  Hudde  says  in  one  Document  that  they  completed  the  building  on  November 
4  (n.s.)  unless  he  refers  to  another  event,  but  from  the  copy  of  his  protest  to 
Printz  and  the  copy  of  the  "  affidavit "  of  Tienhoven  it  appears  that  the  house 
was  only  "  commenced."     Doc,  XII.  38,  45.     See  also  Doc,  I,  594. 

'"Doc,  XII.  38.  The  date  given  in  Doc,  I.  594,  for  this  occurrence  is  1649, 
manifestly  an  error.  An  affidavit  was  made  by  Root  and  several  others  on  the 
same  day  concerning  these  "  violences "  and  on  the  following  day  Tienhoven 
signed  an  affidavit  corroborating  the  same.      Doc,  XII.  44-5. 

Doc,  XII.   38.      This  event  is  not  mentioned   in   Hudde's  protest  to  Printz 
nor  in  the  affidavits  of  Tienhoven  and  the  others   {Doc,  XII.  38-9;  44-6)  ;   and 


426  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

sent  a  protest  to  the  Swedish  governor,  couched  in  very  reserved 
language,  reminding  him  of  the  damage  done  by  his  agents  at 
Mastmaker's  Hook,  He  declared  that  he  was  innocent  of 
any  wrong  and  that  he  had  always  endeavored  to  maintain 
"mutual  friendship,"  although,  he  adds,  "our  good  intentions 
have  been  frequently  unfairly  viewed  and  wrongly  interpreted." 

Printz  was  clearly  holding  more  than  his  own  in  these  quar- 
rels. He  had  succeeded  in  keeping  the  Dutch  from  building 
new  habitations  and  occupying  new  ground.  The  Dutch  again 
appealed  to  New  Amsterdam,  and  in  order  to  make  the  appeal 
more  effective  Andrian  van  Tienhoven  was  first  commissioned 
to  write.  He  recounted  the  "  insult "  done  by  the  Swedes  to 
"  Their  Honors,  the  Directors  of  the  General  Incorporated 
West  India  Company,"  and  implored  Stuyvesant  to  come  at 
once  in  person  "to  see  the  condition  of  this  river,  for  the 
Swedes,"  he  says,  "  do  here  what  they  please. "^^  A  statement 
from  Hudde  was  to  follow  and  a  few  days  later  the  famous 
Report  was  sent  to  Stuyvesant.^^ 

In  these  disputes  both  sides  claimed  title  to  the  lands  by 
original  purchase  from  the  Indians.  The  Dutch  based  their 
right  to  the  Schuylkill  on  the  purchase  of  Corsen  in  1633,  but 
he  did  not  fulfill  his  part  of  the  contract  and  In  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1648  the  purchase  was  renewed  by  them.  The 
Swedes,  however,  had  secured  title  to  this  land  in  1638  and 
1640  and  paid  for  it,  as  well  as  to  the  land  purchased  by  Hudde 
in  the  autumn  of  1646.  In  the  latter  case  the  commiss 
erected  the  Dutch  coat  of  arms  on  the  land  before  he  had  con- 
it  is  probably  only  a  variation  of  the  events  that  took  place  at  Mastmaker's  Hook, 
as  given  above.  Hazard,  who  follows  the  translation  in  the  N.  Y.  Collection 
prints  the  quotation  as  though  it  were  a  part  of  the  protest  of  the  Swedish  gov- 
ernor.     See  Hazard,  p.  104. 

""  This  letter,  according  to  the  copy,  is  dated  at  Beversreede,  November  9, 
(n.s.)  1648,  and  was  copied  by  Van  Tienhoven,  December  6,  the  same  year. 
Doc,  XH.  46-47. 

"  The  "  Brief  but  True  Report "  is  really  a  relation  of  the  troubles  between 
the  Swedes  and  Dutch  from  the  summer  of  1646  until  the  late  autumn  of  1648. 
The  Report  consists  of  three  parts:  (1)  Concerning  the  fortifications  and  arma- 
ments of  the  Swedes,  (2)  concerning  the  forces  of  the  Swedes,  and  (3)  con- 
cerning the  proceedings  of  the  Swedes.     Doc,  XH.  28-39. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  427 

tracted  the  purchase  and  prepared  to  build  there,  making  the 
buying  but  a  formula  of  value  in  the  dispute  with  the  Swedes, 
for  what  would  we  think  of  a  man  who  would  build  on  a  piece 
of  land  without  consulting  the  owner,  then  send  for  the  owner 
and  offer  a  price  for  it  !^^ 

When  the  Dutch  claimed  that  they  had  a  right  to  the  river  by 
*'  first  discovery  and  occupation  "  they  had  a  better  case  than  the 
Swedes;  but  in  their  pretences  to  ownership  by  right  of  title 
through  purchase  from  the  aborigines  they  were  generally  in  the 
wrong,  for  in  almost  every  case  the  Swedes  had  obtained  this 
title  first  and  held  the  same  intact  by  actual  occupancy. 

Governor  Stuyvesant,  being  unable  to  give  proper  assistance 
to  his  commiss  at  the  South  River,  complained  of  the  Swedish 
encroachments  to  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany in  the  autumn  of  1648,  and  on  January  17,  the  following 
year,  they  sent  him  an  answer  stating  that  they  considered  it 
advisable  to  arm  themselves  with  some  patience  sooner  than 
make  use  of  force  against  the  Swedes,  "  provided  they  do  neither 
invade  our  jurisdiction  insolently,  and  because  this  matter  can 
also  be  better  arranged  here."  The  governor  was  also  called 
to  task  for  his  inconsistency  in  describing  the  limits  of  New 
Netherland.  In  one  of  his  letters  he  had  said  that  Van  Twiller 
and  Kieft  "  did  not  claim  jurisdiction  further  than  from  the 
South  River  in  the  south,"  and  he  thought  that  if  this  territory 
could  be  held  in  peace  "  it  would  be  the  best  to  be  satisfied  with 
it."  But  in  his  protests  against  the  English  he  "pretended  a 
little  more,  namely  from  Cape  Malabare,  called  Cape  Cot  by 
our  people,  to  Cape  Henlopen.""^ 

In  the  winter  of  1649  there  is  another  gap  in  the  history 
of  the  relations  between  the  Dutch  and  Swedes.  Stuyvesant  did 
not  go  to  Fort  Nassau  as  he  intended,  and  it  is  probable  that 
New  Sweden  was  undisturbed,  the  Dutch  remaining  quietly  at 
their  stronghold  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river.    But  in  the  spring 

^  Doc,  XII.  32.  It  is  true  that  we  know  not  whether  or  not  Hudde  did  first 
consult  with  the  owner  in  this  case,  but  it  is  not  likely,  for  he  certainly  would 
have  mentioned  it,  if  such  had  been  the  case. 

^  Extract  from  letter  of  Directors  in  Holland  to  Stuyvesant.     Doc,  XII.  47-48. 


428  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  Dutch  again  began  their  activities.  Thomas  Broen,  whose 
name  we  have  met  with  before,  received,  perhaps  in  the  fall  of 
1648,^^  permission  by  Governor  Stuyvesant  to  live  at  "  Mantas 
Hook  about  half  a  league  below  Fort  Nassau."  Broen,  having 
profited  by  his  previous  experience  on  the  Schuylkill,  now  tried 
another  course  and,  although  the  land  did  not  belong  to  the 
Swedes,  he  applied  to  Printz  for  permission  to  settle  as  well  as 
"  for  assistance  in  the  erection  of  buildings  and  other  things." 
"The  governor  promised  this,"  says  Acrelius,  "upon  condition 
that  he  would  place  himself  under  the  Swedish  government; but 
when  [Printz]  saw  beneath  this  a  trick  of  the  Hollanders,  he 
himself  bought  of  the  Indians  the  land  from  Mantas  Hook  to 
Narraticon's  or  Racoon's  Kill  and  raised  upon  it  a  post  to  which 
the  Swedish  coat-of-arms  was  affixed. "^'^  Printz  also  endeavored 
to  buy  the  land  on  the  eastern  bank  above  Fort  Nassau  and 
"  urged  the  savages  very  earnestly "  until  they  were  ready  to 
sell.  But  the  Dutch  were  not  inactive.  They  also  had  confer- 
ences with  the  chiefs  and  offered  to  buy  the  territory  in  question. 
Hudde  had  no  means  at  his  disposal,  but  in  order  to  prevent 
Printz  from  getting  a  title  to  the  land  several  freemen  (among 
whom  were  Broen  and  the  often  mentioned  Root)  offered  to 
buy  the  same  land  from  the  Indians  by  private  means  with  the 
understanding  "  that  they  would  convey  and  deliver  the  afore- 
said territory  in  whole  to  the  Honorable  Company  upon  pay- 
ment of  the  amount  advanced  by  them  on  condition  that  they 
should  have  the  preference  in  choosing  the  land,  which  might 
be  inhabited  by  them,  and  enjoy  its  possession  by  a  lawful  trans- 
fer from  the  Company."  Hudde  not  only  readily  accepted  their 
offer,  "  as  there  was  no  other  way  out  of  it  and  there  could  be 
no  delay,"  but  he  also  contributed  personally  towards  the  pur- 
chase. Negotiations  with  the  Indians  were  at  once  begun,  and 
on  the  thirtieth  day  of  March  four  chiefs  went  on  board  the 

"^The  consent  might  have  been  given  in  the  spring  of  1649.  The  document 
on  which  the  statement  is  based  is  only  a  copy.     Doc,  XH.  370. 

"Acrelius  (translation),  p.  43;  Doc,  XH.  370.  When  Broen  found  that 
Printz  had  bought  the  land  he  did  not  settle  on  it.  Hudde  says:  "  Mantaes  hoeck, 
being  a  place  about  a  long  half  league  below  the  destroyed  Fort  Nassouw." 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  429 

yacht  De  Hollandsche  Tuyrv'^  to  conclude  the  purchase.  The  dis- 
trict ceded  to  the  Dutch  by  the  transaction  is  described  as  lying 
and  extending  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  "  from  Ramkokes 
Kill,^^  northward  ...  to  the  south  end  of  an  island  called 
Tinnekonck  ""^^  and  from  there  "  up  the  river  to  ...  a  kill  on 
the  western  bank,  called  Neeyeck,  and  landwards  (including 
herein  the  aforesaid  Island  Tinnekonck),  about  four  leagues 
off,  or  more  or  less,  as  the  possessors  shall  deem  necessary." 
The  deeds  ("  two  originals  of  the  same  tenor")  were  signed  by 
Kickeesickenom  (the  owner),  Hattowens,  Kintakosy  and 
Schinna  on  the  one  side  and  by  Broen,  Jan  Andriesen  and  a 
number  of  other  Hollanders  on  the  other  (all  of  whom  being 
unable  to  write  made  their  marks  only) .  One  of  the  originals 
was  sent  to  New  Amsterdam,  where  it  was  deposited  in  the 
secretary's  office;  the  Indians  kept  the  other.^^ 

In  a  letter  presumably  dated  April  9  (19),  1649,''-  Hudde 

"^The  Hollandish  Garden.    The  Doc.  has  new  style  or  April  9,  1649. 

"Rancocas  (Rancoques)   Creek,  N.  J. 

'*' See  map.  Tinnekonck  (Tenakongh)  Island  is  located  a  little  above  Burling- 
ton, N.  J.     Cf.  Lindestrom's  map. 

'^Doc,  XII.  48-49,  371. 

'^  In  the  copy  of  Stuyvesant's  answer  to  this  letter  it  is  referred  to  as  "  your 
last  letter  of  the  19th  of  May"  {Doc,  XII.  372).  But  this  must  be  a  mistake  for 
Stuyvesant's  answer  is  dated  May  13  {Doc,  XII.  373).  Now  of  course  it  might 
be  possible  that  Stuyvesant  used  the  old  style  and  Hudde  the  new  style  in  which 
case  the  dates  would  be  May  19  (Hudde's)  and  May  23  (Stuyvesant's).  But  it 
is  hardly  probable  that  Stuyvesant  would  have  answered  the  letter  immediately 
upon  its  arrival  at  New  Amsterdam,  if  it  did  arrive  there  as  soon  as  the 
twenty-third  (it  seems  to  have  taken  from  three  days  to  a  week  to  send  letters 
from  the  South  River  to  New  Amsterdam).  It  is  more  likely  that  there  is  a 
mistake  in  the  copy,  May  being  used  instead  of  April  (the  original  might  also 
have  contained  the  error).  This  is  confirmed  by  a  Letter  Book,  where  Stuyvesant 
writes  under  date  of  May  26,  1649:  "I  have  answered  your  Honor's  favour  of 
the  nineteenth  April  before  this"  {Doc,  XII.  62).  This  is  undoubtedly  the 
letter  in  question.  Hudde  presumably  answered  Stuyvesant's  letter  of  May  13 
about  May  20,  and  on  May  26  Stuyvesant  sent  a  reply  to  this,  at  the  same 
time  referring  to  Hudde's  earlier  missive  of  April  19.  There  is,  however,  one 
objection  to  this  date.  It  is  hard  to  see  why  Hudde  should  wait  to  report  the 
land  purchase  of  April  9  until  April  19.  Stuyvesant,  however,  had  admonished 
him  not  to  send  letters  to  New  Amsterdam  by  special  messenger,  but  by  boats 
going  there,  whenever  it  could  be  done,  and  it  is  possible  that  he  had  to  wait 
ten  days  for  a  ship  with  which  to  send  the  letter.  Acrelius  noticed  the  mistake, 
but  he  concluded  that  the  year  was  wrong,  so  he  dated  Hudde's  letter  May  ig, 
J648,  and  supposed  that  Broen's  attempt  at  settlement  and  Printz's  land  purchases 


430  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

reported  the  purchase  to  Stuyvesant,  complaining  bitterly  of 
Printz's  conduct  and  on  that  ground  attempting  to  explain  his 
own  actions.  Printz,  he  said,  had  taken  possession  of  the  entire 
western  bank  of  the  river,  with  the  exception  "  of  a  piece  of  land 
about  50  feet  square  .  .  .  outside  of  which  nobody  dared  to 
cultivate  a  foot  of  ground."  The  Swedes  would  also  have 
gained  a  foothold  on  the  eastern  bank  above  Ft.  Nassau,  but 
the  watchfulness  of  Hudde,  who,  by  anticipating  them 
averted  the  catastrophe  of  being  entirely  enclosed  in  the  fort 
and  eventually  driven  from  the  river,  prevented  it.  Hudde 
again  stated  that  "  the  land  from  the  Narratico  Kill  to  the  bay  " 
was  "  for  sale  by  the  savages  "  and  proposed  that  it  be  bought. 
Stuyvesant  replied  on  May  3  (13)^^  in  very  friendly  terms, 
approved  of  the  purchase  and  promised  that  the  amount  paid 
for  the  land  would  be  provided  for  as  soon  as  the  price  was 
known.  He  also  considered  the  proposition  to  buy  more  land 
"as  good  and  expedient,"  "thereby  anticipating  others,"  but 
he  especially  cautioned  Hudde  "  to  take  care  that  in  the  transfer 
the  proper  minuteness  be  observed  and  that  this  act  be  signed 
and  witnessed  by  as  many  sachems  and  witnesses  as  he  might 
obtain  among  the  Christians,  who  were  not  in  the  service  of  the 
company."^'* 

The  distrust  and  enmity  between  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
"  were  now  daily  increasing."  As  was  natural  they  suspected  each 
other  of  evil  intentions  more  than  actual  facts  warranted.  Hudde 
had  apparently  succeeded  in  convincing  the  Dutch  governor 
that  Printz  was  entirely  to  blame  for  the  strained  relations  and 
the  most  impossible  motives  and  plans  were  attributed  to  him. 
It  was  supposed  that  Printz  planned  to  stretch  his  influence 
beyond  the  limits  of  New  Sweden  and  control  the  entire  beaver 
trade  of  the  Delaware  and  the  Hudson  Rivers.    "The  design," 

occurred  in  1646.  Acrelius,  p.  36.  The  letter  of  April  19  is  not  "  fornyat " 
(renewed  or  repeated)  as  Acrelius  states,  p.  37,  but  given  in  abstract  only.  Doc, 
Xn.  37c^i. 

"The  letter  was  sent  by  the  ship  of  Vasterick  and  undoubtedly  arrived  at  Fort 
Nassau  in  a  week  or  less. 

'^  Doc.  XH.  372-373. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  431 

wrote  Stuyvesant  in  the  above  quoted  letter,  "  of  the  Swede 
to  close  also  the  North  River  from  behind  above  the  fort  and 
to  destroy  our  trade  at  F'ort  Orange  has  been  foreseen  by  us." 
The  idea  was  perhaps  suggested  by  Hudde,  and  Stuyvesant 
believed  that  it  was  possible  and  feasible  for  Printz  to  do  so 
unless  he  was  prevented.  Accordingly,  he  informed  the  direc- 
tors about  it  "  and  demanded  means  to  prevent  it."  They 
answered ^that  Brant  van  Slechtenhorst  ought  to  be  informed  of 
the  plan  and  requested  to  oppose  any  designs  of  the  Swedes. 
Stuyvesant,  however,  "  feared  that  Van  Slechtenhorst  would  care 
very  little  for  it,  and  that,  as  he  was  not  quite  favorably  dis- 
posed towards  the  Honorable  Company,  he  would  perhaps  like 
to  see  nothing  better."  But  the  fears  were  ungrounded.  Printz 
had  enough  to  do  on  the  South  River  without  wasting  his  ener- 
gies in  far  off  and  uncertain  adventures  near  the  source  of  the 
Hudson. ^^ 

It  appears  that  at  least  two  new  houses  were  contracted  to  be 
built  by  the  Dlitch  on  the  South  River  about  this  time.*'*^  They 
were  undoubtedly  erected  on  the  east  bank  above  Fort  Nassau 
on  the  land  purchased  by  Root  and  the  other  freemen,  and  hence 
these  activities  gave  rise  to  no  quarrels  with  the  Swedes,  for 
Printz  opposed  the  Dutch  only  when  they  trespassed  on  what 
he  held  to  be  the  territory  of  New  Sweden.  It  is  probable  that 
the  land  spoken  of  above,  as  lying  south  of  Fort  Nassau,  was 
bought  by  the  Dutch  at  this  time  for  Stuyvesant  offered  to  make 
provision  for  the  cost.  He  also  urged  his  commissioner  "to 
promote  the  old  rights  and  possessions  of  the  Schuylkill  by  all 
means  with  the  natives  that  it  might  not  be  forsaken  by  them  or 
transferred  to  others. "^^ 

Although  Stuyvesant  admonished  his  commander  at  Fort 
Nassau  to  oppose  the  Swedes  by  every  means  at  hand,  he  found 
no  scruples  in  joining  them  in  keeping  out  the  English.  The 
New  Haven  planters  and  merchants,  as  we  have  seen,  continued 
to  look  towards  the  Delaware  for  new  trading  posts,  and  in  the 

^Doc,  XII.  372-3. 

""The  contract  was  signed  May  30,  1649;  Doc,  XII.  50. 

''Doc,  XII.  62  S. 


432  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

summer  it  was  reported  at  New  Amsterdam  that  they  were 
about  to  appear  there  in  force.  Stuyvesant  feared  that,  if  the 
English  were  allowed  to  gain  a  foothold  in  the  bay,  they  would 
not  only  "  alienate  the  river  from  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedes 
forever  but  after  it  they  would  also  make  an  attempt  to  get 
possession  of  the  North  River  .  .  .  and  would  draw  the  trade 
into  other  channels."  In  order  to  forestall  such  a  calamity 
Hudde  was  not  only  to  "  pay  attention  to  all  measures  to  pre- 
vent this,  but  also  to  confer  with  Printz  about  it  either  in  person 
or  by  letter  "  and  if  possible  to  arrange  some  means  of  concerted 
action  with  him.  In  all  this,  however,  he  was  admonished  to 
be  careful  not  to  "  expose  himself  in  regard  to  their  right  of 
first  and  old  possession."  It  is  likely  that  Hudde  approached 
the  Swedish  governor  on  the  subject  and  that  the  two  agreed 
"  to  join  hands  against  the  common  foe."*'^ 

What  occurred  at  the  Dutch  settlement  during  the  winter  of 
1 649-1 650  does  not  appear  from  the  extant  records,  but  it 
seems  that  buildings  and  other  undertakings  were  planned,  for 
Stuyvesant  at  times  desired  more  complete  information  than 
was  contained  in  the  reports  of  the  commiss  about  "  the  particu- 
lars of  the  progress  "  made.  Governor  Stuyvesant  now  placed 
full  confidence  in  his  representative  at  the  southern  limits  of 
New  Netherland,  being  convinced  that  he  had  been  maliciously 
slandered  and  opposed.^^ 

In  the  spring  of  1650  Stuyvesant  was  informed  "that  their 
High  Mightinesses  had  accepted  New  Netherland  "''^'^  and  on 
May  19  (29)  he  wrote  to  Hudde  that  he  had  "been  given 
hope  from  the  Fatherland  ...  of  peopling  New  Netherland 
and  especially  the  South  River,  which  had  been  taken  in  great 
consideration  by  Their  Honors."  Further  attacks  and  usurpa- 
tions of  the  Swedes  and  English  were  to  be  resisted  and  ample 
supplies   would  be   sent,   but   "  the   communication    [must  be 

"'  Doc,  xn.  63  if. 

'°  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  seldom  had  a  more 
faithful  servant  than  Hudde. 

'"Letter  from  directors  to  Stuyvesant,  February  i6  (n.s.),  1650.  N.  Y.  Col. 
Mss.,  XL  f.  18. 


t'j^:r_'i\ 


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s 


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fe 


J>^^f^^^^^^^^    )r^\r(^.^    k^.U^     .J>.^.W    /.a.'j.J^. 


Ijov-i-i* 


^  4VQ^  cw^  -.^yljJS^Ur^ 
r^'4p  Au^  '^.^j.jvf 


to— <■*»    .    "  '^irnfii'-f-Tnr-finfcn 


P[eter]   Stuyvesant's  letter  to  Governor  Printz,  July  2i,  1650,  relating  the  shipwreck  of  the  A'a//. 
(Cf.  pp.  338,  433.)     Original  preserved  in  N.  S.  I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  433 

kept]  secret  from  the  Swedish  Governor  and  his  favorites." 
Meanwhile  Hudde  was  to  "  have  everything  in  readiness  to 
accommodate  all  those  who  were  willing  to  settle  under  the 
patronage  of  the  company  ...  in  order  to  encourage  others. "^^ 

Fort  Beversreede  was  abandoned  by  the  Dutch  in  the  summer 
of  1650  (Stuyvesant  writing  "that  he  was  well  pleased  with 
what  had  been  done  regarding  the  building  at  Beversreede,  since 
he  well  knew  the  necessity  of  it  and  that  it  could  not  be  other- 
wise ") ,  and  it  is  clear  that  Printz  mastered  the  situation,  as  can 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  governor  on  July  6 
(16)  expected  "  information  in  regard  to  the  state  of  affairs  on 
the  river  and  what  hope  there  was  of  maintaining  the  Company 
in  its  rights  and  to  recover  the  boundaries  of  the  Schuylkill  from 
the  Swedes."  Few  Dutch  freemen  were  willing  to  settle  on  the 
Delaware  and  "  to  take  the  plow  into  their  hands."  They 
preferred,  it  seems,  to  remain  in  New  Netherland,  and  only  two 
applications  for  permission  to  locate  on  the  South  River  are 
preserved  from  this  time.'^-  To  make  matters  worse  Root  and 
some  others  "betook  themselves  against  Hudde's  advice  and 
consent  to  the  Minquas  country."  Such  running  about  was  con- 
sidered dangerous.  It  weakened  the  plantation  and  tended  to 
destroy  all  disciplined^ 

Stuyvesant  was  aware  that  the  Swedes  expected  a  ship  with 
a  large  cargo  in  1650,  which  caused  him  some  uneasiness,  but 
in  July  Augustin  Herrman  brought  news  that  the  ship  had  been 
stranded  at  Porto  Rico  or  captured  by  the  Spaniards.  Stuyve- 
sant took  pains  to  inform  Printz  of  the  disaster.  Printz,  how- 
ever, did  not  lose  heart.  He  wrote  letters  to  Sweden,  requesting 
more  soldiers  and  new  supplies,  reporting  that  he  held  his  own 
in  the  quarrels  with  the  Dutch,  and  that  he  had  resisted  their 
attempts  at  settlements  within  the  Swedish  boundary  lines. 
In  the  spring  the  directors  informed  Stuyvesant  that  they  in- 
tended to  try  to  fix  the  boundaries  between  the  colonies  on  the 

"  Doc,  XII.  64  ff. 

"Jan  Andriessen  of  Beren-Bach  and  Cornelius  .  .  .  being  the  two  freemen. 
Doc,  XII.  66-8. 

"Dof.,  I.  594;  XII.  64-7;  Report,  1647. 
29 


434  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

South  River  by  a  treaty  with  the  Queen  of  Sweden;  but  the 
governor  was  also  instructed  "to  maintain  the  rights  of  the 
company  in  all  justice  and  equity."  It  would  therefore  seem 
that  no  immediate  danger  was  threatening  New  Sweden  from 
this  source,  but  the  clouds  were  gathering  and  the  complications 
between  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedes  were  rapidly  approaching  a 
crisis. '^^ 

III. 

With  1 65 1  begins  the  last  phase  of  the  Swedish-Dutch  rela- 
tions during  the  administration  of  Printz.  In  March  certain 
Dutch  freemen  sent  a  petition  to  Stuyvesant,  enumerating  "the 
losses  they  had  suffered  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Swedes,"  and 
requested  him  to  come  to  the  South  River  for  their  aid  and 
relief.  A  little  later  several  freemen  of  Fort  Beversreede  (which 
seems  to  have  been  re-occupied  about  this  time)  applied  for  the 
allotment  of  a  plot  of  ground  for  plantations.  Accordingly 
Hudde  "  point [ed]  out  at  a  certain  place  behind  Fort  Bevers- 
reede a  small  piece  of  ground  to  plant  some  garden  stuff  in," 
but  Printz  soon  sent  a  force  there  and  destroyed  what  had  been 
planted.  About  the  beginning  of  April  Peter  Cornelissen  and 
Reynier  Dominicus  prepared  "  to  build  on  land  assigned  to  them 
on  the  Island  Harommuny,"  west  of  the  Swedish  plantation, 
but  their  entire  work  was  destroyed  by  Printz  and  the  material 
cut  into  firewood.  Again  in  May  some  freemen  were  granted 
land  on  the  island  by  Stuyvesant.  On  the  twelfth  ( 22nd)  it  was 
measured  by  the  land  commissary  whereupon  Sander  Leen- 
dertsen  brought  his  clapboards  there  and  prepared  to  build  but 
he  was  forcibly  prevented  by  Papegoja  from  continuing  his 
work."^^ 

Stuyvesant  was  now  fairly  tired  of  the  many  complaints  that 
came  from  the  South  River.  Twice  he  had  determined  to  go 
there,  as  we  have  seen,  but  each  time  he  had  been  hindered.  In 
the  beginning  of  1651  he  again  had  in  mind  to  proceed  in  per- 

'*  Printz  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1650,  Skokl.  Saml.   (R.A.)  ;  Stuyvesant  to  Printz 
July  24  (n.s.),  1650,  M.S.,  L   (R.A.)  ;  Doc,  XH.  66-7. 
^^  Doc,  1.  594-5;  Xn.  68  fit.    Sander  or  Alexander. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  435 

son,  but  as  spring  approached  urgent  duties  once  more  detained 
him.  He  knew  that  the  forces  at  the  disposal  of  Printz  were 
small  and  his  resources  limited.  It  was  therefore  likely  that  a 
single  ship  could  restore  the  balance  of  power  to  the  Dutch, 
check  "the  insolence  of  the  Swedes"  and  prevent  merchants 
from  trading  in  the  river  without  a  permit  from  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company  or  from  Stuyvesant,  Accordingly  a  vessel  was 
prepared  in  April  and  sent  to  the  South  River  in  the  beginning 
of  May.  "On  May  8,"  says  Printz,  "  arrived  here  from  New 
Netherland  a  ship  with  people  and  cannon,  well  armed.  The 
ship  placed  itself  half  a  mile  [about  three  and  a  half  English 
miles]  below  our  Fort  Christina,  closing  the  river  so  that  no 
vessel  could  proceed  unmolested  either  up  or  down."  Printz, 
however,  was  not  daunted.  He  made  ready  his  little  yacht  and 
sent  it  with  people,  cannon  and  ammunition  down  the  river 
against  the  Dutch  vessel.  It  seems  that  the  captain  had  been 
instructed  by  Stuyvesant  not  to  provoke  or  begin  hostilities,  for, 
when  the  Swedish  yacht  appeared,  "he  tried  no  hostility 
against"  it,  but  withdrew  his  ship  and  returned  to  Manhattan. 
"  And  thus,"  says  Printz,  "  we  secured  the  river  open  [again]  "^^ 
The  only  result  of  the  expedition  was  to  make  it  clear  to 
Stuyvesant  that  more  effective  measures  must  be  taken  and  a 
larger  force  must  be  employed,  if  he  were  to  be  able  to  cope 
with  the  active  and  alert  governor  of  New  Sweden.  We  may 
infer  that  he  now  began  making  preparations  for  a  new  expedi- 
tion. It  was  all  done  on  his  own  authority,  and  he  did  not  even 
advise  the  directors  about  it.  About  the  middle  of  June  all 
arrangements  for  the  expedition  were  completed.  Eleven  ships 
were  equipped,  four  of  these  being  "well  armed,"  and  a  force 
of  soldiers  was  engaged  to  accompany  the  director  to  the  Dela- 
ware. The  preparations  were  made  so  secretly  that  Printz 
knew  nothing  about  them  before  the  Dutch  were  approaching. 

'®  Printz  to  Oxenstierna,  August  i,  1651,  and  to  Brahe  and  Beier,  the  same 
date,  Skolk.  Saml;  Ox.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Doc,  I.  594-5.  "  Detta  skeepit  iagh  utan 
nagot  stort  betankande  med  en  Jackt  af  folk,  stycken  och  munitier  repuscherade 
och  dermed  sa  wyd  brachte  att  wij  bekomme  Revirt  opit."     Printz  to  Beier. 


436  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Stuyvesant  marched  across  the  country  with  120  men'^'^  and 
arrived  at  Fort  Nassau  on  June  25,  where  the  ships  met  him. 
To  impress  the  Swedes  with  his  strength  he  sailed  his  little  fleet 
up  and  down  the  river  "  with  drumming  and  cannonading." 
Letters  and  messengers  were  sent  to  Printz,  setting  forth  the 
rights  of  the  company  to  the  entire  river  by  first  possession  and 
discovery  and  to  certain  lands  by  purchase,  effected  years  before 
the  Swedes  arrived.  "The  result  of  this,"  says  a  Dutch  docu- 
ment, "was  only  a  simple  writing  .  .  .  wherein  the  aforesaid 
governor  designated  the  Swedish  limits  wide  and  broad  enough, 
but  without  any  justification  or  proper  proof,  having  resource 
to  the  subterfuge  that  the  deeds  of  the  purchase  and  conveyance 
of  the  acquired  lands  there  were  not  at  hand,  but  in  the  Chancery 
at  Stockholm  where,^^  he  said,  he  had  indeed  seen  them.""^^ 

In  the  meantime  Stuyvesant  conferred  with  his  commiss  about 
the  situation  and  called  the  Indian  chiefs  to  a  conference  at 
Fort  Nassau. 

On  June  29  (July  9)^*^  three  Indian  chiefs  "  came  freely  and 
appeared  with  other  natives"  at  the  Dutch  fort.  The  chiefs 
were  asked  various  questions  by  the  Dutch  governor  in  the  pres- 
ence of  several  officers  and  servants  of  the  company.  First 
the  governor  asked  the  Indians  through  Boyer,  who  was  the 
interpreter,  "  whether  they  were  chiefs  and  proprietors  of  the 
land  situated  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,"  unto  which  Pemi- 
nacka^^  replied  in  the  affirmative,  on  behalf  of  all.  To  the 
second  question,  "  how  much  land  they  had  sold  to  the  Swedes," 
Peminacka  gave  evasive  answers,  inquiring  why  "  the  sachem  of 
the  Swedes  "  was  not  there  to  answer  that  question  himself, 
adding  that  the  Dutch  were  the  first  to  come  there  and  "that 

"  Sprinchorn  is  mistaken  in  stating  that  Stuyvesant  came  by  water  {N.  Sverige, 

p.  38). 

'*  It  seems  strange  that  no  copies  of  the  deeds  were  at  hand  in  New  Sweden. 

"Letter  to  J.  Beier,  August  i,  1651,  and  to  Oxenstierna  and  Brahe  the  same 
date,  Ox.  Saml.,  Skokl.  Saml,  Doc,  I.  589  ff. 

*°  Former  historians  keep  the  old  style  of  the  Swedish  documents  and  the  new 
of  the  Dutch  without  comment,  causing  confusion  to  the  reader. 

*'  I  follow  the  spelling  of  the  Swedish  documents,  photographs  of  whose  orig- 
inals I  have  before  me. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  437 

one  Cornelius  with  one  eye,  or,  a  film  on  his  eye,  was  first  .  .  . 
[to  make]  his  dwelling  on  the  river."  The  Dutch  returned 
that  Governor  Printz  was  apparently  unwilling  to  be  present  as 
he  had  been  invited,^^  and  the  question  was  again  put  to  the 
chief.  Then  Mattahorn  said  "  that  when  Minuit  came  into  the 
country  with  a  ship,  he  lay  before  the  Minquas  Kill  .  .  .  [and 
presented  to  the  chief]  a  kettle  and  other  trifles,"  in  exchange 
for  which  he  was  given  as  much  land  as  he  "  could  set  a  house 
on  and  a  plantation  included  between  six  trees."  The  chief 
was  to  have  half  of  the  tobacco  that  would  grow  on  the  planta- 
tion, but  it  was  never  given  to  him.®^  Peminacha,  however, 
was  unwilling  to  sell  the  land  from  the  Schuylkill  to  the  bay  on 
the  west  side  of  the  river  for  fear  of  the  Swedes.  "Where 
then,"  said  he,  "will  the  houses  of  the  Swedes  remain?  Will 
the  sachem  of  the  Swedes  then  not  do  us  harm  on  that  account, 
or  put  us  in  prison  or  beat  us?  "  On  being  assured  that  Stuyve- 
sant  wished  to  buy  no  land,  already  purchased  by  the  Swedes  or 
any  other  nation,  and  that  no  trouble  with  the  Swedes  would 
result,  the  chiefs  had  a  consultation  and  Peminacka,  "  as  the 
present  and  ceding  proprietor,"  speaking  for  the  others,  pres- 
ented as  a  free  gift  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  Delaware 
from  Minquas  Kill  down  to  the  bay,  his  only  stipulation  being 
that  "  whenever  anything  was  the  matter  with  his  gun.  It  should 
be  repaired  for  nothing  and,  when  he  came  empty  among 
the  Dutch,  they  should  remember  [to  give]  him  some  maize." 
No  deed  was  made,  but  a  relation  was  prepared  which  was 
signed  by  eight  witnesses  Including  the  clergyman,  Wilhelmus 
Grasmeer,  Isaac  Allerton,  A.  Hudde  and  A.  Boyer,  the  In- 
terpreter. The  paper  was  also  signed  by  Marten  Cregier,  Cap- 
tain Lieutenant  of  New  Amsterdam,  and  Abraham  Staats,  Sur- 
geon and  elder  of  Rensselaerswyck,  who  attested  that  In  their 

*^It  is  hardly  probable  that  Printz  was  invited  to  this  conference  for  the 
explanation  prefixed  to  the  documents  would  most  likely  have  mentioned  the  facts. 
See  Doc,  I.  590. 

*^ "  The  Swedish  governor,"  said  Mattahorn,  "  had  indeed  bought  land  three 
or  four  years  before,  but  from  two  chiefs,  who  had  no  right  to  the  land,  and  not 
from  Kyckesycken,  the  real  owner." 


438  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

presence  the  above  witnesses  had  affixed  their  names  with  their 
own  hands  and  that  all  were  of  competent  age.  The  docu- 
ment is  not  an  original,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  events  and 
the  general  trend  of  the  Indian  speeches  are  correctly  re- 
ported.^^  The  Indians  were  not  over  careful  in  their  regard 
for  truth,  nor  over  scrupulous  in  their  dealings.  The  Indian 
ownership  of  land  was  very  vague  and  undefined.  Several 
chiefs  would  lay  claim  to  the  same  land  and  no  definite  limits 
were  ever  established.  The  chiefs  would  hunt  and  fish  over 
vast  areas  and  wherever  they  happened  to  place  their  tents  or 
establish  their  hunting  ground  by  force  or  otherwise  they  claimed 
jurisdiction.  For  the  sake  of  gifts  they  would  sell  the  land 
to  more  than  one  buyer  and  each  time  it  was  asserted  that  it 
had  never  been  sold  before.  Mattahorn  was  one  of  the  chiefs 
from  whom  Minuit  bought  land  in  1638,  and  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  he  would  have  applied  to  the  Swedes  long  before 
and  demanded  and  received  the  stipulated  payments,  if  these 
had  not  been  made,  as  indeed  occurred  in  June,   1647. 

When  Printz  became  aware  of  the  fact  that  "  Peminacka  and 
his  friends  "  had  donated  land  south  of  Christina  to  the  Dutch, 
he  sent  for  the  heirs  of  Mitatsimint  (the  chief  who  had  origin- 
ally sold  the  same  land  to  the  Swedes)  and  explained  to  them 
what  had  happened.  It  appears  that  Peminacka  laid  claim  to 
the  lands  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been  presented  to  him  by 
Mitatsimint  "with  full  proprietary  rights."  This  was  posi- 
tively denied  by  the  heirs  of  the  latter,  who  attested  that  the 
land  had  been  given  to  Peminacka  for  hunting  purposes  only 
and  not  as  a  property  which  he  could  sell.  They  also  declared 
that  Mitatsimint,  the  only  rightful  owner,  had  sold  the  land  to 
the  Swedes  and  "that  nobody  else,  whatsoever  nation  it  be, 
had  any  right  or  pretension  to  it,  to  dwell  upon  it  or  to  incor- 
porate it."  A  document  embodying  the  above  facts  was  drafted 
on  July  3,  and  attested  by  Notike,  the  widow  of  Mitatsimint, 
and  his  son  Kiapes,  besides  two  other  children  (probably  not  of 

**  The  copy  was  attested  and  collated.  The  corroboration  of  the  general  facts 
is  found  in  a  later  original  document.      See  photographic  reproduction. 


/^ 


-y^^.  *-*-»- 

t:^!^:^..^::;^:^ 


■fu-c^    S^^'>-^</^>',ij^-^i^'^ei^U/\\   c4. 


Copy  of  the  testimony  of  the  heirs  of  INIitatsimint  that  the  Swedes  alone  had  a  right 
to  Quinamkot  (Sandhook),  July  3,  1651.  Translated  below,  p.  757.  Ms.  preserved  in  N.  S. 
I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  439 

age).  They  were  willing  to  prove  by  all  the  Indians  in  the 
river  the  truth  of  the  above  statements,  and,  "  in  confirmation  of 
this  truth,  they  subscribed  their  mark  with  their  own  hand." 
The  document  was  also  signed  by  Peter  Jochimson^^  and  Got- 
fried  Harmer  as  witnesses.*^^  It  was  sent  to  Stuyvesant  to- 
gether with  copies  of  letters  from  the  Queen  and  certain  para- 
graphs of  Printz's  instruction  and  probably  a  protest.  Un- 
fortunately only  a  copy  is  preserved,  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  it  is  not  genuine. 

The  Dutch  governor,  however,  paid  little  attention  to  these 
papers.  He  had  acquired  certain  claims  to  the  district  below 
Fort  Christina  and  he  possessed  a  signed  document  to  prove 
these  claims.  He  accordingly  prepared  his  little  fleet,  the  force 
which  had  come  across  the  country  being  put  on  board,  and 
sailed  down  the  river  to  a  convenient  place  on  the  west  bank, 
between  Christina  and  Elfsborg,  where  200  men  were  landed 
and  where  the  erection  of  a  fort  was  immediately  begun.^^ 
Against  such  power  Governor  Printz  could  accomplish  nothing. 
He  manned  his  little  yacht  with  thirty  men  and  followed  the 
Dutch,  but  he  "  did  not  dare  to  attempt  anything"  of  a  hostile 
character.^^ 

In  the  meantime  Stuyvesant  sent  an  answer  to  the  letters  and 
documents  of  Printz,  reiterating  the  injuries  the  Dutch  had 
suffered  on  the  South  River  at  the  hands  of  the  Swedes.  Root 
and  Maurisen  had  been  refused  payment  by  them,  while  Printz 
had  forbidden  his  people  to  trade  with  the  Dutch  and  for  these 
injuries  reparation  was  demanded.^^ 

On  the  eighth  of  July  Governor  Printz  drew  up  a  formal 
protest  against  the  activities  of  the  Dutch.     He  asserted  that 

'°The  same  as  Peter  Jochim,  who  died  at  New  Amsterdam  in  1655. 

*"  Certificate  of  sale,  July  3,  1651  (copy),  N.S.,  I.  (R.A.),  printed  by  Sprinchorn, 
N.S.,  p.  88. 

*'  It  has  been  stated  that  Stuyvesant  began  to  build  before  he  had  had  the 
conference  with  the  Indians  and  before  he  had  acquired  title  to  the  land,  but  this 
is  a  mistake.  The  mistake  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  writers  have  not  taken 
into  consideration  that  the  Swedes  used  the  old  style  and  the  Dutch  the  new. 

^*  Printz  to  Brahe,  to  Beier  and  to  Oxenstierna,  August  i,  1651,  Ox.  SarnL, 
Skokl.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

"Dof.,  I.  595  ff. 


440  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

enough  documents  and  witnesses  had  been  produced  to  prove 
clearly  that  the  land,  situated  between  Bomten's  Hook  and  the 
Schuylkill,  as  well  as  that  from  the  Schuylkill  to  Sankikan, 
had  been  bought  for  the  Crown  of  Sweden  years  before.  In 
spite  of  this  the  Dutch,  he  said,  had  purchased  portions  of 
these  lands  from  Indians,  who  had  neither  "  right  nor  title  " 
thereto,  incorporated  such  places  into  their  possessions  and 
erected  fortifications  upon  them  in  order  to  close  up  the  river, 
thereby  inflicting  great  injuries  to  the  settlements  of  the  Swe- 
dish government.  He  appealed  to  the  alliance  between  the  two 
nations  in  Europe,  protesting  in  the  name  of  Her  Royal 
Majesty  against  Stuyvesant's  procedure,  and  declared  himself 
free  from  any  part  in  the  consequences  that  would  follow.®*^ 

Stuyvesant  continued  his  work  without  interruption,  how- 
ever, but  the  letters  and  protests  had  had  at  least  one  effect.  They 
seem  to  have  shaken  the  validity  of  Paminacka's  ownership. 
To  be  able  to  show  more  "  legal  title  "  than  the  grant  of  June 
29,  Stuyvesant  again  sent  for  the  Indian  chiefs,  who  were 
favorably  disposed  towards  him.  The  disputed  land  was  again 
transferred  to  the  Dutch  and  a  deed  discribing  the  limits  was 
drafted.  "  Mattahorn,  Peminacka,  Ackehorn  and  Sinques," 
reads  the  deed,  "  Sachems  and  right  owners  of  the  land  situated 
on  the  west  side  of  the  South  River  of  New  Amsterdam,  do 
hereby  certify  and  declare,  that  we  for  ourselves  and  our  heirs 
and  co-heirs  of  free  will  and  well  advised  inclination  have  this 
nineteenth  day  of  July  [n.s.]  given  and  voluntarily  presented 
to  Peter  Stuyvesant,  Chief  Sachem,  of  the  Manhattans,  a  certain 
portion  of  land  named  Tamecongh,  situate  on  the  west  shore 
of  the  aforesaid  River  beginning  at  the  west  point  of  tTie 
Minquas  Kill,  called  in  the  Indian  tongue  Suppeckongh,  unto 
the  mouth  of  the  bay  or  river  called  Boompjes  hook  and  in  the 
Indian  tongue  called  Canaresse,  and  so  far  landwards  as  our 
right  extends:  to  wit  to  the  bounds  and  limits  of  the  Minquas 
country,  which  lands  were  never  before  sold  or  conveyed  to 

°*  It  was  signed  by  Johan  Printz  and  dated  at  Nya  G6tteb[org],  July  8,  1651. 
Copy,  now  preserved  in  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.),  printed  by  Sprinchorn,  N.S.,  pp.  90-91. 


^^J^mr&W^^"'^^^^-'^'' 


;^ 


^-^^>. 


Relation  of  Mitatsimint's  widow  and  heirs  of  the  first  land  purchase  by  the 
Swedes  on  March  29,  1639,  dated  July  13,  1651.  Signed  by  '•  Johan  Printz,  Hendrick 
Huygen,  Gustavus  Printz,  Peter  Bock." 


ir ^ "^ 


Certificate  by  the  heirs  of  Mitatsimint  that  Quinamkot  (Sandhook),  "  on  which 
the  Hollanders  now  build,"  belonged  to  them  and  that  it  had  been  sold  to  the  Swedes 
only,  dated  July  16,  16,51.      Ms.  preserved  in  N.  S.  I.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


^H--^ 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  441 

any  nation  in  the  world. "^^  The  deed  further  declared  that  the 
land  was  ceded  to  Stuyvesant  in  the  presence  of  Indian  and 
Christian  witnesses  and  that  the  chiefs  would  never  again  "  sell 
or  transport  the  aforesaid  land  in  whole  or  in  part  to  any 
others"  (a  wise  stipulation  indeed),  nor  plant  corn  thereupon 
except  with  the  governor's  consent.  It  is  stated  that  the 
Indians  wished  to  present  the  land  to  Stuyvesant  as  a  gift  but 
the  director  *'  politely  thanlcing  them  therefor,  preferred  mak- 
ing them  satisfaction  and  a  present  in  return."  The  deed  was 
signed  at  Camecouck,  on  July  9  (19)  by  Amattehoorn,  Sinques 
and  Ackehoorn,  besides  thirteen  Christians  as  witnesses.  It  is 
significant  that  Peminacka  was  not  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  mentioned  as  one  of  "the  proprietors."  Perhaps  the 
reasons  presented  by  Printz  against  his  ownership  of  the  land 
were  considered  sufficient  by  Stuyvesant  to  exclude  him.  We 
have  again  only  a  copy  to  judge  from,  however,  which  is  mis- 
dated,^^  and  we  can  therefore  not  be  positive  of  the  omission  of 
Peminacka's  name  in  the  original.  A  later  document  confirms 
the  view  that  Peminacka  did  not  affix  his  signature  to  the  deed 
and  that  it  was  perhaps  inserted  into  the  text  by  the  Dutch.^^ 
In  1654  this  chief  declared  that  he  had  not  sold  any  land  to 
Stuyvesant.  He  had  only  promised  him  certain  places  to  dwell 
upon,  but  no  deeds  or  documents  had  been  signed.^* 

It  is  probable  that  a  copy  of  the  deed  was  sent  to  Printz,  for 
he  immediately  arranged  a  conference  between  the  Indians  that 
were  involved  in  the  dispute.  The  conference  (which  took 
place  on  July  13)^^  can  almost  be  looked  upon  as  a  kind  of  court. 
The  question  as  to  the  respective  rights  of  Peminacka   and 

"ZJoc,  I.  599; 

*^The  date  given  in  the  copy  is  1655.      Doc,  I.  590  ff. 

**  "  Bekende  harmed  att  thet  kiop,  som  the  Svenske  hade  f  [or]  detta  giort  med 
Mitatsimint,  var  fast  och  rattmatigt  .  .  .  och  att  Peminacka  alldrig  hade  solldt 
Sandhocken  eller  thess  omliggande  land  ath  Stuvesand,"  etc.  Confirmation  on 
the  Sandhook,  July  8,  1654,  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

^  Doc,  I.  600;  of.  below. 

"  It  is  not  certain  whether  new  or  old  style  is  used  in  the  document,  whether 
3  or  13  is  really  correct.  From  internal  evidence  it  seems  that  this  document 
ought  to  come  before  the  execution  of  the  deed  by  Stuyvesant,  for  Peminacka  did 
not  sign  this  deed  and  the  document  is  directed   against  Peminacka  especially. 


442  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Mitatsimint's  widow  to  the  lands  was  again  to  be  decided, 
Peminacka  being  supported  by  Mattahorn,  Sinques  and  Oriri- 
chime  and  Notike  by  "her  son  and  her  blood  relation,  named 
Quenieck."  The  assertions  and  proofs  given  in  the  certificate 
or  report  of  July  3  were  repeated  more  in  detail  and  it  was 
added  that  Peminacka  had  been  granted  the  right  to  hunt  on 
the  land,  at  the  request  of  friends,  with  the  expectation  and 
promise  of  gifts  which  were  never  presented.  The  document, 
which  was  sent  to  the  Dutch  governor,  had  as  little  effect  as 
the  former.^*^  Printz,  however,  did  not  rest.  He  again  sent 
deputies  to  the  heirs  of  Mitatsimint  and  the  Indians,  who  were 
friendly  disposed  towards  him,  reporting  that  the  Dutch  paid 
no  attention  to  his  protest  and  that  Peminacka  and  his  friends 
still  pretended  to  be  the  rightful  owners  of  the  Sandhook.  A 
new  statement  was  drawn  up  and  these  Indians  again  declared 
that  they  had  orally,  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  protested 
against  Peminacka  and  his  crowd  "  and  with  truth  disproved 
their  assertions  and  convinced  them  and  their  own  with  it." 

The  declaration  went  on  to  say  that  the  land  positively  be- 
longed to  Mitatsimint  and  to  nobody  else,  that  it  had  been 
sold  only  to  the  Swedes  and  that  consequently  the  deeds  lately 
given  to  the  Dutch  were  of  no  value.  The  document,  dated 
July  16,  was  signed  by  Mitatsimint's  widow,  Notike,  her  son 
Kiapes  and  Quenieck,  besides  two  Indians  and  six  Christian 
witnesses.  It  is  probable  that  Printz  presented  this  protest  in 
person  to  the  Dutch  governor,  for  in  his  letter  to  Oxenstierna 
he  says:  "When  I  now  observed  that  the  above  mentioned 
violence  was  not  to  be  ruled  by  violence,  then  I  wrote  to  him 
first,  after  that  I  sent  a  deputation  to  him  {heskickade  honom) 
and  lastly  I  visited  him  personally."  Two  Christian  witnesses 
were  also  present  with  Printz  and  these  were  ready  to  declare 
"on  their  oath  that  the  Sandhook  had  been  bought  by  the 
Swedes  long  before  and  that  they  were  present  when  the  sale 
was  made;  but  to  all  this  Stuyvesant  simply  answered  that  he 

"The  report,  in  Dutch,  is  signed  by  Johan  Printz,  Gustaf  Printz,  Hendrick 
Huygen,  and  Peter  Bock,  as  witnesses.     N.S.,  L  (R.A.). 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  443 

was  governed  by  the  orders  from  the  States  of  Holland  "  and  the 
efforts  of  the  Swedish  governor  accomplished  nothing.^^ 

A  chief  by  the  name  of  Wappanghzewan  also  pretended  to 
a  tract  of  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Sandhook,  beginning 
at  a  certain  little  Kill,  named  Neckatoensing,  "  extending  wes- 
terly from  the  river  unto  Sittoensaene,  otherwise  called  the 
Minquas  Kill,  where  Fort  Christina  stands,"  but  different  from 
Tamecongh,  already  presented  to  Stuyvesant  by  Peminacka  and 
his  friends.^^  It  appears  that  Governor  Printz  had  sent  for 
Wappanghzewan  about  the  middle  of  July  and  requested  him 
to  sell  the  above  land,  but  he  was  unwilling  to  sell  it  to  the 
Swedish  governor,  because  it  had  been  occupied  by  the  Swedes 
without  his  consent.  Expecting  greater  remuneration  from 
Stuyvesant,  as  he  was  aware  of  the  fine  gifts  received  by  the 
other  chiefs,  he  appeared  at  the  Dutch  camp  a  few  days  later 
and  presented  the  said  land  with  all  rights  to  Governor  Stuyve- 
sant in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  "by  solemn  shaking  of  the 
hand  and  signature."  He  also  declared  that  he  would  "not 
transfer  or  sell  to  any  other  nation  the  lands  aforesaid." 
Wappanghzewan  affixed  his  mark  to  the  deed,  below  which 
eight  witnesses  signed  their  names. '^^  It  is  likely  that  Stuyve- 
sant informed  the  Swedish  governor  of  this  new  purchase  and 
sent  additional  protests.  There  are  no  further  documents  con- 
cerning the  disputes  between  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  from  this 
time  and  the  case  may  be  considered  closed.  Both  sides  had 
presented  their  claims  and  their  final  arguments,  both  rested 
their  title  on  purchase  from  the  Indians  as  the  right  owners  and 
both  presented  documents,  signed  by  Indian  chiefs,  to  prove 
their  claims.  In  both  cases  we  have  only  copies  from  which  to 
judge,  but  from  these  papers  as  well  as  from  sources  of  an 
earlier  and  later  date  we  can  decide  on  the  merits  of  the  case. 
Printz  has  clearly  the  best  ground  for  his  contention.     He 

^^ Printz  to  Beier,  August  i,  1651,  to  Oxenstierna,  same  date;  Protest,  etc., 
July  16,  1651,  copy  in  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.). 

°'The  deed  is  dated  July  30  (n.s.),  1651.  Only  a  copy  is  preserved  at  the 
Hague,  collated  by  Van  Ruyven,  however. 

''Doc,  I.  596  ff. 


444  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

proved  that  the  land  in  question  had  been  bought  by  the  Swedes 
thirteen  years  before  Stuyvesant  arrived,  he  presented  docu- 
ments, setting  forth  that  Peminacka  and  his  friends  had  no 
right  to  the  land,  and  Peminacka  in  a  later  original  document 
asserts  that  he  did  not  sell  the  land  to  Stuyvesant.  Further- 
more, Printz  acted  according  to  the  instructions  of  his  govern- 
ment, while  Stuyvesant  had  no  orders  from  his  superiors. ^"^"^ 
The  Dutch  documents,  as  we  have  them,  convict  themselves. 
The  Deduction  or  Clear  and  Precise  Account  of  the  Condition 
of  the  South  River,  etc.,  gives  a  brief  statement  of  the  troubles 
with  the  Swedes.  In  relating  the  events  of  1651  the  Account 
says  that  Printz  answered  Stuyvesant's  request  to  show  proper 
titles  to  the  land,  that  these  deeds  were  in  Sweden.  "  'Twas 
shortly  after  made  manifest  that  these  subterfuges  were  desti- 
tute of  truth,  for  said  governor  then  for  the  first  time  tried  to 
buy  from  a  certain  sachem  or  Indian  chief  .  .  .  such  lands 
as  he  already  occupied."  We  know,  however,  that  the  land 
had  been  bought  by  the  Swedes  and  that  the  deeds  really  were 
in  Stockholm.^" ^  In  order  to  make  the  Dutch  title  more  ap- 
parent and  to  disprove  the  allegations  of  Printz,  the  Account 
brings  in  the  purchase  of  Wappanghzewan  which  took  place  on 
July  30  (n.s.)  before  those  of  July  9  (n.s.)  and  19  (n.s.)  and 
the  deed  of  July  30  is  designated  as  the  "authentic  copy 
whereof  is  annexed  hereunto  no.  4."  "  Nothwithstanding  all 
this,"  continues  the  Account  (the  attempt  of  Printz  to  buy  land 
from  Wappanghzewan  and  the  sale  of  this  land  to  Stuyvesant, 
July  30  n.s.)  "and  for  still  further  peace  and  security,  the 
said  Director  Stuyvesant  sent  for  all  the  other  Indian  Chiefs 
yet  dwelling  about  the  aforesaid  River,  who  were  owners  of 
the  land  situated  thereabouts,  and  in  presence  of  divers  per- 
sons, according  to  their  annexed  written  declaration  No.  5 
[dated  July  9  n.s.],  proposed  to  them  some  questions  and  was 
offered  the  land  as  a  gift."    As  a  proof  of  this  a  copy  of  the 

'~  Cf.  above. 
"'  Cf.  above. 


i-Utjjtrt 


cu 


^i.X~i- 


*i.S^i^ 


5«-c^«4» 


^/-*rfA 


First  page  of  Gov.   Printz's  letter  (in  his  own  hand)  of  Aug.  1,1651,  to  Sec.  Johan 
Beier.     Original  preserved  in  Ox.  Sainl.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


5^jf;.7z^  -r^i£t  ^^JzJT 


';fci?  ^.<^^J^''^-^,f>^J^<f',H^  ^^ 


'  2^*"^^ 


a<U(^*'Cu^  Lif^f-  f'*^^  <^*-f*-  Cuyy/A^-^^;eJ^^  ,^^ 


Second  page  of  Gov.  Printz's  letter  to  Beier,  Aug-.  1,  1651. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  445 

deed  was  "  annexed  No.  6  ( dated  July  1 9  n.  s. )  "^*^^  There  might 
be  a  mistake  in  the  date  of  the  deed  signed  by  Wappanghzewan 
(for  we  have  only  a  copy),  but  from  internal  evidence  it  is 
plain  that  the  transaction  must  have  taken  place  after  July  9 
(19),  for  it  distinctly  refers  to  the  deed  of  that  date  and  men- 
tions the  four  Indian  chiefs  given  there,  while  only  three^*^^  are 
mentioned  in  the  document  of  June  29  (July  9)  .^"* 

While  the  above-mentioned  transactions  were  going  on  and 
protests  and  counter  protests  passed  between  the  two  gover- 
nors, the  Dutch  fort  was  steadily  growing.  The  exact  date  of 
its  completion  is  not  known  but  It  was  ready  on  August  i.  The 
fort  was  located  on  a  peninsula  near  the  present  New  Castle. 
It  was  about  210  ft,  long  and  about  half  as  wide,  if  Linde- 
strom's  illustration  Is  correct.  It  had  twelve  pieces  of  ord- 
nance, although  only  ten  gun  holes  are  seen  in  LIndestrom's 
plan  (the  other  two  probably  being  at  the  ends)  and  it  was  well 
provided  with  ammunition  and  a  garrison.  It  was  called  Fort 
Caslmir,  for  what  reason  is  not  quite  clear.  Fort  Nassau  was 
abandoned  and  demolished  and  Its  cannon  were  taken  to  the 
new  fort.  It  is  also  probable  that  the  freemen  dwelling  at  the 
former  place  removed  to  the  Sandhook  and  settled  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Fort  Caslmlr.^*^^ 

During  his  stay  at  the  South  River  Stuyvesant  broke  down 
"Her  Royal  Majesty's  arms  and  pole,  made  prizes  of  Virginia 

"'The  two  transactions  of  July  9  (n.s.)  and  19  (n.s.)  are  presented  as  taking 
place  at  the  same  time.  But  this  is  clearly  a  mistake,  for  (i)  July  9  occurs 
twice  in  the  first  document  {Doc,  I.  597-599),  (2)  it  is  dated  at  Fort  Nassau, 
and  (3)  only  three  chiefs  seem  to  have  been  present  {Doc,  I.  597).  That  the 
second  Document  was  later  is  plain  for  (i)  it  has  the  date  the  nineteenth  of 
July  (n.s.)  twice  {Doc,  I.  599,  600),  (2)  four  chiefs  were  present  {Doc,  599), 
(3)  it  is  dated  at  Camecouck  (Tamecong),  hence  after  Stuyvesant  had  left  Fort 
Nassau.  The  difference  in  date  cannot  be  due  to  the  use  of  the  old  style  in  this 
first  document  (which  would  make  it  July  19,  n.s.)  for  it  is  stated  that  July  9  is 
new  style  {Doc,  I.  597). 

^°°  If  four  chiefs  had  been  present  on  July  9  they  would  surely  have  been 
mentioned. 

"^Doc,  I.  596  ff.  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  Pub.  F.S.,  II.  7  ff.  The  writer  of 
this  document  was  not  well  disposed  towards  the  Dutch,  however. 

""Printz  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1651,  Skokl.  Saml.;  Col.  of  N.  Y.  Hist.  So.,  Pub. 
F.  S.,  II.  7;  Doc,  I.  590,  XII.  72. 

\ 


446   The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

barks  and  compelled  the  English  to  pay  duty  or  recognition  on 
the  goods  they  sold  to  the  Swedes  for  four  years."  The  new 
fort  commanded  the  river  and  all  traders  were  from  now  on 
compelled  to  pay  duty  to  the  Dutch.  Two  warships  were  also 
stationed  in  the  Delaware  to  aid  the  garrison  in  enforcing  the 
new  decrees.  This  was  a  necessary  policy,  for  the  expedition 
had  incurred  heavy  expenses  and  considerable  debts  were  con- 
tracted by  the  company,  as  a  consequence  of  it  for  which  pro- 
vision had  to  be  made.^°''  Stuyvesant  returned  to  New  Amster- 
dam between  July  20  and  July  31.^^^  Shortly  after  the  depar- 
ture of  the  Dutch  governor,  Printz  reported  the  occurrences 
to  his  superiors  in  Europe,  and  urged  the  necessity  of  immediate 
assistance,  if  the  work  was  to  continue.  Before  leaving,  if  we 
are  to  believe  the  Dutch  records,  Stuyvesant  "had  divers  ver- 
bal conferences  with  Johan  Printz,  the  Swedish  governor,  and 
they  mutually  promised  not  to  commit  any  hostile  or  vexatious 
acts  against  one  another,  but  to  maintain  together  all  neigh- 
bourly friendship  and  correspondence  as  good  friends  and  allies 
are  bound  to  do."  These  words,  however,  sound  strange, 
when  compared  with  the  despatches  of  Printz  to  his  govern- 
ment.^^^ 

The  Dutch  were  now  masters  on  the  Delaware.  The  two 
warships  undoubtedly  returned  to  New  Amsterdam  before  the 
winter  set  in,  but  Printz  had  not  a  sufficient  force  to  regain 
what  the  Dutch  had  taken  possession  of  and  besides  his  instruc- 
tion cautioned  him  to  begin  no  hostility.  He  made  the  best  of 
the  situation,  however,  concentrated  his  forces  and  awaited  new 
arrivals  from  Sweden.  Stuyvesant  hoped  to  reappear  with  a 
large  force  of  planters  the  coming  year  and  Printz  wrote  to  his 

^"^  Printz  to  Beier,  to  Oxenstierna  and  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1651,  Ox.  Saml., 
Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)  ;  Doc,  XH.  72  note;  Albany  Rec,  p.  8 ;  iV.  Y.  Col.  Doc, 
v.,  fol.  54 

"'He  was  still  at  the  South  River  on  July  20  {Doc,  L  596),  if  the  deed  is 
correctly  dated,  and  he  had  left  August  i.  Printz  to  Brahe,  August  i,  1651,  and 
to  Oxenstierna  and  Beier  the  same  date. 

"*  Doc,  1.  590.  Sprinchorn  rightly  questions  the  probability  of  these  assur- 
ances. Rising  says  in  his  Journal,  May  21,  1654,  that  Skute  "certified  that 
Printz  is  reported  to  have  said  {Skulle  hafnva  sagdt)  to  Stuyvesant  that  as  soon 
as  some  succour  arrived  he  ivould  try  to  gain  possession  of  the  fort." 


^^ll^  *^/--^  ^jr^^  'i^A-9rLy'^/f->~r-  <M-> 


o 
-/ 


jC'tJ)  -^^  aX^nX/^.^  .yi^^wTa-  9^--.-^U^  yl^^w,  ./^ 
Third  page  of  Gov.  Printz's  letter  to  Beier,  Aug.  1,  1651. 


<^». 


fiStL^t. 


.^ 


•^' 


q^,'^ ^^  /^-^  J^/^:^A;^ 


^.^v^-  ^--^-^^^ 


(^-.. 


Fourth  (last)  page  of  Gov.  Printz's  letter  to  Johan  Beier,  Aug.  1,  1651. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  447 

government  that  the  Dutch  soon  expected  to  make  new  settle- 
ments on  the  river,  for  certain  persons  had  arrived  from  the 
East  Indies,  who  "  intended  to  bring  some  hundred  families  to 
the"  Delaware  in  the  spring  of  1652.^'^^ 

The  winter  of  165  i-i 65 2  was  uneventful  and  quiet,  as  far 
as  the  relation  between  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  was  concerned. 
As  to  the  Schuylkill  region  we  know  nothing,  but  it  is  likely 
that  the  Dutch  abandoned  Fort  Beversreede,  for  it  is  not  men- 
tioned after  1651.  In  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  1652  a 
certain  Harkhofen  brought  about  forty  families  into  the  river, 
who  settled  on  the  east  bank.  They  were  all  traders,  "  had  ab- 
solutely no  aid  from  the  [Dutch]  West  India  Company,  did 
not  plough  nor  sow,  had  neither  cow  nor  sow."  Printz  had 
no  means  of  opposing  them  and  they  "  had  their  own  way  in 
their  settlements,"  but,  he  wrote,  if  "  only  enough  Swedish 
people  arrived,  the  Dutch  will  have  to  get  out."  Nothing 
further  is  known  about  these  families,  except  that  they  seem  to 
have  removed  from  their  place  of  settlement  before  the  follow, 
ing  spring.^^^ 

What  took  place  at  Fort  Casimir  in  the  summer  of  1652  and 
the  following  autumn  is  not  known.  It  is  probable  that  Stuyve- 
sant  now  acted  with  more  caution  and  made  no  further  de- 
mands of  Printz,  as  his  expedition  to  the  South  River  was  not 
altogether  approved  by  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company.  When  they  were  informed  about  it  they  were 
greatly  surprised,  as  he  had  not  previously  advised  them  of 
such  intentions  and  expressed  great  concern  about  the  conse- 
quences. "  God  grant,"  they  wrote,  "  that  what  your  Honour 
has  done  may  turn  out  for  the  best.  We  cannot  express  our 
opinion  of  it  before  we  have  .  .  .  heard  how  the  complaints 
of  the  Swedish  governor  will  be  received  by  the  Queen." 
They  were  not  sure  that  "  the  demolition  of  Fort  Nassau  was 
a  very  prudent  act,"  but  they  were  agreed  that  Fort  Casimir 
must  be  guarded  with  care.     The  trade  of  the  Dutch  with  the 

^"'Printz's  letters  of  August  i,  1651 ;  Rising's  Journal;  Doc,  I.  590  ff. 
""Printz  to  Beier,  August  i,  1651 ;  to  Brahe,  August  30,  1652;  to  Oxenstierna, 
April  26,  1653,  Ox.  Saml.,  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.)- 


448  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Indians  was  poor,  and  few  of  the  ships  visited  the  South  River 
at  this  time.  A  few  new  dwellings  were  perhaps  built  by  the 
Dutch  freemen  at  Fort  Casimir,  for  in  April,  1653,  about  26 
families  dwelt  there. ^^^ 

It  appears  that  the  Dutch  were  again  active  in  the  South 
River  in  the  summer  of  1653,  but  Printz  opposed  them  with 
all  the  authority  and  power  at  his  command,  partly  aided  by 
the  Indians.  In  1651  Stuyvesant  managed  to  gain  the  friend- 
ship of  the  savages,  and  to  draw  them  away  from  the  Swedes, 
but  as  time  went  on  Printz  to  some  extent  regained  their  good 
will,  and  in  the  spring  of  1653  he  reported  that  the  savages 
were  unfriendly  to  the  Dutch  and  distrusted  them.  It  is  quite 
likely  that  Printz  left  no  means  untried  to  increase  and  intensify 
this  distrust.  As  a  consequence  the  Dutch  were  compelled  to 
abandon  all  their  settlements  except  that  at  Fort  Casimir. 
Complaints  against  Printz  were  sent  to  Stuyvesant,  and  he  in 
turn  complained  to  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  but  they  admonished  him  to  "  be  very  cautious  In  the 
intercourse  with  the  Swedes  of  the  South  River  ...  as  well 
in  regard  to  the  malntalnance  of  the  Company's  privileges,  as 
by  avoiding  as  much  as  possible  to  give  them  cause  for  com- 
plaints and  dissatisfaction,  as  It  is  not  desirable  to  add  to  the 
Company's  enemies  at  this  critical  period."^^- 

When  Printz  departed  for  Europe  some  Swedish  colonists 
applied  for  permission  to  remove  to  New  Holland,  but  Stuyve- 
sant did  not  dare  to  accept  them  before  he  had  been  advised 
about  it  by  the  directors  of  the  company.  Accordingly  he 
wrote  to  them  October  6  (n.s.),  1653,  requesting  instruc- 
tions.^ ^^  The  directors  replied  that  they  "could  not  see,  why 
it  should  be  refused  and  denied  .  .  .  [for]  the  Influx  of  free 
persons  should  ...  be  promoted  by  all  resolute  and  honest 

^^  Doc,  Xn.  72;  Printz  to  Oxenstierna,  April  26,  1653,  Ox.  Saml.  and  to 
Brahe  of  the  same  date,  Skokl.  Saml.   (R.A.). 

^"Printz   to  Oxenstierna,   August   i,    1651 ;    Printz  to  Brahe,   April   26,    1653. 

Doc,  xn.  72. 

""The  letter  is  perhaps  that  of  October  6,  1653,  of  which  an  abstract  is  given 
in  Doc,  1.  600-1. 


Relation  with  the  Dutch.  449 

means."  Nevertheless  it  was  left  to  his  own  judgment  to  do 
what  he  thought  fit.  The  colonies  were  now  at  peace  and  there 
was  no  disturbance  until  the  good  relations  were  broken  by  the 
misdirected  zeal  of  Rising ;^^^  but  before  we  leave  this  period 
(1643-1653)  let  us  take  a  look  at  the  government  of  New 
Sweden  during  the  rule  of  Printz,  its  courts  and  the  administra- 
tion of  justice. 

'"  Doc,  I.  600-601 ;  XII.  73  ;  cf.  below,  Book  IV.,  Part  l.-II. 


30 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

The  Government  of  New  Sweden,  i  643-1 653. 

I. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  Printz  in  1643,  the  colonial  government 
was  reorganized  and  systematized.  The  governor  was  vested 
with  full  judicial  and  administrative  powers.  He  should  rule 
the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Queen,  but  all  details  of  proce- 
dure were  left  to  his  discretion  and  judgment;  he  should  use 
his  own  seal,  on  a  somewhat  enlarged  scale,  on  all  official  docu- 
ments, until  other  arrangements  could  be  made;  in  cases  of 
crimes  and  disobedience,  he  was  given  power  to  inflict  punish- 
ments by  fines,  imprisonment  or  death,  as  the  offence  would  de- 
mand, "but  in  the  regular  manner  only,"  and  after  full  exami- 
nation and  inquiry  had  been  made  in  connection  with  the  assis- 
tants in  the  trial,  who  were  to  be  selected  from  among  the  prin- 
cipal and  wisest  inhabitants  in  the  colony,  and  the  Swedish  law 
and  custom  should  be  followed  at  all  times,  as  far  as  possible.^ 

In  comparison  with  the  power  conferred  on  the  governors 
of  the  neighboring  colonies,  Printz  was  given  almost  unlimited 
authority  and  a  tyrant  armed  with  such  instructions  could  rule 
to  suit  his  own  whims.  But  "a  strong  central  government,"  a 
government  personified  by  the  governor  and  his  court,  was  the 
only  practicable  and  possible  one  under  the  circumstances.  Dis- 
putes and  quarrels  had  rent  the  colony  before  Printz's  arrival, 
principally  because  there  was  no  one  here  vested  with  sufficient 
authority  to  rule.  The  Council  of  State  carefully  considered 
the  matter,  the  methods  employed  by  the  English  and  Dutch 
were  reviewed,-  and  in  the  light  of  their  experiences  and  the 
previous  troubles  in  New  Sweden,  the  instruction  was  formu- 
lated. 

*  Instruction,  paragraphs  23-25. 

*  Cf .  Rddspr.  and  above. 

450 


Gov.  Printz's  Seal. 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  451 

The  governor  and  other  military  officers  and  soldiers  ap- 
pointed in  1642,  as  well  as  one  of  the  preachers,  were  servants 
of  the  Crown  and  their  salaries  were  to  be  paid  by  the  govern- 
ment, as  we  have  already  seen.^  The  budget  called  for  the  sum 
of  4,530  D.^  and  the  following  officers  and  servants  were  on 
the  pay-rolls  in  1643-44: 

Military. 

Johan  Printz,  Governor   1,200'  D. 

Sven  Skute,  Lieutenant 288  D. 

Gregorius  van  Dyck,  Head  Guard 180  D. 

Anders  Swensson  Bonde,  Gunner 144  D. 

Karl  Hakansson,  Corporal  108  D. 

Eric  Andersson,  Trumpeter   108  D. 

Sven  Andersson,  Drummer   90  D. 

Johan  Olofsson   (profoss),"  Provost-marshal   108  D. 

Twenty-four  common  soldiers.  i)728  D. 

Civic. 

Johan  Campanius  (Holm.),  Preacher 180  D. 

Hans  Janeke,  Barber-surgeon   180  D. 

Knut  Persson,  Bookkeeper    144*  D. 

The  officers,  soldiers  and  servants,  who  were  here  before  the 
budget  was  made,  continued  to  be  paid  by  the  company  and 
those  hired  by  Printz  and  Papegoja  and  not  provided  for  in 
the  budget  were  likewise  placed  on  the  company's  pay-rolls. 

Several  changes  occurred  on  the  force  and  new  appointments 
were  made.  On  April  i  Christer  Boije  was  appointed  lieutenant 
with  a  salary  of  24  R.D.  a  month  and  stationed  at  Upland. 
Boije  was  of  noble  birth  and  the  wild  life  was  clearly  not  to  his 
liking,  for  he  left  the  service  as  early  as  May  the  next  year  and 
returned   to   Sweden   shortly   after.'^      He   was   employed   in 

'Cf.  above. 

*  O'Callaghan,  I.  367,  quoting  the  inaccurate  translations  in  Hazard's  Reg., 
states  that  "  her  Majesty  appropriated  two  million  six  hundred  nineteen  dollars," 
yet  he  gives  the  correct  sum  in  a  foot-note. 

'  Half  of  Printz's  salary  or  601  :i4  D.  was  to  be  paid  from  rents  in  Oster- 
botten. 

^^  An  executioner  with  a  wage  of  72  D.  a  year  was  also  put  on  the  budget 
of  1642,  but  no  one  was  appointed  for  the  office.  Journal,  no.  176,  etc. 

^  In  all  4,530  D.  or  3,020  R.D.,  including  the  wage  of  the  executioner  (72  D.). 
Journal,  no.  176;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56,  fol.  i. 

'  He  left  the  service  on  May  i,  1644,  and  returned  on  the  Fama,  Monatg.  B., 
1642-56. 


452  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

various  capacities  and  his  salary  was  nearly  twice  as  large  as 
that  given  in  the  budget  to  the  regular  lieutenant,^  which  would 
indicate  that  he  was  next  in  command  to  Printz.  He  was  paid 
20  R.D.  for  expenses  on  a  journey  to  New  Amsterdam  and  his 
entire  account  (332  R.D.)  was  settled  in  goods  and  money 
before  he  left  the  colony.^ 

In  the  summer  of  1644  Papegoja  was  given  command  at 
Fort  Christina,  taking  the  place  of  Mans  Kling.  He  was  not 
put  on  the  budget  of  1642  and,  although  Printz  was  requested 
"  by  the  gentlemen  in  Sweden  "  to  give  him  some  appointment 
in  the  colony,  no  salary  was  assigned  to  him.  In  1644  he  com- 
plained about  it  to  Brahe,  and  thought  it  very  hard  to  labor 
here  "  like  a  slave  and  without  pay  like  one  who  had  forfeited 
his  life."  A  salary  was  later  given  to  him,  however,  and  he  re- 
mained here,  as  we  shall  see,  for  several  years. 

It  seems  that  Papegoja  conceived  a  passion  for  Armegot 
one  of  the  governor's  daughters  on  his  first  trip  here,  and  when 
he  returned  the  second  time  he  carried  letters  of  introduction 
to  Printz  from  the  Queen  and  from  Brahe,  who  interceded  in 
his  behalf,  recommending  him  to  the  favor  of  the  governor. 
Papegoja  also  enlisted  the  aid  of  "the  priest"  (Campanius) 
in  his  case,  who  spoke  to  the  governor  about  it,  but  he  was  not 
successful  at  once,  and  he  was  obliged  to  wait  for  some  time  be- 
fore a  favorable  answer  was  received.  His  solicitations  at  last 
prevailed,  however,  and  he  was  finally  married  to  Armegot 
Printz,  in  the  church  at  Tinicum  Island,  probably  with  great 
display,  a  general  holiday  undoubtedly  being  proclaimed  in  the 
colony.  He  lived  inside  of  Christina,  in  one  of  the  houses 
erected  by  the  company,  and  here  he  built  a  storehouse  and  dug 
a  cellar  for  his  own  use.^" 

The  Liljehok  brothers  were  recommended  to  Printz  by  Klas 

'The  salary  of  the  lieutenant  given  in  the  budget  was  16  R.D.  a  month. 
Journal,  no.  176;  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

"  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56. 

"Rising's  Journal;  Papegoja  to  Brahe,  July  15,  1644;  Brahe  to  Printz, 
November  9,  1643  (Concept.).  Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.).  The  Queen  to  Printz, 
November  2,  1643,  R.R.;  Rulla,  1644;  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  37.  Cp.  Hazard,  pp.  76-7. 
Hazard  gives  a  poor  translation  of  Christina's  recommendation  for  Papegoja. 


S.J  y'^    5 


4^  ^'f^v  -  ^iJ:^  -■ 


■^i 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  453 

Fleming.  About  March  25  Per  Liljehok  was  appointed  com- 
mander at  Upland  with  a  salary  of  25  florins  a  month.  On 
May  I,  1646,  he  left  his  post  and  Is  heard  of  no  more  In  con- 
nection with  the  colony.^ ^  His  brother  (probably  younger) 
"was  engaged  on  March  12  as  a  simple  soldier"  and  served  in 
this  capacity  for  four  years,  whereupon  he  returned  to  Swe- 
den.^^  Lieutenant  Mans  Kllng  was  transferred  to  the  Schuyl- 
kill in  1644.  His  salary  continued  to  be  paid  by  the  company 
through  Beler.  He  remained  here  for  several  years,  but  did 
not  return  to  the  colony  after  his  departure  In  1 648.^^  Hendrick 
Huygen  was  commiss  during  this  period.  He  was  an  honest, 
able  man,  knowing  the  Indian  language  and  ever  ready  to  work 
for  the  good  of  his  superiors.  He  made  several  requests  for 
dismissal,  being  persuaded  with  difficulty  by  Printz  to  remain 
until  another  man  should  arrive.  Huygen's  assistant  was  his 
relative,  Gotfried  Harmer,  who  seems  to  have  performed  his 
duty  with  faithfulness  the  first  few  years,  being  praised  by 
Governor  Printz.^ ^ 

The  duties  of  the  commanders  at  the  forts  and  blockhouses 
except  at  Christina  and  New  Gothenborg  were  both  military 
and  commercial,  as  the  merchandise  was  placed  In  their  care, 
and  they  superintended  the  sale  of  the  goods  to  the  Indians. 

On  November  i,  1647,  Anders  Larsson  Dalbo  was  engaged 
by  Printz  to  act  as  profoss  (provost-marshal)  In  place  of 
Johan  Olofsson,  and  he  served  In  the  capacity  until  September 
I,    1653,  when  he  seems  to  have  returned  to  Sweden.     The 

"  He  probably  left  the  colony  and  returned  to  Sweden,  but  he  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  Monatg.  B.  after  1646.  It  is  possible  that  he  settled  in  some  of  the 
neighboring  colonies  or  died  before  he  reached  Stockholm.  See  Monatg.  B., 
1642-56,  fol.  50  and  81;  Rulla,  1644,  Odhner,  N.S.,  p.  38. 

"He  left  the  service  March  12,  1648,  and  returned  to  Sweden  on  the  Siuan, 
May  16.  On  July  10,  Beier  paid  him  26:30  R.D.  on  his  own  and  on  his  brother's 
account  and  on  July  28  he  was  paid  92:8  R.D.  or  the  remainder  of  the  claims 
he  had  against  the  company.  Per  Liljehok  served  for  21Y2  months  at  the  rate 
of  10  R.D.  and  Knut  served  for  49  months  at  the  rate  of  4  R.D.  a  month,  making 
both  bills  411  R.D.  Shoes,  shirts,  stockings,  gloves  and  other  wearing  apparel 
and  supplies  were  given  to  them  in  New  Sweden  to  the  value  of  78:11  R.D.  See 
Monatg.  B.,  1642-56,  fol.  50  and  81. 

"^Cf.  above.  Chap.  XXVHI. 

"Report,  1647;  Rising's  Journal. 


454  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

provost-marshal  was  supplied  with  handcuffs  and  other  Imple- 
ments, belonging  to  his  profession.  The  main  prison  was  at 
Christina,  where  the  criminals  were  generally  confined,  but  they 
were  also  kept  at  Elfsborg.  At  the  latter  place  the  widow 
Karin,  the  Finnish  woman,  was  imprisoned  for  a  long  time, 
until  she  succeeded  in  freeing  herself,  when  she  was  sent  to 
Christina  as  a  more  secure  place.  Here  Plowden's  servants 
were  imprisoned  in  1643  ^'^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  Clement  the  Finn,  Sven 
Vass  and  others  were  confined.  An  executioner  was  placed  on 
the  budget  of  1642,  but  the  office  was  never  filled  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  provost  performed  that  duty  in  1653  when 
the  sentence  of  Anders  Jonsson  was  carried  into  effect.^^ 

The  soldiers  were  distributed  throughout  the  colony  at  the 
various  forts  and  blockhouses.  They  were  kept  at  work  on  the 
fortifications  and  on  the  company's  lands.  They  were  always 
dissatisfied  with  their  position  and  anxious  to  leave,  and  deser- 
tions occasionally  took  place. 

II. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  Printz  established  a  court  at 
Christina  shortly  after  his  arrival,  as  there  were  many  disputes 
and  differences  to  be  settled  in  the  early  part  of  1643.  ^  court 
also  seems  to  have  been  held  in  May  (1643),  when  Plowden's 
servants  were  examined,  and  in  July  "  the  first  mixed  court  held 
on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware"  was  convened.^*^ 

In  the  spring  of  1643  several  deserters  from  the  colony  had 
escaped  to  New  Netherland  and,  when  Christer  Boije  and 
Huygen  were  sent  there  in  June,  one  of  their  duties  was  to 
bring  back  these  fugitives.  There  was  an  understanding  be- 
tween the  governors  of  the  neighboring  colonies  that  deserters 
should  be  detained  and  returned  or  at  least  given  up,  when  offi- 
cers arrived  to  fetch  them  back,  and  Governor  Kieft  placed  no 
obstacles  in  the  way  for  Huygen  and  Boije.  In  fact  the 
provost-marshal  of  the  Dutch  colony  was  employed  to  capture 

'' "  Forklaring,"  etc.,  1654,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.)  ;  Report,  1644;  Journal,  N.S.,  HL 
(K.A.). 

"  Cf.  above.  Chaps.  XXXIV.,  XXXII.,  XXII. 


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/„r^>„^^^   »4,f  :ae( 


First  page  of  Johan  Papegoja's  letter  to  A.  Oxenstierna,  May  15,  1648.     Origin  al 
preserved  in  Ox.  Saml.  (R.  A.),  Stockholm. 


04  //.J^/^  tf;^.^/V—  -^^4^/-^y^.^ 


A^-.w^. 


^/•fp 


Papegoja's  letter  to  Oxenstierna,  May  15,  1648,  second  page. 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  455 

the  runaways.  They  were  not  in  New  Amsterdam,  but  had 
betaken  themselves  about  twenty-four  miles  from  the  city.  Here 
they  had  been  discovered  by  some  Indians,  however,  who  in- 
formed Huygen  of  their  whereabouts,^'^  and  were  captured 
and  taken  to  the  Swedish  sloop,  where  they  were  guarded  by 
Dutch  soldiers  until  the  vessel  sailed  for  New  Sweden.  The 
expense  in  capturing  the  refugees  was  considerable.  Beer  to  the 
value  of  10  florins^ ^  was  given  to  the  Dutch  soldiers  for  their 
trouble  and  other  expenses  amounting  to  823/2  florins  were 
paid  for  in  sewant.  The  prisoners  were  probably  put  into  irons 
until  the  bark  arrived  at  Fort  Christina.  It  is  likely  that  a  court 
was  called  shortly  afterwards,  at  which  the  deserters  were  tried. 
The  leader,  if  he  could  be  found,  was  probably  punished  in  some 
way,  but  the  others  were  undoubtedly  allowed  their  freedom 
and  exempted  from  fines,  on  their  promise  of  good  behavior 
and  the  furnishing  of  bail.^^ 

Some  time  in  the  summer  of  1643,  Pnntz  moved  his  seat  of 
government  to  New  Gothenborg,  and  from  now  until  the 
autumn  of  1653,  the  royal  flag  of  Sweden  waved  over  that 
fort  as  a  sign  that  the  governor  dwelled  there.  The  Swedish 
coat  of  arms,  cut  in  stone  (probably  later  replaced  by  a  painted 
metal  shield) ,  was  placed  above  the  gate.  It  seems  that  a  cer- 
tain room  in  Printz  Hall  was  set  aside  for  administrative  pur- 
poses. Here  were  preserved  the  "Public  Records  of  New 
Sweden,"  the  Indian  deeds  and  the  salary-rolls  of  the  soldiers 
and  officers  paid  by  the  government;  here  the  letters  to  the  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch  governors  and  the  reports  and  letters  to  Sweden 
were  drafted;  many  of  the  courts  of  New  Sweden  from 
1643-53  sat  here;  and  here  representatives  and  commissioners 
from  the  neighboring  colonies  were  received  in  audience  by 
Printz. 

Although  Printz  was  in  all  probability  not  "  the  first  judge 
upon   our  shores   and  Tinicum  was    [not]    the  first  seat   of 

"  For  this  information  the  Indians  were  given   about  lo  yards  of  duffel  by 
Huygen, 

"  Half  a  "  vatt "  was  given  to  the  soldiers. 

'Mff,  B.,  1643-8;  Printz  to  Kieft,  May  30,  1643.     N.S.,  I.  (R.A.), 


456  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

justice,"-''  still  the  administration  of  justice  in  New  Sweden  was 
systematized  with  the  arrival  of  Printz  and  during  this  period 
regular  courts  were  held  and  special  courts  were  called,  when- 
ever circumstances  required  it. 

As  already  stated,  the  Swedish  law  was  to  be  followed  in  all 
cases  (as  far  as  possible)  and  no  special  code  was  prepared  for 
the  colony,  but  in  particular  instances,  not  covered  by  the  law  of 
Sweden,  the  governor  could  use  his  own  judgment  and  adopt 
a  course  which  expediency  would  suggest  and  his  assistants 
advise.  We  may  therefore  assume  that  the  courts  of  New 
Sweden  were  duplicates  of  those  of  the  mother  country.  Printz 
was  judge  in  most  cases,  assisted  by  a  body  of  men,  about  twelve 
In  number,  and  in  connection  with  these  he  heard  the  evidence 
and  decided  on  the  case.^^ 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  trial  by  jury  was  introduced  into 
England  from  Scandinavia. 2-  Blackstone,  leaning  towards  a 
Germanic  origin  of  the  jury,  states  that  "  Stiemhook^^  ascribes 
the  invention  of  the  jury,  which  in  the  Teutonic  language  is 
denoted  "  Nembda,"  to  Regner,  ^^  king  of  Sweden. "^^ 

In  a  debate  in  the  State  Convention  of  December  8,  1787, 
Mr.  Findley  argued  the  adoption  of  "  trial  by  jury  in  civil 
cases"  by  stating  that,  when  this  system  of  administering  justice 

=^Cf.  above. 

^  Cf.  below. 

"See  Stubbs,  Constitutional  History,  I.  655,  6.  Pollock  and  Maitland  derive 
it  from  a  Prankish  source.  See  Hist,  of  English  Law  (Cambridge,  1895),  I- 
II  ff.  Other  origins  have  also  been  given.  Cf.  Preeman,  Hist,  of  the  Norman 
Conquest  of  Eng.  (Oxford,  1876),  V.  451  ff.,  884-5  (Appendix  R.R.)  ;  Hilde- 
brand,  Sv.  statsf.,  p.  46,  note  4;  Paul,  Ger.  Phil,  (new  ed.),  HL  218  ff.  In  Ger. 
Phil.  (III.  p.  220)  von  Amira  says:  "  Drei  Entstehungsherde  derselben  (Jury) 
lassen  sich  nachweisen;  das  frankische  Konigsgericht,  das  danische  Konigsgericht, 
das  islandische  Gericht.  Von  Danemark  aus  hat  sich  die  Jury  nach  Sweden 
verbreitet." 

^  Stiernhook,  called  the  father  of  Swedish  jurisprudence.  See  Schiick,  Lit. 
hist.,  I.  p.  489. 

^  Or  Ragnar  Lodbrok.  For  the  historical  Ragnar  who  was  a  jarl  in  Denmark 
see  Nordisk  familjebok,  XIII.  660  ff.  Cf.  Hildebrand,  Sv.  hist,  (old  ed.),  I.  250, 
291,  etc. 

^  Armstrong's  statement  {Records  of  Upland  Court,  p.  30)  that  "  Swedish 
writers  assert  that  trial  by  jury  is  of  Swedish  origin"  (lately  repeated  in  Penn. 
Mag.)  is  not  strictly  correct,  as  Hjarta  and  others  have  claimed  that  the  jury 
was  introduced  into  Snveden  from  England  (Schiick). 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  457 

fell  into  disuse  in  Sweden,  the  commons  of  that  nation  lost  their 
freedom  and  a  tyrannical  aristocracy  prevailed.^^ 

Mr.  Findley,  as  well  as  many  lawyers  of  a  later  period,  have 
supposed  that  the  Swedish  jury  was  the  same  as  the  English; 
but  the  two  systems  had  few  resemblances  and  some  authorities 
even  state  that  the  jury  is  foreign  to  Sweden,  except  in  "  cases 
of  press-prosecution,"  which  however  is  of  recent  date.^'^ 

The  Swedish  ndmd^^  or  jury  of  the  first  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  had  an  examining  and  a  judicative  power.^^  The 
witnesses  were  examined  by  the  jury  and  the  judge,  and  the 
judge  together  with  the  jury  pronounced  the  judgment.  The 
celebrated  Stiernhook  (1596-1675)  says  in  his  work,  De  Jure 
Sveonum  et  Gothorum  Vestiito:  "In  our  days  (that  is  1650- 
75)  the  juries  take  part  in  the  office  of  the  judge,  for  the  duties 
of  the  two  have  become  confused,  and  the  jurymen  examine  and 
judge  both  as  to  fact  and  law,  just  as  assessors;  while  the  judge 
is  only  the  presiding  officer.''^*^ 

^  McMaster  and  Stone,  Penn.  and  the  Federal  Constitution,  1787-88  (Lan- 
caster, 1888),  p.  359  ff.  "Mr.  Wilson  and  Mr.  McKean  interrupted  Mr.  Findley 
and  called  warmly  for  his  authority  to  prove  that  trial  by  jury  existed  in  Sweden 
.  .  . ,  asserting  that  the  trial  by  jury  was  never  known  in  any  other  country  than 
England"  (p.  360).  Later,  however,  Mr.  Findley  quoted  Blackstone  as  his 
authority.      Cf.  below. 

"  Sundbarg,  Siueden,  pp.  228,  397.  But  Fahlcrantz  says:  "The  old  Swedish 
jury  was  at  this  time  [in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries],  on  the  whole, 
nothing  else  than  the  English  jury  of  to-day."  En  for  v.  f.  for.  kraft,  p.  8.  Cf. 
Fahlcrantz,  Om  Rdtteg.  i  England,  L  p.  77  ff. 

**  For  the  derivation  (and  related  words)  see  Dalin,  Ordbok. 

^The  ndmd  (jury)  is  a  very  old  institution  in  Sweden.  It  is  mentioned  in 
the  old  vdstgotalag  (before  1250).  Its  origin  has  been  variously  sought  by 
different  writers  (Hjarne,  Schlyter  and  Larsen,  tracing  it  from  the  institution 
called  the  edgdrdsmdn) .     Cf.  Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  p.  46,  note. 

'"Under  the  heading  of  Hodiernum  Nembda  officium,  Stiernhook  says: 
"  Quia  autem  Nembda  nostra  hodierna  stata  et  ordinaria  est^  officium  ejus 
applicatum  est  ad  alia,  partim  ex  jure,  partim  ex  consvetudine.  Ex  jure 
adhibentur  ad  executionem  decretorum  judicij,  ad  inspectionem  terfninorum,  ad 
aestimationem  pretij,  damni,  lucri,  etc.,  quibus  judici  aliquando  etiam  interdictum 
est  interesse.  Dabantur  aliquando  ex  his  pacificatores  parentibus,  quod  et  hodie 
salubriter  fit,  qua  ratione  multas  rusticorum  lites  celerrime  finiri  constat.  Atq., 
hac  ratione  arbitri  esse  possunt,  quo  modo  jus  Wesmannicum  appellationem  ab 
ipso  judice  ad  Nembdam  concessisse  arbitror,  tanquam  si  a  stricto  jure  aliquando 
ad  aequitatem  aut  arbitrium  bonorum  virorum  provocare  liceat,  quod  tamen  de 
nullo  reliquo  jure  fieri  potuit,  ratione  sane  potiore.  De  jure  tamen  Ost-Gothico 
etiam  testes  sunt  de  judice  et  actis   ejus.     Judex  vero  de   ipsis  vicissim  testari 


458  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Still  another  peculiarity  of  this  jury  was  its  permanency;  the 
jurymen  were  appointed  for  life,  and  hence  the  same  jury  sat 
at  every  court  in  the  same  district. ^^  The  number  was  originally 
twelve,  and  twelve  jurymen  are  often  or  generally  found  at  the 
courts  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  ;^^  but  the  number  varied  and  as  many  as  twenty- 
four  are  mentioned;  while  seven  must  be  present  if  the  court 
was  to  be  legal. ^^ 

The  jury  was  therefore  of  much  importance,  but  its  power 

non  potest,  vere  an  falso  jurent:  qualicunq:  enim  eorurn  assertion!  standura  est 
et  judicandum.  Si  tamen  evidente  argumento  falsum  jurasse  convincantur  (id 
quod  de  jure  Donico,  non  judex,  sed  Episcopus  provinciae  et  alij  ejusdem  probi 
et  cordati  viri,  de  jure  Gothico  vero  superjus  judicium  cognoscere  debebant) 
mulctantur  in  bonis,  de  caetero  perjuri  et  intestabiles.  De  cosvetudine  vero 
hodie  Nembda  ex  officio  judicis  participat,  confusis  enim  officiis  simul  de  facto 
et  jure  cognoscunt  et  dijudicant  tanquam  Assessores,  judice  tantum  praesidente, 
itaq.  vota  ipsorum  et  suffragia  vel  ipse  judex  de  jure  colligit  vel  judex  facti, 
qui  unus  est  ex  Nembdariis  et  proprie  ab  ipsis  iudex  nominatur,  cum  iudicem 
de  iure,  iuris  tantum  ac  legis  lectorem  nuncupent.  Hie  tam  de  iure  quam  de 
facto  disserentes  audit,  et  ut  evitetur  omnis  oblocutio  et  confusio,  sententias 
eorum  placide  in  iudicium  profert,  ex  quibus  iudices  ut  plurimum  pendent" 
(pp.  60-61). 

**  This,  however,  was  not  always  the  case.  Hildebrand,  quoting  Schlytcr, 
states  that  the  ndmd  of  the  "  hundaresting "  was  originally  not  "  fast,"  that  is 
it  was  subject  to  change.  Later  it  became  "  fast "  under  the  name  of  hdrads- 
ttdmd.  The  other  institution  of  ndmdemdn  was  "  fast "  from  the  very  earliest 
times.  Its  duty  was  to  seek  truth  ("sanning  leta")  ;  but  there  were  also  certain 
juries,  whose  duty  was  to  pronounce  judgment.  These  two  functions  were  later 
combined.  Cf.  Fahlcrantz,  Rdttf.  i  rdttssk.,"  etc.,  I.  34-5 ;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf., 
pp.  46-7. 

^  In  Chap.  10  of  Christoffer's  laws  we  read:  "  Der  skola  de  XII  i  ndmden 
sitta,  som  svurit  hafva  efter  konungsboken,"  and  Stiernhook,  quoting  from  Chap. 
42  of  Edzores  B.,  says:  "  Ther  skulu  Tolf  tilndmpnas  som  dhet  malit  ransaka 
skulu."  De  Jure,  p.  56.  Stiernhook  further  writes:  "Itaq.,  vel  judex  ipse  vel 
praefectus  provinciae  Regius  (utrumq.  enim  de  jure  extat)  Nembdam  constituebat, 
viros  honestos,  domicilij  certos,  binos,  trinos  vel  etiam  senos  ex  singulis  territorij 
quadrantibus,  qui  quod  deputati  essent,  Nambdeman,  quod  duodecim  Tolfman, 
quod  senes  Oldungar,  nominati  fuerunt."      De  Jure,  p.  54. 

^At  a  court  in  Upsala  Lagsaga  in  January,  1578,  twelve  ndmdemdn  are 
mentioned,  the  same  number  at  another  court  in  March  and  in  May  the  following 
year.  (All  these  were  Konungsting.)  But  at  a  court  in  1586  there  were  20 
jurymen  and  in  1599  a  court  is  on  record  where  only  7  jurymen  were  present. 
As  many  as  23  and  24  are  also  mentioned.  At  the  Lagmanst'ing  the  number  of 
jurymen  also  varied  from  12  (the  most  common  number)  to  24.  But  in 
Hdradsting  it  seems  that  the  jurymen  were  most  often  12  in  number.  See 
Fahlcrantz;  Rdttf.  i  rdttssk.,  etc.,  I.  pp.  45,  55,  63,  68,  86,  116,  127,  142,  ff.,  257 
ff.      Cf.  Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  p.  142  ff.,  146  ff. 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  459 

began  to  decline  in  the  period  covered  by  the  Swedish  occupation 
of  the  Delaware,  and  the  members  were  often  "  treated  as  non- 
entities and  assisting  shadows."^^  In  1640  a  commission  was  ap- 
pointed to  investigate  the  situation  and  in  the  memorial,  which  the 
commissioners  submitted,  they  say  that  those  judges,  who  under- 
took to  examine  and  pronounce  judgment  alone,  without  the  jury 
could  not  be  made  to  pay  too  big  a  penalty,  showing  that  abuse 
of  the  old  principles  was  common, ^^  That  these  practices  also 
obtained  on  the  Delaware  is  certain.  We  have  instances  where 
members  of  the  jury  gave  testimony,  where  the  jury  and  judge 
examined  the  witnesses  and  jointly  pronounced  the  judgment, 
but  cases  are  also  referred  to,  where  the  judge,  in  this  case 
Printz,  gave  his  judgment  alone,  without  proper  examination 
or  reference  to  the  jury.^^  In  all  these  instances,  however, 
Printz  undoubtedly  tried  to  follow  the  custom  used  in  Sweden, 
judging  cases  according  to  the  common  Swedish  laws  and  "the 
law  of  God  and  Moses. "^^ 

We  have  two  fairly  complete  and  detailed  reports  or  proto- 
cols of  courts  held  here  and  some  references  to  others,  and  in 
order  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  how  the  courts  were  con- 
ducted, we  shall  quote  at  large  from  the  minutes. 

At  the  special  court  held  on  July  10,  1643,  ^  mixed  jury  was 
appointed.  It  seems  that  Christer  Boije  acted  as  judge,  since 
his  name  occurs  first  on  the  list.  It  appears  that  Hendrick 
Huygen  was  secretary  or  clerk.  The  minutes  of  the  court, 
preserved  to  us  in  a  defective  copy,  state  that  "Anno  1643  on 
the  tenth  of  July,  at  Fort  Christina,  a  case  (rechtsake)  was 
examined  and  judged  in  the  name  of  Her  Royal  Majesty  of 
Sweden,  between  Governor  Johan  Printz,  plaintiff,  and  Mr. 

"The  jury  finally  lost  most  of  its  power,  Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  p.  293; 
Blackstone,  Commentaries,  Book  III.,  Chap.  23,  Section  381.  "  In  Sweden  the  trial 
by  jury,  that  bulwark  of  northern  liberty,  which  continued  in  its  full  vigour  so 
lately  as  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  is  now  fallen  into  disuse."  Cf,  also  the 
references  given  by  Blackstone. 

"See  Odhner,  Sv.  in.  hist.,  pp.  178  ff.,  195  ff.;  Hildebrand,  Sv.  statsf.,  286; 
Fahlcrantz,  Rdttf.  i  rattssk.,  p.  246  flF. 

**  See  below. 

"  Cf.  above   (Introduction), 


460  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

Lamberton,  defendant,  by  sitting  of  the  following  noble,  valiant 
and  well-honorable  good  gentlemen : 

Captain  Christer  Boije  (president  or  judge?) 

Comissary  Hendrick  Huygen 

Captain  Mans  Kling 

Commissary  Jan  Jansen 

Skipper  Wessel  Evertsen, 
Oloff  Stille 
Ivert  Sievers[en] 
Karl  Jansson 
David  Davidsson. 
The  governor,  noble  and  valiant  Johan  Printz,  came  before 
the  court  and  asked  Mr.  Lamberton  by  what  right  or  commis- 
sion he  had  protested  against  Her  Royal  Majesty  of  Sweden." 
Documents  were  presented  by  both  sides  and  witnesses  were 
called  to  testify.     Members  of  the  court  also  testified  and  the 
minutes  record  that  Mans  Kling,  one  of  the  jurors,  related  the 
circumstances  of  the  land-purchase  of  Ridder  "  openly  before 
the  court."     The  examination  of  Lamberton  was  conducted  by 
Printz  and  by  the  court.    When  the  minutes  say  "  that  the  court 
asked  Mr.  Lamberton,"  etc.,  it  is  likely  that  Christer  Boije  con- 
ducted the  questioning.     The  judgment  and  decision  were  also 
pronounced  by  the  judge  and  jury  jointly,  immediately  upon  the 
conclusion  of  the  examination.     It  has  the  following  form : 

"  Controversial  affairs,  in  which  are  concerned  the  Crown  of 
Sweden  and  the  Hon.  W[est  India]  Company,  taken  place  be- 
tween the  noble,  strong  and  valiant  Mr.  Johan  Printz,  author- 
ized Governor  of  New  Sweden,  on  the  one  side,  and  Mr. 
Lamberton  of  Robarch(?)  [New  Haven]  on  the  other  side, 
judged  and  pronounced  the  tenth  of  July,  1643,  '^^  Fort  Chris- 
tina in  New  Sweden."  Then  follows  the  sentence  in  three 
paragraphs,  which  is  signed  by  Christer  Boije  and  the  other 
members  of  the  court. ^® 

"The  minutes  were  kept  in  Dutch  and  the  sentence  was  also  written  in  that 
language.  A  copy  was  sent  to  Sweden  and  it  is  now  preserved  in  N.S.,  L  (R.A.). 
Copies  were  also  sent  to  New  England.  The  originals  were  probably  brought 
to  Sweden  by  Rising  and  have  been  lost.    Robarch,  Roxbury,  Mass. (?) 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  461 

On  January  16,  1644,  another  special  court  was  called  by 
Printz  to  disprove  the  accusations  made  by  Lamberton  and 
Thickpeny  and  repeated  In  Winthrop's  letters.  A  copy  of  the 
minutes  (in  Dutch)  reads  as  follows: 

"Anno  1644,  on  January  16,  the  following  things  (saken) 
were  examined  on  oath,  upon  the  letters  from  the  Governor  of 
New  England  to  the  Governor  of  New  Sweden  In  the  presence 
of  the  following  good  men : 

Gov.  Johan  Printz 

Capt.  Chrlster  Bolje 

Capt.  Mans  Kllng-^^ 

[Comm.]   Hendrick  Huygen 

[Watchmaster]    Gregorlous   van    Dyck 

[Sec.]^*^  Karl  Jansson 

Capt.  Nath.  Turner 
Isaac  AUerton." 
Gov.  Printz  presided  and  he  conducted  the  examination.  The 
minutes  were  signed  by  Nath.  Turner  and  Isaac  Allerton  and 
copies  were  sent  to  Sweden  and  to  Governor  Winthrop."*^ 
It  is  probable  that  Sven  Vass,  the  gunner  of  New  Gothen- 
borg,  was  tried  at  a  regular  court  in  1646.  In  the  opinion  of 
Printz  and  the  jury  he  was  guilty  and  a  verdict  was  given  to 
that  effect.  "On  February  8,  9,  10,  11,  anno  1647  ...  a 
legal  court  was  held  at  New  Gothenborg  in  New  Sweden  .  .  . 
[and  at  this  court]  an  Inquiry  was  made  about  what  was  con- 
sumed In  the  fire  on  the  night  of  November  25,  between  10  and 
1 1  o'clock,  when  New  Gothenborg  was  burnt."  It  Is  possible 
that  Vass  was  reexamined  at  this  court,  and  in  March  he  was 
sent  in  irons  to  Sweden,  together  with  all  records  and  minutes 
in  the  case  and  the  execution  of  the  verdict  was  referred  "  to 

'*  I  have  modernized  the  spelling  and  changed  the  order. 

*"  Cf.  Kidder,  p.  7. 

*^Cf.  above,  Chap.  XXXVI.  The  translation  printed  by  Kidder  is,  in  my 
opinion,  not  the  "  copies  referred  to  by  Winthrop  "  as  Kidder  thinks,  but  a  trans- 
lation made  for  Winthrop  from  the  Dutch  copies  sent  to  him  by  Printz.  It 
begins:  "Translated  out  of  the  Dutch  copy,"  etc. 


462  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

the  pleasure  of  Her  Royal  Majesty  and  the  Right  Hon.  Com- 
pany."^2 

Several  other  courts  are  also  on  record,  at  which  individual 
colonists  were  tried  for  misdemeanors.  The  Swedes  were  pro- 
hibited from  trading  privately  with  the  Dutch,  but  it  seems  that 
the  orders  were  not  strictly  lived  up  to,  giving  rise  to  litigations 
and  trouble.  "  Per  Gunnarsson  was  summoned  to  court  on 
a  charge  of  selling  grain  to  the  Dutch  and,  [when  he]  appeared 
before  the  court,  the  governor  asked  him  how  much  rye  he  had 
sold  to  the  Hollanders,"  pronouncing  judgment,  it  seems,  with- 
out proper  regard  to  the  jury  nor  the  hearing  of  witnesses  in 
this  case.^^  The  settlers  were  likewise  forbidden  to  sell  arms 
and  ammunition  to  the  savages.  Knut  Persson  left  a  gun  with 
Per  Kock,  requesting  him  to  sell  it  to  the  Indians.  The  gun 
was  later  stolen  by  the  savages  (or  sold  to  them).'**  News 
reached  the  governor  and  Per  Kock  was  summoned  to  answer 
at  court,  since  Persson  had  died  in  the  meantime.  If  we  are  to 
believe  a  "  complaint "  against  Printz,  presented  to  Director 
Rising  in  1654,  the  former  disregarded  the  opinion  of  the  jurors 
also  in  this  case  and  told  them  that  he  would  do,  "  not  what 
seems  [right]  to  them,"  but  what  he  wished,  [and  Per  Kock 
was  condemned]  *'to  do  work  for  the  company  for  three 
months,  on  his  own  board."  For  some  crime  or  misdemeanor, 
"  a  lawful  sentence  "  was  passed  on  Anders  the  Finn,  depriving 
him  of  a  certain  amount  of  rye,  and  imposing  other  fines. 

In  1653  there  was  much  trouble  in  New  Sweden  and  in  the 
autumn  the  situation  reached  a  crisis.  Ships  did  not  arrive, 
some  colonists  deserted  and  a  "  revolt "  arose  against  Governor 
Printz.  Several  colonists  had  real  or  imaginary  grievances 
against  the  governor.    A  written  supplication  in  eleven  articles, 

^^  Court  Rec,  N.S.,  L   (R.A.)  ;  Report,  1647,  P^^n.  Mag.,  VH.,  p.  273. 

"  "  Forklaring,"  July  7,  1654,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.). 

**The  report  submitted  to  Rising  states  that  Per  Kock  did  not  dare  to  sell  the 
gun ;  but  Persson  said,  "  when  the  governor  sells  so  many  guns,  why  should  I 
not  dare  to  sell  mine.  .  .  .  Then  the  gun  was  stolen  from  Per  Kock  by  the  sav- 
ages," "  Forklaring,"  etc. 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  463 

signed  by  twenty-two  settlers/^  was  presented  to  him  on  July 
27.  It  states  that  the  colonists  were  "  at  no  hour  or  time  secure 
as  to  life  and  property";  it  complained  that  they  were  all  pro- 
hibited from  trading  with  either  the  savages  or  Christians, 
although  the  governor  never  refrained  from  grasping  an  oppor- 
tunity of  traffic  with  these  parties;  the  governor  was  accused  of 
brutality  and  avarice  and  of  passing  judgment  in  his  own  favor 
against  the  opinions  of  the  jury;  he  was  accused  of  forbidding 
the  colonists  from  grinding  the  flour  at  the  mill  and  of  prohibit- 
ing them  the  use  of  the  "  fish-waters,  the  trees  in  the  woods,  the 
grass  on  the  ground  and  the  land  to  plant  on,  from  which  they 
had  their  nourishment."  The  petition  then  prayed  that  Anders 
the  Finn  might  be  released  from  his  fine,  "  in  order  that  his 
wife  and  children  should  not  starve  to  death." 

On  account  of  these  and  other  troubles,  the  petitioners  said, 
they  were  obliged  to  send  two  men  to  Her  Royal  Majesty  and 
the  Hon.  Company  in  the  mother  country  to  ascertain  if  they 
were  entirely  neglected  .  .  .  and  what  they  should  do,  since  they 
were  not  able  (allowed?)  to  seek  their  subsistence  in  this  coun- 
try." The  petition  kindled  the  wrath  of  the  governor.  Anders 
Jonsson,  who  appears  to  have  been  the  leader  of  the  opposition, 
was  arrested,  tried  and  "  executed  [on  a  charge  of  treachery] 
...  on  August  I,  1653."^^  Rev.  Lock  was  also  involved  in 
the  disturbance,  but  for  some  reason  his  freedom  and  office 
were  not  interfered  with. 

Two  days  after  the  execution  of  Anders  Jonsson,  the  gover- 
nor made  a  written  reply  to  the  charges.  The  petitioners  were 
addressed  as  rebels  and  their  petition  was  answered  point  for 
point.    Only  the  fur  trade  with  the  savages  was  forbidden  them 

*°  These  names  are  (in  the  order  of  their  signatures):  Mats  Hansson,  Olof 
Stille,  Axel  Stille,  Johan  Hwiler,  Hindrick  Matsson,  Ifvar  Hindricksson,  Mans 
Andersson,  Olof  Ericksson,  Hindrick  Matss[on]  the  Finn,  Valerius  Loo,  Hans 
Mansson,  Peter  Jochim,  Anders  Andersson,  Per  Rambo,  Peter  Kock,  Sven 
Gunnarsson,  Anders  Hansson,  Marten  Martensson,  Klas  Johansson,  Johan  Fysk, 
Lars  Thomasson  Bross.      Complaint  (copy),  N.S.,  L   (R.A.). 

*^  Monatg.  B.,  1642-56,  fol.  51,  81.  Anders  Jonsson  was  hired  by  Johan 
Papegoja  on  December  i,  1643,  to  serve  as  soldier  in  New  Sweden  for  a  salary 
of  4  R.D.  a  month.  He  remained  in  the  service  until  he  was  arrested,  but  he 
had  received  goods  and  cash  amounting  to  525:19  R.D.,  leaving  him  in  debt  to 
the  company  for  57:19  R.D. 


464  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

and  only  two  islands,  belonging  to  "  the  place  of  [the  gover- 
nor's] residence  "  were  set  aside  for  Printz  "  and  this  was  done 
.  .  .  before  Kingsessing  was  colonized,"  hence  they  had  no 
right  to  complain;  "every  one  was  at  liberty  to  grind  [his 
grain]  at  the  mill  for  toll,  but  only  at  certain  times,  since  the 
miller  did  not  dare  to  remain  at  the  mill  continually  on  account 
of  the  savages".  Printz  also  denied  all  other  charges,  referring 
to  the  documents,  minutes  and  judgments  for  justification  of 
his  acts  and  he  was  very  willing  to  have  two  men  sent  to  Swe- 
den, "  the  sooner  the  better." 

But  the  answer  of  course  did  not  satisfy  the  petitioners. 
They  were  silenced  for  the  time  being,  but  in  a  later  document, 
presented  the  following  year,  new  charges  were  made  and  the 
old  ones  were  repeated.  The  colonists  were  forbidden,  says  the 
document,  on  pain  of  death  to  trade  with  the  Dutch  freemen, 
"but  when  the  Hollanders  were  in  greatest  need,  the  governor 
assisted  them  himself,  with  provisions,  flour,  beer,  pork  and 
other  things  "  and  sold  large  quantities  of  beavers  to  the  Eng- 
lish for  gold  and  sent  heaps  of  beaver  skins  to  Holland. 

The  governor  was  further  accused  of  ill  treating  several  of 
the  colonists. ^'^  The  freemen  were  put  to  work  on  his  planta- 
tions; they  built  his  houses  without  remuneration;  made  planks 
which  he  appropriated  for  his  own  use;  they  harvested  his  grain 
before  their  own  and  their  sleds  were  taken  from  them  in 
harvest  time,  so  that  their  grain  was  spoiled  by  the  rain.  Such 
and  other  equally  grave  or  graver  charges  were  made ;  but  we 

"In  Paragraph  8  of  the  "Forklaring"  we  read:  "Thus  we  have  been  treated 
more  contrary  to  law  than  according  to  law.  For  example,  Clemet,  the  Finn, 
had  a  hand-mill  together  with  Anders,  Johan  and  Mans,  the  Finn.  [Later] 
Clemet  bought  the  mill  from  the  other  Finns,  and  when  he  then  got  the  mill  he 
went  after  it  and  fetched  it  to  himself  and  his  house.  As  this  [had  happened] 
he  immediately  made  it  known  to  the  governor.  Then  when  Clemet  came  to 
church  on  a  common  day  of  prayer,  the  governor  called  Clemet  to  himself  before 
the  sermon  and  asked  him,  why  he  had  taken  the  mill?  Clemet  answered:  'The 
mill  is  mine.'  Then  said  the  governor,  '  You  rascal,  shall  you  take  the  mill 
without  asking  me?'  With  this  he  seized  Clemet,  struck  him  firstly  in  the  hall 
and  followed  him  with  blows  and  strikes  until  he  fell  down  and  yet  further  he 
struck  him  on  the  ground,  so  that  he  lost  his  health  through  it.  In  addition  he 
threw  him  into  the  church,  and  the  day  after  he  let  him  be  brought  to  Christina 
into  the  chest  (prison),  where  he  lay  for  8  days.  When  he  recovered  somewhat, 
he  (the  governor)  took  him  out  and  let  him  do  work  for  some  weeks." 


Government  of  New  Sweden.  465 

must  make  some  allowance.  That  some  of  the  charges  were 
true,  goes  without  saying,  but  the  majority  were  undoubtedly 
overdrawn  or  unfounded."*^  Acrellus  gives  the  correct  view, 
when  he  says:  "That  It  is  probable  that  the  Swedes,  after  they 
came  Into  this  Canaan  and  got  a  taste  of  an  unknown  good, 
tired  of  such  labor  as  was  nothing  more  than  usual  at  home, 
and  thus  conceived  an  unmerited  hatred  to  their  governor."^^ 
Printz  discharged  his  office  as  governor  with  no  small  ability. 
He  gave  deeds  to  the  colonists,  issued  commissions  to  traders 
and  passes  and  sea  letters,  but  he  was  at  a  great  disadvantage, 
for  lack  of  proper  assistance  and  support.  He  solicited  several 
times  for  "  a  learned  and  able  man  to  administer  justice  and  to 
attend  to  the  law  business."  Very  Intricate  cases  occurred  and 
Printz  complained  "that  It  was  difficult  and  never  ought  to  be 
that  one  and  the  same  person  appear  in  the  court  as  plaintiff  as 
well  as  judge."^*^  But  no  assistant  was  sent  him,  and  he  did 
the  best  he  could  under  the  circumstances.  His  government 
was  at  times  harsh  and  probably  tyrannical;  but  It  required  a 
strong  hand  to  rule  the  rough  element.  The  majority  of  the 
colonists  were  peaceful  and  well-behaved,  but  there  were  those 
who  had  little  regard  for  law  and  order  and  who  had  to  be  kept 
in  check.  In  1650  Printz  wrote  that  there  were  not  thirty  men 
under  his  charge,  whom  he  could  trust,  and  some  time  before 
Papegoja  reported  that  "  it  was  very  hard  for  him  to  remain 
here,  for  he  received  only  rebuke  and  ingratitude  for  everything 
he  did,  and  besides  the  soldiers  cherished  secret  hatred  towards 
him  and  if  they  would  find  a  small  fault  in  him  they  would 
likely  murder  him."^^  Papegoja's  complaints  are  likely  exag- 
gerated, but  they  go  far  to  prove  that  we  must  not  take  the 
complaints  against  Printz  too  seriously.^^ 

*' Tradition  of  the  tyranny  of  Printz  lived  on  among  the  settlers  for  genera- 
tions. In  1759  Acrelius  writes:  "Some  blame  was  put  on  Printz  that  he  was  too 
strict  with  the  people,  made  slaves  of  the  Swedes,  kept  them  to  work  on  the  fort 
and  his  Tenakongh  estate.  And  although  this  talk  is  still  circulated,  it  can 
nevertheless  not  be  looked  upon  otherwise  than  as  groundless."  Beskrif.,  p.  82 
(transl.,  p.  83). 

^'^ Beskrif.,  pp.  82-3   (transl.,  83). 

"■^  Report,  1644;  Report,  1647. 

°^  Papegoja  to  Brahe,  July  15,  1644.     Skokl.  Saml.  (R.A.). 


466  The  Swedish  Settlements  on  the  Delaware. 

The  governor  was  finding  his  position  quite  untenable  in 
the  autumn  of  1653  and  at  last  he  determined  to  go  to  Sweden 
in  person  to  present  the  needs  of  the  settlement  and  began  mak- 
ing preparation  for  his  departure.  Indian  chiefs  were  called 
to  Printz  Hall  about  the  end  of  September.  Speeches  were 
made,  small  gifts  were  perhaps  distributed  among  them, 
promises  of  friendship  were  renewed  and  Printz  gave  them  the 
assurance  that  large  supplies  would  arrive  within  a  few  months, 
for  he  went  himself  to  hurry  the  preparations. 

Finally  all  arrangements  were  completed  for  his  return,  the 
people  were  called  together,  probably  farewell  services  were 
held,  after  which  he  formally  delivered  his  authority  to  Johan 
Papegoja  and  he  promised  the  colonists  that  in  ten  months^^ 
from  October  i  "  he  would  either  present  himself  there  again 
in  person  or  send  over  a  ship  with  a  cargo."  About  the  begin- 
ning of  October  he  went  to  New  Amsterdam  with  his  wife  and 
four  daughters  and  from  there  he  set  sail  on  a  Dutch  vessel, 
thinking  that  he  would  arrive  in  Sweden  in  about  two  months.^* 
Hendrick  Huygen  and  about  twenty-five  settlers  and  soldiers 
also  left  the  colony  with  Printz. 

'^Cf.  the  complaints  made  against  Stuyvesant,  Kieft  and  other  governors  of 
New  Netherland.      Doc,  I.,  Jameson,  Nar.  of  N.  Neth. 

"In  a  letter  to  Beier,  February  14,  1654,  Printz  wrote  that  he  promised  the 
people  that  "  12  manader  racknadt  ifran  den  i  Febr.  skulle  [han]  wara  hoos  deem 
vthi  Nye  Swerige  igen,"  N.S.,  I.   (R.A.)- 

^*  There  is  some  doubt  about  the  time  of  his  departure  from  New  Sweden. 
Acrelius  says  it  took  place  in  1652.  This  was  corrected  by  Hazard  (p.  139)  and 
Sprinchorn  (p.  47),  the  latter  stating  that  "Printz  left  the  colony  in  the  begin- 
ning of  November."  Printz  writes  in  one  letter  that  he  was  at  sea  for  ten 
weeks,  before  he  landed  in  France;  he  remained  in  France  six  weeks,  was  five 
weeks  on  his  way  to  Amsterdam,  where  he  arrived  on  February  7.  Hence, 
counting  21  weeks  backwards  from  February  7,  we  will  arrive  at  the  middle  of 
September,  as  the  time  of  his  leaving  New  Sweden.  But  Printz  is  very  indefinite 
and  not  consistent  in  his  statements.  In  another  letter  he  says  he  was  "  at  sea 
for  three  full  months  on  account  of  contrary  winds."  This  would  place  the 
time  of  his  departure  from  New  Sweden  about  September  1.  But  from  other 
circumstances  it  is  clear  that  he  did  not  leave  the  colony  before  October.  On 
October  i  he  issued  a  sea-letter  for  Cornelius  and  on  the  seventh  Stuyvesant  wrote 
in  his  behalf  to  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  probably  at  the 
request  of  Printz,  as  he  was  preparing  to  leave  (and  the  letter  was  perhaps  sent 
on  the  ship,  that  carried  Printz  to  Europe).  Letters  from  Printz  to  Brahe  and 
Oxenstierna,  December  r,  1653,  February  8,  1654,  April  4,  1654,  to  Beier, 
February  14,  1654,  Ox.  Saml,  Skokl.  Saml.,  N.S.,  L  (R.A.).  Hazard,  p.  139; 
Doc,  XII.     Cf.  below  and  above.